international Wesson, THE SUNDAY SCHOOL. LESSON IX, SECOND QUARTER, INTERNATIONAL SERIES, JUNE 2. Text of the LeK?on, Heb. lx, 11-14, 24-28?Memory Verses. 24-2(i?Golden Text, Ileb. vil. 25?Commentary Prepared by the Rev. D. M. Stearns, [Copyright, 1901, by American Press Association.] 11. "But Christ being come an high iriest of good things to come by a greater and more perfect tabernacle not made with hands." The Holy Spirit ia this epistle dwells upon the excellency of the Son of Uod, the brightness or tne raher's glory and the express image of Ilia person, better and higher tliau angels, than Moses, than Melchisedcc, than Aaron, than Joshua, than the tabernacle with all its ritual, than all the sacrili -tv, for He Himself is the true tabernacle and the true sacrifice, of which all others were only typical. A high priest on the right hand of the throne of the Majesty in the heavens, a minister of the true tabernacle which the Lord pitched and no: man (chapter viii, 1, 2). The ,v?d things to come, of which He is a high priest. , are also mentioned in chapters x. 1: xi. 20, and shall be fully seen and enjoyed in the ages to come when lie will showlie exceeding riches of His grace ia Ilis kindness toward us through Christ Jesus (Eph. ii, 7). 12. "By His own blood lie entered ia once into the holy place, having obtained eternal redemption for us." Everything about the tabernacle, which Moses was repeatedly instructed to make according to the pattern showed to him in the mount (chapter viii, 5: Ex. xxv, 9. 40, ot al.), spoke of Christ and His sufferings and glory, ot. as it is written in Ps. xxix, 9, margin, "In His temple every whit o* it uttereth His glory." The blood taken within the vail once a year for the high priest himself as well as for the people (verse 7 and Lev. xvi) pointed to His Atr-n nKu^inno KIaaH n-liiph TTo hflQ once for hi! and which takes away not the sins of a year, but all sins forever, " for the blood of Jesus Christ cleanseth from all sin tl John i, 7: Kev. i. 5: John , xiii. IOj. lie has not obtained for us redemption for a week or a month or a year, but eternal redemption. lie gives to His sheep eternal life, and they shall never perish; neither can any pluck them out of His hand (John x, 27-21)). lie Himself is our redemption, and apait from Him there is none (Eph. i. 7: I Cor. I, 30; Acts iv, 12). 13, 14. "How much more shall the blood of Christ surge your conscience : from dead works to serve the living God?" There was a ceremonial cleansing by the blood of the sacrifices, but ( nothing ever took away sin but the blood l of Christ, to which all the sacrifices j pointed. The ashes of a heifer take us j back to Num. xix and the wondrous and 1 most significant ordinance of "the red J heifer." which should have a most prayerful study. But the only real cleansing, either from sin or from defilement, by the way. in this wilderness journey, is by the j blood of Him who by the Eternal Spirit offered Himself a sacrifice to God for our sins?a lamb without blemish and with- ; out spot (I Pet. 1, 19). Do let us give earnest heed to what is here taught that we are not redeemed to be taken at once to heaven, but to abide here to serve the living God. or. as it is written in I Thess. 1. 0. 10. "to serve the living and true God and to wait for His Son from heaven." With the wicked works of the ungodly the believer is supposed to have forever done, but all works of the believer, however good in themselves, if not wrought ' by the Floly Spirit are only dead works, : they profit nothing (I Cor. iii, 15). 24. "Christ is entered into heaven it- , self, now to appear in the presence of j God for us." That we. having obtained , life in Him. shall continue to live is be- j cause he ever liveth to make intercession 1 for us (chapter vii. 25). As He said, 1 "Because I live, ye shall live also" (John 1 xiv. 19). or as it is written in Rom. v, 10, "Being reconciled to God by the death of j His Son, we shall be saved by His life." We have in heaven a Great High Priest ] who is touched with the feeling of our j infirmities, having been in all points < tempted like as we are, yet without sin, j and to Him we may come boldly and < find in Him always the mercy and grace that we need (chapter iv, 14-10). Let us j lay up in our hearts and hold fast these j precious words, "In the presence of God ( for me," and also the words in Rom. viii. ( 34, "At the right hand of God for me." \ 25, 20. "Now once in the end of the < world hath He appeared to put away sin by the sacrifice of Himself." We have ] in these closing verses of this chapter what some have called His three appear- ] ings?in humiliation to put away sin, now ' in the presence of God for us and, as we , shall find in the last verse, His appear- , ing to bring the fullness of His salvation, His kingdom?two appearings on earth and one in heaven. It was at the end ol i the age preceding this and at the begin- ( ning of this age that He came to give 1 Himself a sacrifice for sin. At the end ' of this age He will come the second time, and during all this age He is in , the presence of God for us. We cannot I dwell too 'much upon the great truth of i the sacrifice of Himself. "Ilia own self bore our sins in His own body on the tree." "He was wounded for our transgressions, He was bruised for our iniqui- ' ties." "The Lord laid upon Him the iniquity of us all." "Christ hath redeemed us from the curse of the law, being made a curse for us." "He gave Himself for our sins." "The Son of God loved me and gave Himself for me" (I Pet ii. 24; Isa. iiii, 5, 0; Gal. iii, 13; i, 4; ii, 20). 27. 28. "Unto them that look for Him shall lie appear the second time without sin unto salvation." Only two, so far as we know, have thus far escaped or been excused from the appointment to die, but when He shall come to the air for Hia people all the redeemed then alive on the earth shall, like Enoch and Elijah, be taken without dying, changed in a moment (I Thess. iv, 1G, 17; I Cor. xv, 51, 52). In due time all shall come to judgment, either at the judgment seat of Christ or the great white throne, for every one of us must give account of himself to God (Rom. xiv, 10-12; Rev. xx, 11, 12). The salvation for which Ho will come must be that of the bodies of His saints from the power of the grave or the salvation of all Israel as a nation (Rom. xiii, 11; xi. 20; Luke xxi, 28). Salvation, the forgiveness of sins, the life eternal. Is the possession of every true believer now: we are day by day to work out or make the best possible use of that salvation; we wait for the redemption of the body, so that our personal ' salvation may be said to be threefold. ' But there is also the salvation of all Israel. and after that the salvation of nntious (Rev. xxi, 24). x- The hypocrite never tries to behave himself unless he thinks he is he- ( ing watched. X::' The man who is willing to learn one thing at a time will soon know ' much. t'y It is always best for a man to keep 1 his temper. No one else wants it. FUIIRIN AT JMMII, (Continued from First page). I would not have had the courage to dc it, had I not felt that my vote was absolutely necessary; but realizing the far-reaching effect and the fearful responsibility, I cast my vote accordingly. I have never seen the day when 1 regretted it, and my children will remember it, after I am dead, with pleasure and pride, as the most glorious act of my life. Expansion. I will not undertake to demonstrate the wisdom of expansion, but will content myself by simply saying that we are a nation of expansionists. We have expanded during the last IOC years on this continent from 800,000 tc i.000,000 square miles. Expansion is the bed-rock of Democracy. Thomas Jefferson, the first expansion president, added 1,122,000 square miles to out aroa The nntlPYflUnn Of Texas. Cal ifornia, Arizona, New Mexico and Nevada were by Democratic administrations. Andrew Jackson would today be denounced as an imperialist by the very same people who eat "Jackson day" dinners and worship at his shrine, Old Hickory said on this subject, "] have thought with the ancient Roman, that it is right never to cede any territory within the boundary of the Republic. but always to add to it by honorable treaty, thus extending the area of freedom. All this talk about imperialism is bosh. The people understand it as the cry of "wolf," when there is no wolf. When Mr. Bryan abandoned the money question and attempted to substitute "Imperialism," he stood about as much chance of being elected as a split-foot bull frog did of kicking all the water out oi Lake Michigan. At least, that is the opinion of a friend of mine. The price paid for the islands has been given as an objection. This is absurd. England, France, Germany, Russia, or Japan would pay ten times as much tc occupy our position in the Philippine islands. Lying as they do along the Asiatic coast, they are the gateway tc the Orient. The people of the South are vitally interested in the trade oi China. So far, we have only touched one of the provinces. Minister Wu, the other night in Charlotte, told of the teeming millions in South China, and said the great problem was to clothe the people. They are forced to use silk to make their clothes, but that this was expensive and almost an impossibility. I am told that for fear of wearing them out, the Chinese very rarely wash their clothes. I have heard it wittily said that the chief difference u ~ r?u;?Aea tV?n Tono nooc UCIWCCII UIC VI1IUC0C auu l ii v uu?/u**vuv is. that the former never wash their clothes, and the latter never wash their body. I believe it was Mr. Wu who said the other night, to teach the Chinese to wear cotton shirts and then get the emperor to issue an edict to make the tails only one inch longer, and the cotton crop of the South would be exhausted by that one inch, and none left for Europe. If any argument was needed to show the importance of these markets, the effect of recent troubles in China is sufficient. Cotton goods are stacked up in the warehouses unsalable, and when the best judges thought last fall that cotton would be twelve and one-half to fifteen cents per pound, it has declined more than three cents. I am an expansionist?1 favor the political, commercial and religious expansion of our country. This is along the line of progress. We cannot attain a certain growth and then stand still. As in the individual, so in the nation. We either move forward towards perfection, or backwards towards decay. There are certain crises in the life of every man which seized leads to success; let them pass and the chance is lost forever. The capacity to take advantage of opportunity constitutes the difference between the man who succeeds and the one who fails, and so it is with nations. We have grandly seized our opportunities, and I for one am in favor of pushing it to the limit. During the past century we have been absorbed in testing the great question of constitutional representative government and the development of America. The time has now come when we must have foreign trade, and not merely subsidiary to aur industrial development at home, but as necessary to our continued prosperity. Our resources and population demand world-wide avenues of trade, and we cannot separate the commercial and political elements involved. What are we to do with our surplus products? This is the question engaging the attention of all the civilized nations of the earth. The only field un occupied is in the Orient. I believe that the time is near at hand when the cotton trade of the South will be with the Drient. When our commerce on the Atlantic will be insignificant compared with that on the Pacific. Minister Wu gave us some valuable information at Charlotte. Our manufacturers are reaching out for this trade, and what better can I do as your senator than help them. No state will reap a richer reward than South Carolina, with all the water power and manufacturing development in the Piedmont region, and with three su"h harbors as Charleston. Georgetown and Port Royal. How can I better serve the farmers of this state? They will share in the benefits of this trade. Here is the United States midway between Europe and Asia. Almost an island when the canal is cut?with the Gulf of Mexico on the south and the Great Lakes on the north: the Atlantic on one side and the Pacific on the other, and with the people of two continents bidding for our products, the possibilities dazzle the imagination. It is no idle dream. 1 believe that most of the people within the sound of my voice will live to see it realized. We have become a Pacific power with 5,000 miles of coast on that ocean: with the Hawaiian islands and Aleutian islands as resting places, and the Philippines as a key to the "Open Door." we are the only nation strong enough to compel Russia, with her trans-Siberian railroad, to respect the integrity of the Chinese empire. As long as the United States and Japan say "No," the Chinese empire must remain intact and the door be left open to our products. When I think of how strangely it has all come about. I cannot but believe that the hand of God is guiding this government, and that he has watched over and directed us along the path where lie greatness, peace and prosperity. I cannot undertake to discuss the question of a government for these outlying possessions. We have settled other problems of a more complex nature, =? r T i. * U4- ? nAl.. ci I 111 I I rill IltIL UUl UHICVr 111(11 cl WIUtion will be found just, humane and satisfactory to all concerned. My vote on the army hill has been attacked. Not the First Time South Carolina linn Kitten Above Party. It was along the line of supporting the foreign policy of this government. Let me say right here, that I am not the first congressman from South Carolina who has voted against his party and supported the president when it came to a question of a foreign war. Three of the greatest men that South Carolina has ever produced. Calhoun, Lowndes and Choves. supported the government against their party during the war of 1X12. Cheves used these words, which T repeat from the bottom of my heart: "Irrespective of party, for the great interest of the nation." In connection with the fight now in progress against me. the first protective tariff hill ever introduced was by a South Carolina representative. Lowndes. and advocated by Mr. Calhoun in one of the greatest speeches of his life. This is not the first time that our gallant little state has risen above section and acted for the interest of the nation, The army bill provided for a maximum of 100,000 men and a minimum ol 65.000, and between these amounts the discretion was left to the president. At that time the insurrection was in progress, and my common sense told me there was but one of two things to do, Either put enough men in the field tc crush the rebellion, or quit and come home. I believed in the former plan and so voted. > Fellow citizens, there is a great deal . of claptrap talked even in the United i States senate. About one-half of those . mournful speeches on the great dangei . of "Imperialism" and "Militarism' ; were for home consumption and the . most of them were made after a com. fortable beefsteak and a bottle ol ; "Mumm's Extra Dry." I see that since the rebellion is over, the president says that he will take the minimum amount, Surely, fellow citizens, I could afford ! to trust a man on a question of thai ' kind whom the people of the United ! States had elected to the presidency Why not exercise a little common 1 sense?it is a simple application of the ' rule of three. If an army of 30,000 men ! is required for a population of 35,000,. * - * z*r AAA maam 4-r\f UUU peopie, is an army ul uu,uuu men tw ; much for a nation of 76,000,000? Congress has for four years been spending ' money along the caosts and buying ex' pensive guns, and absolutely many oi ; them are lying out and rusting foi want of men. { The Subsidy Bill. Now, fellow citizens, this brings me to the much discussed subsidy bill. Ir . the first place, it is astonishing to me what a misconception there is as tc this matter. There has never been a vote on the subsidy bill, and yet, ever i my good friend, General Butler, whom I love like a father, speaks of "McLau rin's vote on the subsidy bill." There i never was a vote on the subsidy bill ' and it was well understood at the time ; that I made my speech that there wrould not be a vote at that session. II I desired to deceive the people and pla> ' an unworthy part, I might just as wel] have kept silent and not had that is sue in this campaign; but I felt thai the people should be educated on this i important measure. My vote was oi no practical value under any circum stances, because, If it could have ? been brought to a vote, there was a ! majority of 18 to 20 in favor of the bill I did not intend just at that time tc 1 make a set speech on the bill. I arose i in my seat to present the resolutior of the Cotton Spinners' association, anc I before I knew it I had drifted into a speech on the general principles of the : bill. What is known as the Hannal Payne bill has already been changec so much that the authors of the bill ; would not know it if they met in the 1 road. There was at the time a greal ; many amendments pending, and nobodv ever knows what a bill of thai sort will be until it passes the I conference committee between the 1 two houses. This bill never went so fai ! as to get to a vote, let alone a confer' ence. So far as I am concerned I do nol i profess to be a master of the subject i When you enter the realm of ocear ' freights, with the relative cost ol 1 high knot and low knot speed, tonage 1 and wages, it takes an expert to understand it. Senator Frye is a verj able man, and I do not believe there is a more honest one in the American congress. He has devoted 25 years to the study of these questions. and yet I have no doubt that yot i could find some members of the South Carolina legislature who never saw e 1 bigger ship than a canoe on a mil pouu, wiiu kiiuw mure umii ncuaiui 1 Frye. or anybody else, on the subjecl | of shipping and ocean freights. Only n "Steal" When Not Coming I Their Wny. One of the great objections to the 1 subsidy is they call it a "steal." Well 1 fellow citizens, that is a very poor ar1 gument; opponents of the river anc harbor, postofflce, or any other bill car 1 make the same charge. I was a little I amused to see the head lines of The 1 News and Courier, "The Ship Subsldj Steal." when in the same week the mayor of Charleston and the editor ol ! that paper were in Washington want' ing $9,000,000 spent on a naval station * and a subsidy of a quarter of a millior for the exposition. It seems that a subsidy is only a "steal" when it is not coming their way. By such foolish de' nunciations of the subsidy principle il has been difficult to get a fair consideration. Talk about lobbies. There nev1 er was a more powerful lobby in Washington than that opposed to the sub' sidy formed by the great trans-continental railroads and the foreign steamship owners. I may say something later on this subject which will embarrass some people, but will refrain ai this time. There is nothing in the principle of the bill itself which involves stealing, defrauding the government or sectional advantages. There may have been some abuses in grantiner subsidies when it was in the ex perimental stages, but there is no reason now why there should be abuses In the administration of any law there is a chance of abuse, and yet the law may be a good one. the abuses being merely incident to its execution. This is what the friends of prohibition and the dispensary each claim. Subsidies are no new theory in the South. Conventions were held during the 20 years preceding the war to encourage the building up of the commerce and industries of the South. Hayne, Calhoun and McDuffie were leading spirits 1 in these enterprises. The establishment of railroad and steamship lines by government aid was advocated. South Carolina subsidized railroads before the war. Two million dollars were given to construct the Blue Ridge road, which has never been completed. 1 1 think I can say that nearly every line of road constructed in this state before the war was subsidized, either directly or indirectly. The legislature of Louisiana granted a subsidy of $5 per ton for every vessel of more than 100 tons built in the state. Alabama gave $4 a ton, and exempted from taxation all goods imported into the state from foreign countries. The National government connected the Atlantic and the Pacific by subsidizing railroads and by this policy we have unequaled railroad faculties, ana nave aeveiopea nur interstate traffic to such an extent that we are now forced to seek an outlet for our surplus products. All that is proposed, is to follow in developing our foreign trade the same principles that have suceeded in our internal development. Is there anything new or strange in this? It is good common ( business sense. What difference ir principle is there between the state government subsidizing railroads, and the Federal government steamship lines? AVIint Doom Itrynn Tliink of IIIm Political Pnrtner of IKSMi f I have in my hand an article advocating subsidies by Mr. Sewall, who was on the Bryan ticket in 1X96. I would like to know what Mr. Bryan thinks t of the "Democracy of his recent political partner, since he has attacked mine." Twenty years ago, when we wished to develop manufacturing ir South Carolina, did we not subsidize every cotton mill by exempting it from taxation? What progressive town 01 ; county has not subsidized railroads 01 other enterprises essential to its de velopment? I never saw an individual, who ever amounted to anything, who was afraid to spend money or himself, and so it is with towns, counties, states and governments. Voting SiiltsiilicN to IlnilrondM ninl Newspaper*. Why should the Southern people, in the face of these facts, repudiate the spirit of go years ago? Whata gross inconsistency for senat2JUfr.',a7id representatives to denounce the subsidy principle and endeavor to arouse the prejudices of the people, when nearly every one of thein from the South each year votes a subsidy to the Southern railroad for carrying the fast mail to New Orleans. Why, fellow citizens, they voted for a postoffice appropriation bill at the last session, with a subsidy of $35,000,( 000 for carrying the mails. It is really : a subsidy to the magazines and news papers of the country, for the receipts ( are that much less than the expendi. tures for that class of mall. A subsidy > of nine millions per year is much more ! defensible, in my judgment, in the dei velopment of our foreign trade. We spend millions of dollars building na1 val vessels, useful only in times of I war, why not build vessels useful both i in war and peace? Every vessel ac ceptlng the subsidy is a part of the ' navy in time of war. The question is i not as to the principle of the subsidy bill, that is a part of our established ' policy, both state and national, but it i is whether this particular subsidy is i for the general welfare. Is it expedi, ent? Is it wise? and I shall devote a I few moments to this aspect of the case. : There was a time when, by govern1 ment aid and encouragement, we had . a merchant marine, and carried 90 per i cent, of our products abroad. Last ; year only 9 per cent, was carried in i American bottoms. Why is this? I - Europe vm. United State*. It is because in this contest of Eu' rope against the United States, foreign ship-owners get a subsidy from their government of $26,000,000 besides the ' advantage of lower wages, and have thus driven the American flag from the high seas. We pay this subsidy to the foreign ships in increased freight rates ! over and over again. We are drained 1 of two hundred millions a year which * we pay foreign vessels In freights. No ' other country could stand such a drain. L After all, then, we are paying a sub1 sidy, and hence it is a question of 1 whether we will subsidize American or " foreign vessels. It is useless for me to discuss before this intelligent audience the importance of our foreign trade. If Europe and the United States are to be competitors in the markets of the world, can we afford to put ourselves entirely in their hands? The power to 1 fix freight rates gives them the power ' to fix the price of our cotton, wheat ana manuracturea proaucis. * Suppose there should be a general European war, and the merchant ma" rine of England, Germany and Nor! way was pressed In for transport serL vice. What would be the effect on cot ton and cotton goods? I tell you. that ' you would see cotton hauled into the * streets of Greenville, and not sold at ' three cents, but simply hauled back ' home. There would be no buyers, beL cause there would be no ships to carry ! cotton or cotton goods abroad, business J of all kinds would languish, and there would be failures on every hand. Con1 ditions have changed. Before the war ; we were buyers abroad, now we are : sellers. We are asking foreigners not " to exchange products, but to come here t to buy. Nothing would suffer in- case i of a European war like cotton. They ! would have to come here to buy wheat, corn, bacon, mules and horses, as Eng" land did in the Boer war, but they t could do without cotton for a year or so. All the ships would be needed for J war uses. Foodstuffs high and no sale for cotton, what could hurt the South * worse? What, then, is more depend" ent on American ships than the cotton r crop? 1 Does any man of common sense sup! pose in this great contest for the trade of the Orient, that the ships of Ger many and England are going to give 1 us the same advantages that they do 1 their own merchants? As Mr. ThurL ber, of New York, recently said, "Ev1 ery ship is a missionary of trade, and steam lines work for their own counts triesjustasrailway lines work for their terminal points. It is as absurd for the ; United States to rely upon foreign ships to distribute her goods, as it would be for one business house to rely upon the wagons of a competing house . to make its deliveries." There is no section so vitally interested in ships as I the South. Why, Charleston, Mobile ' and New Orleans should rival New - York, so far as harbors are concerned. i We have already felt the benefits of r our Asiatic trade, and in its lies the possibilities of our future, but we must f have cheap freight, rapid transporta tion and the prestige of the American . flag over our own ships. Our Southern I nnrts are discriminated acrainst bv the i- same great railroads that are fighting t the opportunity for an American mer chant marine. We must have a South- { ern commerce, not a Southern trade. | That same influence has prevented the construction of the Nicaraguan canal, and I predict that there will be no ca nal until its friends and the advocates of a merchant marine join forces and work in harmony. The two are insep erable. They will either fail together or succeed together. When that time comes, freights will move north and south, instead of east and west. Our ports will be the gateway, and the south will develop with unequalled ra pidity. Cannot any man of sense see that the money power headed by C. P. Huntington and Hill, with great rail way systems running east and west, do not want freights deflected south? With this change, the Seaboard, Coast ' Line and Southern would rival in ' greatness the three trans-continental s lines. The producer of raw material 1 will prosper, just in proportion to the ' demand for his product. All that our Southern people have to do now is to ' be wise and conservative, and favor the great public measures looking to the promotion of the material and indus trial interests of the country and the ' honor and glory of the nation. . Do Your Own Thinking. Fellow citizens, with so many things to talk about, it has not been possible ; for me to do more than skim the sur, face, but I hope I have been so fortu: nate as to excite a desire on your part i to investigate for yourself and not to t let some old moss-back, who does not ' know that the war has ended, do your thinking. These are practical, vital isi sues. As your senator, I have frankly J !il mUAMA AHA . siaieu my pusmuii. xncic aic mu . sides to these questions. I respect an I honest difference of opinion, but no man can impugn my motives successfully. Not An Antomnton. I never could answer the ends of an . automaton in politics or business. I ; yield to the dictation of no man. It Is characteristic of a Scotchman to think , and act for himself. I have asserted and will always assert my personal and ; political individuality. I have blazed ! out my own path more than once in . county, state and national politics, and , followed it without regard to popular , applause. I made "Peace and unity" . very popular once in this state?too I popular, in fact,?for some of those , who once denounced the "Leader of the Movement," now grovel in the dust at the feet of their old-time foe, humbly content with the curses that fall from his lips, for the sake of the few crumbs that drop from the table. | ItefiiMCN to Preach the Gn*pel of , DcMitnir. If re-elected, as far as in me lies, my voice and vote will be used in behalf of those measures which make for human progress and human happiness in the present world: measures which will unite and knit men into a wider recognition of the brotherhood of man. My voice will go, not to invoke party prejudice and party passion, not to preach a gospel of despair, not to help create bitterness, but to assist in its elimination. The rancor of party prejudice, the foment of party spirit, the agitation for I public spoils and selfish ends, these are the fetters that clog, the manacles that impede our national development, and i threaten our national life. A t 'o in in Inm if in to Study China Important to tlio South. When a measure is before congress proposing the creation of a non-partisan commission of trained business men to visit China, to investigate and report how wider markets for American products may be obtained among the 800,000,000 of people who live in that portion of the globe, a measure which would be of more benefit to the cotton growers and cotton spinners of the South than almost any single economic measure ever introduced into congress, shall I blindly follow the lead of the modern apostles of Democracy and vote against it because the measure originates upon the Republican side, and because a Republican president would have the naming of such commission? For one, I have a higher conception, not alone of my privilege, but my duty, to stand by and advance by every honorable effort the interests of those people through whose favors I have a place in the halls of legislation. When to be a successful politician one must cater alone to prejudice and follow blind passion in its leadership, I shall, even if taunted by the latter-day saints of Democracy, prefer to believe that my conduct is in strict accord with the policies of those grand old Democratic heroes of the past, who in their day and age, gifted with patriotism and wisdom, made the Democratic party known throughout the nation as the party of progress as well as the party of power. In ProNperlty So Frljrtitfnl n Plinn- * torn ? Whenever prosperity is so frightful a phantom that I must either get scared at that phantom or stand by the issues that promote prosperity, you need not fear that I shall dodge. Whenever certain "latter-day saints" attempt to force me to the acceptance of the doctrine that a dead issue of the past is a vital force in the living present, I shall make my personal protest. Whenever, to be an acceptable Democrat, according to the definition of a party led by Allen, Pettigrew and Teller, I must attack and oppose every man and measure that is not marching backward, I shall reserve to myself the right to state that South Carolina turns her face with hope and courage towards the future. Whenever, in the face of a pending political contest, one must have a cold chill each time cotton goes from five to 12 cents or wheat to a dollar a bushel; each time cattle or hogs go up a cent a pound; each time he reads an advance of ten per cent, in wages; each time he sees a notice in the paper of "Men Wanted" in our great industrial army; each time that an old, lingering mortgage Is cancelled: each time that he sees a new roof put upon the house and a few more comforts for the old mother at the fireside; each time he sees the burdens of domestic toil lightened for the weary wife, to be compelled to have a chill for fear Mr. Bryan's chances would be hindered by each and all of these varied circumstances during the last three or four years, would have kept me in a perpetual shiver. For myself, rather than be a sufferer '< from an imaginary ague, I shall prefer < to glory in these evidences of prosperity and happiness, rather than conjure them up as specters, even if some politician's chances are thereby lessened. When to be approved by the 'latterday saints of Democracy" as a consist- . ent party man, one must turn his back to the rising sun and watch alone its setting, and when, instead of viewing . the glories of the morning, he must ' conjure up the phantoms of night, I shall rest content to place my faith in ' those immortal principles, which the fathers of Democracy promulgated at f the formation of our government, and ] which have been sealed by the devo- 1 tion of patriotic men and consecrated ] by the blood of heroes. j When marching from a condition of misery, when fleeing from a land of { Sodom, must one needs look back with yearning? When, like the chosen of God, escap- ( ing from the task masters of Egypt, ! and marching towards the land of j promise, flowing with milk and honey. J with wealth of corn, vine and olives, j abounding in fatness, must we still attemnt to satisfy the morbid cravings of 1 that appetite which yet yearns for the flesh-pots of Egypt? Give the Vouiir Men of the South a Chance. When pig iron was stacked up in the yards at Chattanooga and Birmingham, unsalable at $6 per ton, furnaces cold, men idle, and I now find furnaces blazing, yards empty, men working, and customers knocking at the door to buy that iron at prices which have ranged from $16 to $20 per ton. When, instead of four cents, I sold my cotton this year, at 11, shall I, as a loyal citizen of this glorious Southland, with the visions of the greatness that lie before her, standing as she does at the open door of opportunity, shall I follow the leadership of a Pettigrew, Altgeld, or a Tillman; or shall I exert every honorable effort in my power to make the present measure of prosperity but as a faint glimpse of the coming morn, compared with the splendor of the sun at its meridian? Am I to be turned from my course, conscious of the absolute unselfishness of my purpose, to do all that may lie in my power for the welfare and happiness of the people whom I love; am I to be deterred from my course, because some political wolves are heard howling upon my track? I see before me a mother, who over 1 and again has with bowed head and in- ' finite yearning asked herself. "How 1 may I so rear my son that he may go out into the world and achieve sue- I cess?" This has been a sterner problem l in the South than in the North. The 1 diversity of manufacturing industries * has left the avenues of success wide i open for the young men of the North, 1 while to the young men of the South 1 there have been but few avenues open to ' those rightful ambitions which fire the < heart of every youth. I would, if in 1 my power, before I am called home 1 from my labors, promote a condition < where I might see these boys?one, per- i haps the president of a great factory, t the other perhaps the treasurer or secretary. another the manager, and per- < haps the other as the sales agent?es tablishing markets for South Carolina products throughout the world. All men cannot be lawyers, clergymen or 4 bankers, but every boy with the train- " ing of a good mother, and the educa- ( tion afforded by our public schools, has . a reasonable right to aspire to the ( proudest positions of eminence in the 4 world, financial, industrial and com- " mercial. I would, If in my power, pro- J mote that condition where your sons J might go out into the broad avenues of ( life with every impending barrier torn a down, where the boy upon the poorest ' farm in South Carolina, or the son of i the least paid operative at the mill, ] could march out with hope and cour- ( age, and having been taught those , i/vn/?Avin #-? * !-?<-? ?v\At Viof'o Lr n oo whlfh I icaauiin at nic Iiiumci a i\uv\, ?* must ever be his guiding star, find that opportunity for success and eminence which his qualities command. With the great race problem, which has for so many years confronted us, happily settled, as I said at Charlotte, "why should we be miserable slaves of one party, or a football for the other?" Let it be understood that the industrial and commercial interest of the South I come before the interest of any politician. I cannot believe that narrowness, bigotry, prejudice or the arts of the wily politician, should be permitted to swerve us from a course which leads to the attainment of those objects, which bring in their train blessings to every farm and every fireside, to every hearth and home, in our grand old commonwealth. Why should the achievement of some narrow political ambition stop the young men of the South from the opportunity of winning the same success which is open to the young men of the North? Some twelve years ago a boy of German parentage, just out of a little school near Pittsburg, went to work in an iron mill. Quick, active, willing, obliging, he was soon promoted to a position in the drafting office. A short time afterwards he was promoted as assistant foreman, then as foreman, then as superintendent, then as manager, then as president, and ^ today he stands as president of i the largest corporation that the f world has ever known, and by com- * non report draws a salary of $1,000,000 tl >er year. This Is an extreme case; but b nerely an example of thousands and a en of thousands of similar cases in the w forth. I cannot believe that there are h ligher intelligence, greater capacity or r? ruer worth, to be found anywhere ei han among the youth of our state, w Che difference arises alone from condi- si ions and environment. d What father or mother, what good, d >atriotic citizen, what Christian man, d hen, would censure me, realizing as I lo the marvellous advantages that C South Carolina possesses for manufac- n uring, and recognizing the infinite pos- 1 libilities of development, if I hope that c, hat development shall come speedily is a blessing to you and yours. G Can there be a commercial triumph, A in industrial success, that will not jring pleasure to my heart? I believe a hat the intelligence and the Christian w patriotism of the people of this state r< vill rise to a conception of our grand a possibilities. If my life shall be pre- k served to witness this marvellous tri- g imph, do you think the attacks made o lpon me by selfish, ignorant men, with h heir own purposes to serve, will not be h 'orgotton, or, at least, the wounds they a nay leave will have healed, and even P :hose who condemn today will join b * - . V. _ Iv, ivnn me in a. snuui ui uiaiinssinue :hat will stir every heart capable of s ofty sentiment. e Fellow Citizens: Before I close I desire to say something in defense of a d listinguished gentleman of the state of c Jeorgia. After I made my speech in e Charlotte, I received several hundred s etters of congratulation from promi- i: lent Democrats in every state south of n Mason and Dixon's line. Among them s ill there was one letter that had such li i ring of truth about it, that I wrote o ind requested permission to publish it. 1 It was from the chairman of the rail- t road commission of the state of Geor- ! jia. As soon as this letter appeared in t he public prints, the politicians began d the same attacks upon Mr. Crenshaw J that they were making upon me. A t politician out of office wants only suffi- t ilent agitation to get in. Then he t ivants political stagnation to enable a him to continue in office. Mr. Cren- s shaw does not belong to this petty 1 ilass. These newspapers charge that t Mr. Crenshaw is seeking my aid to se- t ?ure a Federal appointment. I de- f nounce the assertion as an absolute t falsehood, as I have never seen Mr. Crenshaw. The only letter that I have t iver received from him that has not t oeen republished I now hold in my 1 hands. This letter will touch the I hearts of every father and mother in t this broad land. I make no apology ' for reading this patriotic gentleman's c letter, it is so pathetic and breathes 1 the spirit of a noble, chivalric soul, b that it will absolutely stamp as false c inything of a sordid nature in connec- t tion with him. t Letter of Mr. Crennliaw. , State Capitol, j Office of Railroad Commission of Geor- r gia, T. C. Crenshaw, Chairman. a May 17, 1901. v Hon. John L. McLaurin, Bennettsviile, \ S. C.: . I My Dear Sir: The publication of my i etter to you of the 25th ult., endorsing r pour Charlotte speech, has heaped upon v me a storm of abuse and misrepresen- l tatlon in this state. This is to be re- I ^retted more on account of the dogmatic condition that it evidences, than e for any harm that it can bring upon me. In order that you may read and see for yourself how unjustly I have c been assailed, simply for having the e courage to express my honest convic- s dons, I hand you herewith clippings c 'rom "several Georgia papers. I espe- I o nntlrvn f Vio nilf _ n JltLliy 1UVUC JUUi atlCliiiVH IV HIV < ageous publications In the Evening v Mews' issue of the 15th., instant, head- s ined "Capitol Democrats Hot at Cren- c shaw." You will observe in this pub- v ication I am charged with ulterior t notives; that I am seeking a Federal s ippointment, and am counting on your v ?upport. I entertained the views I ex- o Dressed in your letter long before I n ?iew anything as to what your line of h DOlicy in the United States senate t vould be upon any question. I can e Droduce personal letters showing that o [ wrote to friends in Ohio and New \ Fork on the subject of Mr. Bryan and c lis platform, in which I expressed my- v ?elf more extremely than I did in either t if my letters to you. I have on differ- a int occasions, in private conversations m vith friends, made statements similar :o those contained in my letters to f rou. I stand by all I have written, re- I jardless of what they may say, and here is no power on earth that can Irive me from my position. If any nan in America is to be allowed to vrite to say what he thinks of Mr. Bryan and his absurd cry of imperial- 5 sm, without being branded as a trait>r, I certainly ought to be granted that . irivilege. J I am one of those who believe Mr. j Bryan, by his unpatriotic utterances ^ concerning the policy of our govern- ^ nent in the suppresion of the Philip- j line insurrection, is indirectly respon- j_ jible for many lives that have been ? ost, and much of the blood that has i aeen shed in those islands. General / Lawton said: "If I am killed, Mr. Brym, by the encouragement he is giving :he insurgents, will be responsible for ? ny death." . I had a son, in the full vigor of his j ?'oung manhood, with a thorough mill- T **? ?? f Vi ?'r>i i f Via 1/ i n /I _ ,UI ^ L'UUIUUUII ? iiw, 1111 uuftU UIC ? less of President McKinley, was made r lenlor captain in the 28th Volunteer jnfantry. He was looked upon by all j,vho knew him, and recognized by all ^ lis superior officers, from General Mc\rthur down, as one of the bravest captains in the Philippine army. He C vas also dreaded by the insurgents, irobably as much as any other Ameri- "5 :an officer, on account of his daring C ind successful scouting into places I hat were thought to be impregnable, f rhe mountain of Cavlte, at the Bario )f Payapa, in Batangas provinee, on (BUSINESS PRINTIN We want you to kn your printing in th very moderate pric modern, our presst the best work, and Oft i Mir..i t _i. l._ | S5 SKIliiui. j^cl us na ^ 88 ^er ^or ^etter Head Qo other office station | 88 surely please you. 1 li L*M* I jjjjj Law Printing is a s] k XOOOOOCXXXX)OOOOOOC V50000000000000000 ) I f. i r i j. i r. A . r. A . fj .t.. r. A /TJ A . r? A 1^1 y -f r^iy P^l'I'fp'f 'f -y y 1 le Island of Luzon, is stained with his lood and brains, and he now sleeps in cold and silent grave, with a young idow to struggle through life without is help, and four little children to be lised to womanhood without a fathr's protection. I loved my son, and as proud of the record he made as a oldier. On receipt of the news of his eath, his commanding officer immeiately Issued the following general orer: "It is no exaggeration to say that in aptain Crenshaw's death, the regilent has suffered an irreparable loss. 'hat is a high encomium, but in h!s ase it is deserved." This same officer, in writing to Major leneral H. C. Corbin, Adjt. Gen. U. S. ,., said, among other things: "Mr. Crenshaw does not know what fearless and devoted soldier his son ras. From the first moment my eyes ested upon him at Manila, he was all ttention to duty. Fear he did not * now;- his physical powers never flaged; his willingness to work in the line f his profession knew no bounds, and e had the rare faculty of inspiring Is men with his spirit. He was brave nd constant. I was just upon the oint of recommending him for the revet of major and lieutenant colonel, ^hen word was received that he all too oon had passed beyond the reach Qf arthly reward." Such are the words on file in the war ~ cpai llllClli f their blood planted upon these isands. I favor its retention forever, ind if it is treason against the Demo:ratic party for me to express myself, hen I offer myself as a willing sacrilce to the decree. I cannot and will not admit the :ause for which my son fought and rave his life was wrong. Narrowninded men, who are afaid of a free ind fair discussion, may charge me vith bolting the Democratic party, vith "seeking an appointment from ^resident McKinley," and with "countng on the junior senator from the Palnetto State to help him out," or with vhatever they please, yet I will steadi- , y maintain that I am right in all that " ' < have written. With highest regards and best wish's, I am yours truly,, T. C. Crenshaw. Fellow citizens, this letter needs no omment. A great soul breathes in eVxy line and sentence. The Yankees truck the shackles from the limbs if our slaves thirty-five years ago. Sducation and industrial developnent is rapidly emancipating the rhite people of the South from a - * lavery infinitely more hurtful, beause it fetters the soul and clogs the wheels of progress. Democracy is iroad enough to admit of the discusion and settlement of these issues within the party lines. I hear no talk f a new party, except from the enenies of progress. Talk about the great leart of the man who wrote this letter teing influenced by a desire for a Fedral appointment, it is the inspiration f a narrow mind and a small soul. Vhat care I for a seat in the senate, ompared to this great movement, rhich means the destruction of sec n?A