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f * ( / B lewis m. g-rist, proprietor. J % |nhtpbtd jantilj jfor % promotion: of % ftolifintf, Social, Hgriralfural aitb Contmmial Interests of f?t $oh% j terms?$2.00 a year, in advance "VOL, 34. YOEKYTLLE. S. C.. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 188S. 3STO. 38. m political Wfljli BY THESE YE SHALL BE JUDGED! LETTERS OE ACCEPTANCE OF THE LEAVERS OF THE TWO GREAT PARTIES. PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S EBTTER. Washington, September 8,1888. Hon Patrick A. Collins and others, committee, &c: Gentlemen: In addressing to you my formal acceptance of the nomination of the Presidency of the United States, my thoughts are persistently upon the impressive relation of such action to the American people, whose confidence is thus invited, and to the political party to which I belong, just entering upon a contest for continued supremacy. The world does not afford a spectacle more sublime than is furnished when millions of free and intelligent American citizens select their Chief Magistrate, and bid one of their number tho hiorhpst earthlv honor and the cvs auu vuv w full measure of public duty in ready submission to their will. It follows that a candidate for this high office can never forget that when the turmoil and strife which attend the selection of its incumbent shall be heard no more, the^*" ?ust be in the quiet calm which >mpleteand solemn self-consecra1 e people's chosen President of v and endeavor to the service ! and generous nation of freethoughts are intensified by ray experience.in the Presi_ , a, which ha3 soberly irapress_ h the severe responsibilities which it imposes, while it has quickened my love for American institutions and taught me the priceless value of the trust of my countrymen. It is of the highest importance that those who administer our government should jealously protect and maintain the rights of American citizens at home and abroad and should strive to achieve for our country her proper place among the nations of the earth; but there is no people whose home interests are so great, and whose numerous objects of domestic concern deserve so much watchfulness and care. Among these are the regulation of a sound financial system suited to our needs, thus securing the efficient agency of national wealth and general prosperity; the construction and equipment of means of defence to insure our national safety and maintain the hono* beneath which such national safety reposes; the protection of our national domain, still stretching beyond the needs of a century's expansion, and its preservation for the settler and pioneer of our marvelous growth; a sensible and sincere recognition of the value of American labor, leading to scrupulous care and just appreciation of the interests of our workingmen; the checking of such monopolistic tendencies and schemes as interfere with the advantages and benefits which the people may rightly claim; a generous regard and care for our surviv ing soldiers and sailors, apci ior ine wiuowa and orphans of such as have died, to the end that while appreciation of their services and sacrifices is quickened, the application of their pension fund to improper cases may be prevented ; protection against servile immigration, which injuriously competes with our laboring men in the field of toil, ahd adds to our population an element ignoraut of our institutions and laws, impossible of assimilation with our people, and dangerous to yur peace and welfare; a strict and steadfast adherence to the principles of civil service reform and the thorough execution of the laws passed for their enforcement, thus permitting to our people the advantages of business methods in the operation of their Government ; the guaranty to our colored citizens of all their rights of citizenship and their just recognition and encouragement in all things pertaining to that relation ; a firm, patient and humane Indian policy so that in peaceful relations with the Government the civilization of the Indians may be promoted with resulting quiet and safety to settlers on our frontiers, and the curtailment of public expenditures by the introduction of economical methods in every department of the Government. The pledges contained in the platform adopted by the late Convention of the National Democracy lead to the advancement of these objects and insure good government?the aspiration of every true American citizen and the motive for every patriotic action and effort. In the consciousness that much has been done in the direction of good government by the present Administration, and submitting its record to the fair inspection of my countrymen, I endorse the platform thus presented,with the determination that if I am again called to the chief magistracy there shall be continuance of devoted endeavor to advance the interests of the entire country. Our scale of internal taxation and its consequeuces, largely engross, at this time, the attention of our citizens, and our people are soberly considering the necessity of nf ?nl!nf Oii? i?nnorti motit: is 1UCOSUIC9 Ul ICllCi* vui .w the creation of the people, established to carry out their designs and accomplish their good. It was founded on justice and was made for a free, intelligent and virtuous people. It is only useful when within their control, and only serves them well when regulated and guided by their con- ! stant touch. It is a free Government, because it guarantees to every American citizen the unrestricted personal use and enjoyment of all the reward of his toil and of all his income, except what may be his fair contribution to necessary public expense. Therefore, it is not only the right, but the duty of a free people, in the enforcement of this guarantee, to insist that such expense should be strictly limited to the actual public needs. It seems perfectly clear that when the Government this instrumentality created and maintained by the people to do their bidding, turns upon them, and through an utter perversion of its powers, extorts from their labor and capital a tribute largely in excess of [ public necessities, the creature has rebelled I against the creator, and the masters are I robbed by theirservants. J The cost of government must continue to be met by tariff duties collected at our custom houses upon imported goods, and by j internal revenue taxes assessed upon spir-: ituous and malt liquors, tobacco and oleo- ! margarine. I suppose it is needless to explain that j all these duties and assessments are added j to the price of the articles upon which ; they were levied, and thus become a tax i upon all those who buy these articles for * x? T ikof . use auu consumption. 1 suppose, wu, mm-1 it is well understood that the effect of this j tariff taxation is not limited to consumers of imported articles, but that the duties 1 imposed on such articles permit a corres-1 ponding increase in price to be laid upon domestic productions of the same kind,! which increase, paid by all our people as consumers of home productions and enter- ; ing every American home, constitute a j form of taxation as certain and inevitable ! as though the amount was annually paid into the hand of the tax gatherer. These results are inseparable from the ' plan we have adopted foj the collection of our revenue by tariff duties. They are i not mentioned to discredit the system, but i by way of preface to the statement that | every million of dollars collected at our custom houses for duties upon imported articles and paid into the public treasury represent many millions more which, J though never reaching the national treas-1 i \ry, are paid by our citizens as increased ; m ct\st of domestic productions resulting ! V froiq our tariff laws. W In\these circumstances, and in view of j this nVcessary effect of the operation of our | f plan foVraising revenue, the absolute duty | f of limith^ the rate of tariff charges to the l \ necessities of a frugal and economical administration of the Government, seems to be perfectly plain. The continuance, upon the pretext of meeting public expenditures, of such a scale of tariff taxation as draws from the substance of the people a sum largely in excess of public needs, is surely something which, under a government based upon justice and which finds its strength and usefulness in the faith and trust of the people, ought not to be tolerated. Wiiile the heaviest burdens incident to the necessities of government are uncomplainingly borne, light burdens become grievous and intolerable when not justified by such necessities. Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. And yet this is our condition. We are annually collecting at our custom houses, and by means of our internal revenue taxation, many millions in excess of all legitimate public needs. As the consequence there now remains in the national treasury a surplus of more than one hundred and thirty millions of dollars. No better evidence could be furnished that the people are exorbitantly taxed. The extent of the superfluous burden indicated by this surplus will be better appreciated when it is suggested that such surplus alone represents taxation aggregating more than one hundred and eight thousand dollars in a country containing fifty thousand inhabitants. Taxation has always been the feature of oro-fl ni'/pfi imvernment hardest to recon cilewith the people's idea of freedom and happiness. When presented in the direct form, nothing will arouse popular discontent more quickly and profoundly than unjust and unnecessary taxation. Our farmers, mechanics, laborers, and all our citizens, closely scan the slightest increase in taxes assessed upon their lands and other , property, and demand good reason for such increase. And yet they seem to be expected, in some quarters, to regard the unnecessary volume of insiduous and indirect taxation visited upon them by our present rate of tariff duties with indifference, if not with favor. The surplus revenue now remaining in the treasury not only furnishes conclusive proof of unjust taxation, but its existence constitutes a separate and independent menace to the prosperity of the people. This vast accumulation of idle funds represents that much money drawn from the ( circulating medium of the country, which is needed in the channels of trade and bus- i iness. It is a great mistake to suppose that consequences which follow continual withdrawal and hoarding by the Govern- ( ment of the currency of the people are not of immediate importance to the mass of our citizens and only concern those en- j gaged in large financial transactions. ' In the restless enterprise and activity which free and ready money among the people produces, is found that opportunity for labor and employment, and that impetus to business and production, which bring i in their train prosperity to our citizens, in every station and vocation. New ventures, new investments in business and manufacture, construction of new and important works and enlargement of enterprises already established, depend largely upon obtaining money upon easy terms with fair security; and all these things are stimulated by the abundant volume of the circulating mediufh. Even the har- ] vested grain of the farmer remains with- < out a market unless money is forthcoming for its movement and transportation to the * seaboard. The first results of scarcity of money < among the people is the exaction of severe i terms for its use. Increasing distrust and 1 timidity is followed by refusal to loan or ] advance on any terms. Investors refuse j all risks and decline all securities, and, in | the general fright, the money still in the ] hands of the people is persistently hoard- 1 ed. It is quite apparent that when this 1 perfectly natural, if not inevitable, stage is 1 reached, depression in all business and en- 1 terprise will, as a necessary consequence, lessen the opportunity for work and em- < ployment, and reduce salaries and the j wages of labor. Instead, then, of being exempt from the ; influence and effect of the immense sur- 1 plus lying idle in the national treasury, 1 our wage-earners and others who rely upon their labor for support are most of all ( directly concerned in the situation. Oth- 1 ers, seeing the approach of danger, may provide against it, but it will find those 1 depending upon their daily toil for bread unprepared, helpless and defenceless. Such a state of affairs does not present a case of idleness resulting from disputes j between laboring man and employer, but 1 it nrnduces an absolute and enforced stop page of employment and wages. In reviewing the bad effects of this accumulated surplus and scale of tariff rates, , by which it is produced, we must not over- ' look the tendency towards gross and scandalous public extravagance which a congested treasury induces, nor the fact that , we are maintaining without excuse, in J time of profound peace, substantially the rate of tariff duties imposed in time of j war when the necessities of the Govern- ( ment justified the imposition of the weigh- , tiest burdens on the people. Divers plans have been suggested for the return of the accumulated surplus to the people and the channels of trade. Some , of these devices are at variance with all rules of good finance; some are delusive, some are absurd and some betray by their reckless extravagance the demoralizing in- , fluence of a great surplus of public money upon thejudgmentsof individuals. While such efforts should be made as are consistent with public duty and sanctioned by sound judgment to avoid the danger by the useful disposition of the surplus now i remaining in the treasury, it is evident that if its distribution were accomplished another accumulation would soon take its place if the constant flow of redundant income was not checked at its source by reform in our present tariff taxes. We do not propose to deal with these conditions by merely attempting to satisfy the people of the truth of abstract theories nor by alone urging their assent to political doctrines. We present to them the propositions that they are unjustly treated in the extent of the present Federal taxation, that as the result a condition nf pvtrome dantrer exists, and that it is for them to demand a remedy and that defence and safety promised in the guarantee of their free Government. We believe that the same means which are adopted to relieve the treasury of its present surplus and prevent its recurrence, should cheapen to our people the cost of supplying their wants. Both of these objects we seek in part to gain by reducing the present tariff rates upon the necessaries of life. We fully appreciate the importance to the country of our domestic industrial enterprises. In the rectification of existing wrongs their maintenance and prosperity should be carefully and in a friendly spirit considered. Even such reliance upon present revenue arrangements as may have been invited or encouraged should be fairly and justly regarded. Abrupt and radical changes, which might endanger such enterprises and injuriously affect the interests of labor dependent upon their success and continuance,are not contemplated or intended. But we know the cost of our domestic manufactured products is increased, and their price to the consumer enhanced by the? rintv imnosed unon the raw material used in manufacture. We know that this increased cost prevents the sale of our productions at foreign markets in competition with those countries which have the advantage of free raw material. We know that confined to the home market our manufacturing operations are curtailed, their demands for labor irregular and the rate of wages paid uncertain. We propose, therefore, to stimulate our domestic industrial enterprises by freeing from duty imported raw materials, which by the employment of labor are used in our home manufactures, thus extending the markets for their sale and permitting increased and steady production, with the i allowance of abundant profits. True to the undeviating course of the 1 Democratic party, we will not neglect the interestsof labor and our workingmen. In < all efforts to remedy existing evils we will furnish no excuse for loss of employment or reduction of the wages on honest toil. On the contrary, we propose, in any adjustment of our revenue laws to concede such encouragement and advantage to employers of domestic labor as will easily compensate for any difference that may exist between the standard of wages which should be paid to our laboring men and the rate allowed in other countries. We propose, too, by extending the markets for < our manufactures, to promote the steady employment of labor, while by cheapening the cost of the necessaries of life we increase the purchasing power of the workingman's wages and add to the comforts of his home. And before passing from this phase of the question I "am constrained to express the opinion that the interest of labor should be always sedulously regarded in any modification of our tariff laws. Additional and more direct and efficient protection to these interests would be afforded by the restriction and prohibition of immigration, or the importation of laborers from other countries, who swarm upon our < shores, having no purpose or intent of be- ? coming our fellow-citizens or acquiring any permanent interest in our country, but crowd every field of employment with intelligent labor at wages which ought not 1 to satisfy those who make claim to American citizenship. The platform adopted by the late National Convention of our party contains the following declaration: "Judged by Democratic principles, the interest of the people are betrayed when, i by unnecessary taxation, trusts and com- J binations are permitted and fostered, < which, while unduly enriching the few * that combine, rob the body of our citizens by depriving them as purchasers of the < benefits of natural competition." i Such combinations have always been < condemned by the Democratic party, and 3 the declaration of its National Convention 1 is sincerely made, and no member of our i party will be found excusing the existence i or belittling the pernicious results of these < devices to wrong the people. Under vari- < ous names they have been punished by ] common law for hundreds of years, and < they have lost none of their hateful fea- 1 tures because they have assumed the name 1 of trusts instead of conspiracies. J We believe that these trusts are the nat- ] ural offspring of a market artificially restricted ; that an inordinately high tariff, 1 beside furnishing temptation for their ex- 1 istence, enlarges the limit within which i they may operate against the people, and [ ] thus increase the extent of their power lor j wrong doing. With unalterable hatred of all such schemes, we count the checking of their baleful operation among the good result promised by revenue reform. While we cannot avoid partisan misrepresentation, our position upon the question of revenue reform should be so plainly stated as to admit of no misunderstanding. We have entered upon no crusade of free trade. The reform we seek to inaugurate is predicated upon the utmost care for established industries and enterprises, a jealous regard for the interests of American labor and a sincere desire to relieve the country from injustice and a dangerous condition which threatens evil to all the people of the land. We are dealing with no imaginary danger. Its existence has been repeatedly confessed by all political parties and pledges of remedy have been made on all sides. Yet when in the legislative body, where, under the Constitution, all remedial measures applicable to this subject must originate, the Democratic majority were attempting with extreme moderation to redeem a pledge common to both parties, they were met by determined opposition and obstruction'; and the minority refusing to co-operate in the House of Representatives, or propose another remedy, have remitted the redemption ok their party pledge to the doubtful power of the Senate. The people will hardly be deceived by their abandonment of the field of legislative action to meet in political convention and flippantly declare in their party platform that our conservative and careful effort to relieve the situation is destructive of the American system of protection. Nor will c the people be misled by the appeal to pre- ^ judice contained in the absurd allegation t that we serve the interests of Europe, t while they will support the interests of c America. * They propose in their platform to thus I support the interests of our country by re- f moving the internal revenue tax from to- c bacco and from spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes. They declare, ; also, that there should be such revision of 2 our tariff laws as shall tend to check the 2 importation of such articles as are pro- J duced here. Thus, in professing to in- j crease duties upon such articles to nearly 2 or quite the prohibitory point, they confess c themselves willing to travel backward in 1 the road of civilisation and to deprive our 2 people of markets for their goods, which s can only be gained and kept by the sem- c blance, at least, of interchange of business, c while they abandon our consumers to the 1 unrestrained oppression of domestic trusts , and combinations, which are, in the same } platform, perfunctorily condemned. They 2 propose further, to release entirely from * import duties all articles of foreign pro- 2 duction, (except luxuries), the like of 1 which cannot be produced in this country. 2 The plain people of the land and the poor, ! who scarcely use articles of any descrip- ! tion produced exclusively abroad, and not j J already free, will find it difficult todiscov- i2 er where their interests are regarded in |( this proposition. They need in their j 1 homes cheaper domestic necessaries ; and this seems to be entirely unprovided for in j 1 this proposed scheme to serve'the country. 11 Small compensation for this neglected need ' is found in the further purpose here an- j nounced and covered by the declaration, 2 that, if after changes already mentioned, ( there still remains a larger revenue than is 1 requisite for the wants of the Government, 1 the entire internal taxation should be re- ' pealed "rather than surrender any part of j our protective system." Our people ask relief from the undue j and unnecessary burden of tariff taxation , now resting upon them. They are offered j instead free tobacco and free whisky. They ask for bread and they are given , a stone. j The implication contained in this party j declaration that desperate measures are justified or necessary to save from destruc- , tion, or surrender what is termed our pro-! \ tective system, should confuse no one. ] The existence of such a system is entirely , consistent with the regulation of the ex- ( tent to which it should be applied and the correction of its abuses. Of course, in a country as great as ours, : ( with such wonderful variety of interests, h often leading in entirely different direc- j tions, it is difficult, if not impossible, to < settle upon a perfect tariff plan. But in ! , accomplishing the reform we have entered . upon, the necessity of which is so obvious, j. I believe we should not be content with | the reduction of revenue involving the I ( prohibition of importations and the re-! ? moval of the internal tax upon whisky, j Jt can be better and more safely done i within the limit of granting actual relief to the people in their means of living, and j at the same time giving an impetus to our . domestic erKerprises and furthering our i national welfare. If misrepresentations of our purposes ! and motives are to gain credence and de- i feat our present effort in this direction, i there seems to he no reason why every ! endeavor in the future to accomplish reve- i nue reform should not be likewise attacked and with like result. \ ' t 7 And yet no thoughtful man can fail to see, in the continuance of the present burdens of the people and abstraction by the Government of the currency of the country, inevitable distress and disaster. All danger will be averted by timely action. The diffiulty of applying the remedy will never be less, and the blame should not be laid at the door of the Democratic party if it is applied too late. With a firm faith in the intelligence and patriotism of our countrymen, and relying upon the conviction that misrepresentation will not intluence them, prejudice will not cloud their understanding, and that menace will not intimidate them, let us urge the people's interest and public duty for the vindication of our attempt to inaugurate a righteous and benificent reform; Guoveu Cleveland. GEN. HARRISON'S LETTER. Indianapolis, September 11,188S. Hon. M. M. Estee and others, Committee.?Gentlemen : When your committee visited me, on the 4th of July last, and presented the ottictel^sypbuneement of my nomination for the ^Presidency of the United States by the Republican Convention, I promised, as soon as practicable, to communicate to you a more formal acceptance of the nomination. Since that time the work of receiving and addressing, almost daily, large delegations of my fellowcitizens, has not only occupied all of my time, but has in some measure rendered it unnecessary for me to use this letter as a medium of communicating to the public my views upon the questions involved in the campaign. I appreciate very highly the confidence and respect manifested Dy the Convention, and accept the nomination with a feeling uf gratitude and a full sense of the responsibility which accompanies it. It is a matter of congratulation that the leelaration of the Chicago Convention upon questions that now attract the interest of our people, are so clear and emphatic. There is a further cause of congratulation in the fact that the Convention's utterances of the Democratic party, if in my degree uncertain or contradictory, ean now be judged and interpreted by executive acts and messages, and by definite propositions in legislation. This is espe iallv true of what is Donularly known as the tariff question. The "issue cannot now pe obscured. It is not a contest between schedules, but between wide-apart principles. Foreign competitors of our market have, ivith quick instinct, seen how one issue of :his contest may bring them advantage, ind our own people are not so dull as to niss or neglect the grave interests that are nvolved for them. The assault upon our protective system is open and 'defiant. Protection is assailed as unconstitutional n law or as vicious in principle, and those vho hold such views sincerely can not stop short of an absolute elimination from pur tariff laws of the principles of protec;ion. The Mills bill is only a step, but it is oward an object that the leaders of Dem)cratic thought and legislation have clearly n mind. The important question is not io much the length of the step as the lirection of it. Judged by the Executive nessage of Decern her last, by the Mills pill, by the debates in Congress and by the St. Louis platform, the Democratic party vill, if supported by the country, place the ariff laws on a purely revenue basis. This is practical free trade?free trade in he* English sefHie." Thelfegend ufpon^he mnner may not be "Free Trade;" it may )e the more obscure motto, "Tariff lieormbut neither the banner nor the inicription is conclusive, or indeed very important. The assault itself is the imporant fact. Those v io teach that import duties up>n foreign goods sold in our market is paid by the consumer, and that the price >f the domestic competing article is enmnced to the amount of duty on the im- | )orted article?that every million or doiars collected for customs duties represents nany millions more which do not reach he treasury, but are paid by our citizens is the increased cost of domestic producions resulting from the tariff laws?may iot intend to discredit in the minds of ithers our system of leaving duties on lompeting foreign products, but it is ilearly already discredited in their own. kVe cannot doubt, without impugning heir integrity, that if free to act upon heir convictions, they would so revise mr laws as to lay the burden of eusoms revenue upon articles that are not iroduced in this country, and to place up>n the free list all competing foreign prolucts. I do not stop to refute this theory as to he effect of our tariff duties. Those who idvance it are students of a maxim and iot of the markets. They may be safely dlowed to call their project "Tariff Iteorm," if the people understand that in he end argument compels free trade in all lompeting products. This end may not be eached abruptly, and its approach may be iccompanied with some expressions of lympathy for our protected industries and iur working people, but it will certainly lome if these early steps do not arouse the leople to effective resistance. The Republican party holds that a proective tariff is constitutional, wholesome md necessary. We do not offer a fixed icliedule to modify rates, but always with in intelligent provision as to the effect ipon domestic production and the wages if our working people. We believe it to ie one of the worthy objects of tariff legslation to preserve the American market or American producers, and to maintain m American scale of wages by adequate liscriminating duties upon foreign competing products. The effect of lower rates and larger iminrhitinns nnnn ihe revenue is contingent ind doubtful; but not so the effect upon \merican production and American \va* jes. Less work an (Mower' wages must be iccepted as the inevitable result of an increased offering of foreign goods in our marRet. By way of recompense for this eduction in his wages and the loss of the American market, it is suggested that the diminished wages of the workingman will have an undiminished purchasing power, uul that he will be able to make up for ;he loss of a home market by an enlarged foreign market. Our workingmen have the settlement of the question in their Dwn hands. They now obtain higher wages and live more comfortably than those of any other country. They will make their choice between the substantial Advantages they have in hand and the deceptive promises and forecasts of those theorizing reformers. They will decide for themselves and for the country whether the protective system shall be continued er destroyed. The fact of the Treasury surplus, the Amount of which is variously stated, has directed public attention to the consideration of the method by which the national income may best be reduced to the level of wise and necessary expenditures. This o Konn c/ii'su/1 nnnn h\r ;UIIUI11UU 11 CIO UtV/il OV*MVV? V4 V..UWV who are hostile to protective custom duties \s an advantageous base upon our taritr laws. They have magnified and nursed the surplus, which they affect to deprecate, semingly for the purpose of exaggerating the evih in order to reconcile the people to the extreme remedy they propose. A proper reduction of the revenue does not necessitate, and should not suggest, the abandonment or impairment of tho protective system. The methods suggested by our Convention will not need to be exhausted in order to effect the necessary reduction. We are not likely to be called upon, I think, to make a present choice between the surrender of our protective system and the entire repeal of internal taxes. Such a contingency in view of the present relation of expenditures to reve nue, is remote. The inspection and regulation of the manufacture and sale of oleomargarine is important, and the revenue, derived from it is not so great that a repeal of the law need enter into any plan of revenue reduction. The surplus now in the Treasury should be used in the purchase of bonds. The law authorizes this use of it, and if it is not needed for current or deficiency appropriations, the people, and not the banks in which it has been deposited, should have the advantage of its use by stopping the interest upon the public debt. At least those who needlessly hoard it should not be allowed to use the fear of a monetary stringency thus produced to coerce public sentiment upon other questions. Closely connected with the subject of the tariff is that of the importation of foreign 1 r? kafora nnrlni* AAnfi?oolo r\f cntmS/in f a Via iauuicio unuti tuuum>io wi oli vilu iu uc performed here. The law now in force prohibiting such contracts received my cordial support in the Senate, and such amendments as may be found necessary effectively to deliver our workingmen and women from this most iniquitous form of competition, will have my sincere advocacy. Legislation prohibiting the importation of laborers under contracts to serve here will, however, afford very inadequate relief to our working people if the system of protective duties is broken down. If the products of American shops must compete in the American market, without favoring duties, with the products of cheap foreign labor, the effect will be different, if at all, only a degree, whether cheap labor is across the street or over the sea. Such competition will soou reduce wages here to the level of those abroad, and when that condition is reached we will not need any laws forbidding the importation of laborers under contract?they will have no inducement to come, and the employer no inducement to send for them. In the earlier years of our history, public agencies to promote immigration were common. The pioneer wanted a neighbor with more friendly instincts than the Indian. Labor was scarce and fully employed. But the day of the immigration bureau has gone by. While our doors will continue open to proper immigration, we did not need to issue especial invitations to the inhabitants of other countries to come to our ohnrpct nr tn share nur eitizenshin. Indeed. the necessity of some inspection and limitation is obvious. We should resolutely refuse to permit foreign governments to send their paupers and criminals to our ports. We are also clearly under the duty to defend our civilization by excluding alien races, whose ultimate assimilation with our people is neither possible nor desirable. The family has been the nucleus of our best immigration and the home the most potent assimilating force in our cizilization. The objections to Chinese immigration are distinctive and conclusive, and are now so generally accepted as such that the question has passed entirely beyond the stage of argument. Laws relating to this subject would, if I should be charged with their enforcement, be faithfully executed. Such amendments or further legislation as may be necessary and proper to prevent evasions of the laws and to stop further Chinese immigration would also meet my approval. The expression of the convention upon this subject is in entire harmony with ray views. Our civil compact is a government by majorities; and the law loses its sanction and the magistrate our respect whent the compact is broken. The evil results of election frauds do not expend themselves upon voters who are robbed of their rightful influence in public affairs. The individual or community or party that practices or connives at election frauds has suffered irreparable injury, and will sooner or later realize that to excnange me ivmencan system 01 majority rule for minority control, is not only unlawful and unpatriotic, but very unsafe for those who promote it. The disfranchisement of a single legal elector by fraud or intimidation is a crime too grave to be regarded lightly. The right of every qualified elector to cast one free ballot and to have it honestly counted, must not be questioned. Every constitutional power should be used to make this right secure and punish frauds upon the ballot. Our colored people do not ask special legistion in their interest, but only to be made secure in the common rights of American citizenship. They will, however, naturally mistrust the sincerity of those party leaders who appeal to their race for support only in those localities where suffrage is free and election results doubtful, and compass their disfanchisementwhere their votes would be controlling, and their choice cannot be coerced. A nation, not less than a State, is dependent for prosperity and security upon the intelligence and morality of her people. This common interest very early suggested national aid in the establishment and endowment of schools and colleges in the new States. There is, I believe, a present exigency that calls for still more liberal and direct appropriations in aid of common school education in the States. A territorial form of government is a temporary expedient, not a permanent civil condition. It is adapted to the exigency that suggested it, but becomes inadequate and even oppressive when applied to fixed and populous communities. Several Territories are well able to bear the burdens and discharge the duties of free commonwealths in the American Union. To exclude them is to deny the just rights of their people, and may well excite their indignant protest. No question of political preference of the people of a Territory should close against them the hospitable door which has opened to twothirds of the existing States. But admission should be resolutely refused to any Territory, a majority of whose people cherish institutions that are repugnant to our civilization or inconsistent with a ltepublican form of government. The declaration of the Convention against "All combinations of capital organized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition o 1 trade among our citizens," is in harmony with the views entertained and publicly expressed by me long before the assembling of the Convention, ordinarily, capital snares the losses of idleness with labor, but under the operation of the trust, in some of its forms, the wage worker alone suffers loss, while idle capital receives its dividends from the trust fund. Producers who refuse to join the combination are destroyed, and competition as an element of prices is eliraitated, It cannot be doubted that legislative authority should and will find a method of dealing fairly and effectively | with these and other abuses connected j with this subject. It can hardly be necessary for me to say i that I am heartily in sympathy with the declaration of the Convention upon the subject of pensions to our soldiers and sailors. What they gave and what they suffered 1 had some opportunity to observe and, in small measure, to experience. They gave ungrudgingly. It was not a trade, but an offering. The measure was heaped up, running over. What they achieved only distant generations can adequately tell. Without attempting to discuss particular propositions, I may add that measures in behalf of the surviving veterans of thewarand of the families of their dead comrades, should be conceived ..^..-1 nvnni,f/wl in o enirit nf iiiufiprt nnrl nf UUU UAtV/UlCU 111 Cfc Ojnuw vr* JUU..W ? ..? , most grateful liberality, and that in com-, petition for civil appointment honorable military service should have appropriate recognition. The law regulating appointments to the classified civil service received my support in the Senate, in the belief that it opened the way to much needed reform. I still think so, and therefore cordially approve the clear and forcible expression of the Convention upon this subject. The law should have the aid of friendly interpretation and be faithfully and vigo rously enforced. All appointments under it should be absolutely free from partisan considerations and influence. Some extensions of the classified list are practicable and desirable, and further legislation extending reform to other branches of the service to which it is applicable, would receive my approval. In appointments to every grade and department, fitness, and not party service, should be the essential and discriminating test, and fidelity and efficiency the only sure tenure oi office. Only the interest of the public service should suggest removals from office. I know the practical difficulties attending an attempt to apply the spirit o! the civil service rules to all appointments and removals. It will, however, be my sincere purpose, if elected, to advance the reform. I notice with pleasure that the Convention did not omit to express its solicitude for the promotion of virtue and temperance among our people. The Republican party has always been friendly to everything that tended to make the home nie 01 our people free, pure and prosperous, and will in future be true tc history in this respect. Our relations with foreign powers should be characterized by friendliness and respect. The right of our people and of oui snips to hospitable treatment should be insisted upon with dignity and firmness, Our nation is too great, both in materia! strength and in moral power, to indulge in bluster or to be suspected of timorousness. Vascillation and inconsistency are as incompatible with successful diplomacy as they aie with national dignity. Wc should especially cultivate and extend oui diplomatic and commercial relations with Central and South American States. Oui fisheries should be fostered and protected, The hardships and risks that are necessary incidents of the business should not be increased by an inhospitable exclusion from near-lying ports. The resources of firm, dignified and consistent diplomacy are undoubtedly equal to a prompt and peaceful solution of the difficulties that now exist. Our neighbors will surely not expect in our ports the commercial hospitality they deny to us in theirs. I cannot extend this letter by special reference to other subjects upon which the Convention gave an expression. In respect to them, as well as to those I have noticed, I am in entire agreement with the declarations of the Convention. The resolutions relating to coinage, to the rebuilding of the navy, to coast defenses, and to public lands, express conclusions to all of which I gave my support in the Senate. Inviting a calm and thoughtful considsideration of these public questions, we submit them to the people. Their intelligent patriotism and the good Providence that made and has kept us a nation, will lead them to a wise and safe conclusion. Very respectfully, your ob't servant, Benjamin Harrison. T.1 I HAftm T> ?/-?<-? Tim K lAtia ^IDULiX I^AUUi^Lf, ^V. UJClUUt'I of a prominent cotton firm in Charleston thus discourses to a reporter for the Sun on the question of cotton bagging: When the factor buys a bale of cotton he pays for the bagging on it as if it were cotton. Cotton is now bringing 9$ cents per pound. Bagging costs 12$ cents per yard. The average bagging weighs 1$ pounds to the yard, and six yards are used to cover a bale of cotton. Bagging costs for each bale 75 cents. This bagging, selling as cotton, brings 99$ cents. The farmer's profit is then, despite the trust, 24$ cents on each six yards of bagging he uses. Last year bagging was a little cheaper, consequently the farmer's profit on the bagging he used was greater. Last year the bagging for each bale cost .'36 cents. Selling as cotton it brought 99$ cents. The farmer's profit on each six yards of bagging he used last year was 63$ cents. The effect of the trust on him is to make his gain on bagging 39 cents less on each six yards he uses. This gain was not the result of the farmer's labor, but a profit gained from his purchase of bagging at 6 cents a yard and selling it at 19 cents. The farmer's profit on his bagging sold last year was say, 200 per cent. At this time he buys bagging at 12$ cents a yard, or, say, 6$ cents a pound, and sells it for 9$ cents a pound, and his profit is, say, 33$ per cent. This profit, therefore, now goes, as it seems, to the "trust" instead of to the farmer. Or, to state the matter differently; the factor deducts 6 per cent, from the Liverpool price, to pay for bagging and for "wear and tear." Last year the farmer got a good deal more for his bagging than it cost him, thus allowing him a big profit on bagging to counteract this 6 per cent. Now the increased cost of bagging, by lessening his profit, allows him less wherewith to meet this deduction of 6 per cent. Is It Bight ??Twenty-eight delegates irom unariescon eieciea Dy yo memoers 01 a county convention chosen by 1,067Democratic voters; eleven delegates from Berkeley, representing less than 1,000 Democratic voters. Ten delegates from Greenville elected by 175 members of a county convention representing 4,200 Democratic voters; eight delegates from Laurens elected by 80 members of a county convention representing more than 2,000 Democratic voters. That is not the worst of it. Eight of the Charleston delegates have no right to seats even on the basis of population, by the census of 1880. Two of them belong to Greenville and two them to Spartanburg. The representation in the State convention is based on present representation in the Legislature, and the present representation in the Legislature is based on the census of 1870, in defiance of the constitution, every rule of right and every principle of a ^Republican form of government. We are not only deprived of proper representation for our Democratic voting strength, but we have been swindled out of the representation we have fairly won by increase in population.?[Greenville News. 4- ^ -f. The ltepublican party is the only party that ever offered as a relief from high taxes to make them higher?this is, the only platform that ever declared that the tax burdei s, made necessary by war, should be maintained and increased in time of peace. We hear no more of protection for infant industries. When these people tell us that no part of the protective system is to be given up, it means that the present black list, containing more than four thousand articles, is to be maintained ; that robber rates upon every necessity of life must forever rule, and that conditions which the wastage of war imposed upon our people must be accepted as our normal state. When war was on, we needed war taxes, and we got them. After a quarter of a century of peace, in God's name let the people have peacerates.?Senator Blackburn, in September Forum. .teg- The failure of a firm of "sardine packers" in Maine, says the Philadelphia Record, has disclosed the fact that they owe $2,000 for cotton seed oil, which masquerades in me puckers piuuuct ua pure olive oil, and which consumers are forced to swallow in order to protect "an infant industry." This business of packing young herring in cotton seed oil and selling them as sardines a 1'huile d'olive, is a fraud worthy of Yankeeland in its earlier days, when buttonwood nutmegs and basswood hams were held to be legitimate articles of merchandise down East. The fine broadcloth which the rich man wears pays a tax of 50 per cent.; the cottonwarp Melton worn by the poor man pays a tax of 150 per cent. Yet workingmen are coolly told by the organs of monopoly and by the leaders of a great political party, that this inequality must not be corrected. Under the Mills bill rich and poor alike would pay a 40 per cent, tax on their clothing. For the Yorkville Enquirer. REMINISCENCES OF WESTERN YORK. Of the causes that led to the late war, it is not our purpose to speak. These are matters for the historian to deal with. The student of history has already made that his study; but there are many things connected with it that will always lie in oblivious graves unless resurrected by the actors themselves, who are now fast passing away; or, at least, have passed the meridian of life. Of the many noble women who bore a conspicuous part in that eventful struggle, the historian has failed to give an impartial account. lie has practically ignored the faithful services they rendered the soldier-boys who had volunteered to fight [ their country's battles. In many instances ; they gave the last blanket they had to pro[ tect him from the piercing cold of winter, ? and finally to serve as his winding sheet 1 should he fill a soldier's grave. ) While the smoke of battle hovered over . Charleston harbor, bearing unmistakable 1 evidence that the grand drama had com| inenced, in which the valor of American [ soldiery was on exhibition, our patriotic 5 women, with clattering cards, buzzing : wheels, flying shuttles, and throbbing 1 looms, were giving emphasis to the scene. 5 The silks, satins and costly apparel of ' the more wealthy were laid aside, and ! homespun clothing, elaborately and artis' tically made, took their places. Rich and ; poor vied with each other in their exhibition of ingenuity and domestic economy. [ Highly educated and refined ladies, as well as those attending fashionable schools, re; turned to their homes and made domesticity a specialty. The sewing machine was ' scarcely heard of in those days, and the 1 young lady who couldn't make and fit her 1 own dresses was an object of pity, to say ; nothing of contempt, among her sex. Botanical theories were superseded by a ; practical knowledge of the medicinal and coloring properties of plants. The amount of dyestuffs invented by female ingenuity would surprise a New England pharmaceutist. 1 Binding shucks or strips of paper ' around hanks of yarn during the dyeing 1 process, to give the yarn a mingled appearance, was an original idea. Old ladies 1 who could scarcely get about, brought all the experience of a lifetime into requisition to advance the cause their country had espoused. With no company save the sleepless clock that measures the long weary night, she sat knitting socks or making some garment of comfort for her I caI/Ii'ai* K/\tt r\y ar\ma ann i'n whnm qHq folf ouiuivi uvj \jx ouujg wuv iu ?* uvui uuv <v<v ' a mother's interest. In her mind she was composing a letter she expected to write or have written the next day. The younger members of the family, whose nervous temperamentpermitted them to sleep after a hard day's work, were in their beds dreaming of their sweethearts, or perhaps during a restless hour, were asking themselves the question: "Is all quiet along the Potomac to-night?" "Do the soldiers 1 lie peacefully dreaming?" A new day brings no relief from the monotony of the past. 'Scarcely have the streaks of daylight shot above the eastern horizon, before the aged husband and father who, from weight of years and infirmity of body had long ago given his business affairs over into younger and abler hands for management, is moving about the premises with an elastic step that would indicate that the clock of time had turned backward, for him at least, a quarter of a century. Or, perhaps during the night, a telegram has been received that in yesterday's battle his son or friend has been killed or wounded. Undaunted, and with a supressed tear, he moves with steady step and a determination to be in time for the first train to take him to the scene. Every member of the family has some message for him to take to some devoted one, and before he starts, a dozen or more letters from the different neighbors to their friends, are packed into his pockets, while some faithful old servant puts in "howdy" for some one in whom he or she, or perhaps both, feels an especial interest. By the time he has reached the train he has almost all kinds of baggage, from a common letter to a large and well-filled trunk or box of edibles or clothing. J. L. S. HOW THE COUNTIES WERE NAMED. Mr. Morrison, principal of the Teachers' Institute at Orangeburg, gave an interesting sketch of South Carolina, and the origin of the counties, as follows: Abbeville, town of Abbe, French. Aiken, named after Governor Aiken. Anderson, in honor of Col. Robert Anderson. Barnweli, in honor of Col. Barnwell. Beaufort, French, Henry, Duke of Beaufort. Berkeley, Lord Berkeley, one of the Lord's Proprietors. Charleston, town of Charles, Charles II. Chester settled from Chester, Penn, who were from Chester, England. Latin CastraChesterfield, either from the same source or after Lord Chesterfield. Clarendon, in honor of the Earl of Clarendon. Colleton, in honor of John Colleton. Darlington, in honor of Col. Darlington. Edgefield, meaning edge of the field or border of the State. Fairfield, meaning Fair-field, the county being much admired by Lord Cornwallis. Georgetown, in honor of King George. Greenville, Greentown, not from the character of the people, but from the surface of the country, or frotn Gen. Green. Hampton, in honor of Wade Hampton. Horry, in honor of Col. Horry, the friend of Marion. Kershaw, in honor of Col. Kershaw. Lancaster, settled from Pennsylvania and Castra. Laurens, in honor of Henry Laurens. Lexington, German settlers called it Saxe-Gotha, which was changed to Lexington in honor of Lexington, Massachusetts. Marion, named after General Francis Marion. Marlboro, after the distinguished Duke of Marlboro. Newberry? there is a difference of opinion on the origin of this name, but possibly it comes from a family name. Oconee, an Indian name, meaning water course ; this is the only county In ttie state mat is irom me Indian dialect. Orangeburg, named in honor of the Prince of Orange, who sent the first settlers over here. Pickens, after Andrew Pickens, who to serve in the Legislature declined a seat in Congress and later the Governorship. Richland is either so called on account of the rich bottom lands, or in irony on account of the poor uplands. Spartanburg, so called on account of the presumed Spartan qualities of her inhabitants. Sumter, in honor of General Sumter. Union seems to have taken its name from Union Church, in which the Episcopalians and Presbyterians had united. Williamsburg was named in honor of King William. York is after the name of the Luke of York. Woman.?True, she can not sharpen a pencil, and, outside of commercial circles, she can't tie a package to make it look like anything save a crooked cross section of chaos; but, land of miracles! see what she can do with a pin ! She can not walk so many miles around a billiard table with nothing to eat and nothing (to speak of) to drink, but she can walk the floor all night with a fretful baby. She can ride five hundred miles without going into the smoking car to rest (and get away from tho (ihiirirpnV She can eniov an evening visit without smoking half a dozen cigars. She can endure the distraction of a house full of children all day, while her husband sends them all to bed before he has been home an hour. A boy with a sister is fortunate, a fellow with a sweetheart is happy, and a man with a good wife is thrice blessed more than they all. BsaF* Learning is not education. Half of all the fools in the world are "educated." Learning gives the means of acquiring that which, correctly used, enlightens the mind. i