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lewis m. grist, proprietor. | fnkptnbtnf JfmnHg fttfospapcr: Jfor % Ijromofioit of % political, Social, ^gricaiftiral anir Coimittraal Interests of % Sonfjj. jTERMS--$2.50 A YEAR, IN ADVANCE. VOL. 39. YORKVILLE, S. C? THURSDAY, AUGUST 16, 1883. NO. 33. Jfeifrted fotttg. "WE ONLY." Come, wife, dear woman, and sit by me, For the toilsome day is adone, And many thoughts in my heart are born With the setting of the sun. Av, give me your hand, my patient love, That my own may clasp it tight; Not dearer was it in the days agone. Dear wife, than it is to-night. Old and wrinkled it may be, dear, But look you, wife at the shine Of the ring that has clung to your finger there Since the day that I made you mine. 'Twas a long, long march from our youth to age, But Time, be he ne'er so gray, Can never tarnish the lustre, dear, Of the pledge of our wedding day. E'en so the truth of a faithful love, Born far in the aula lang syne, In our steadfast hopes, through weal and woe, Never has ceased to shine. There are tears in your eyes, my wife, to-night; You are thinking, dear, I know, How strange it is that as shadows fall, We only are left below. * We only to sit at the old hearthstone, In the twilight, dear of life, While our children wait at the gates above? When shall we meet them, wife? Nav, drv those tears and be glad with me, That the day is almost done, A nrl fnt-Vmr mnftiAr children all May meet?with the set of sun. ?he $\torg ?eller. " THE MISSING PAPER. i One of the most singular eases which are to be found in the police records of bloody deeds committed in Paris is that of Mme. Rouquelaire, who was murdered in her residence, 17 Rue Danton, on the night of-the loth of June, 1873. The last that was seen of her alive was at 9* o'clock in the evening by one of her servants, to whom she gave an order concerning his service on the following morning, tfhich indicated that she and M. Jean Beauchamp, her lover, were about retiring. The servant, as he testified at the preliminary examination, saw, as he stood on the threshold of the door leading from the hall into the salon. Mme. Roauelaire in her dressing-gown and her toilet arranged for the night; he alsq,saw M. Jean making a cigarette and reclining his face toward the door, in an easy chair. Monsieur was frowning and .seemed angry, although he said nothing. Evidently he and madame had been quarreling. The last that was heard of her alive was at 11 o'clock, by her maid, who, having the privilege of absence for the evening, was passing through the hall toward the staircase leading up to the servants' quarters. Then she was. entreating Beauchamp to forgive her.* He had evidently accused her of some offence?"perhaps," said the maid, "of infidelity." The girl paused and listened for a moment. Then she heard M. Beauchamp?and "his anger was terrible; his words fierce and threatening," and then she heard madame exclaim: "Strike me, coward. I have sacrificed everything?honor, position, friends?for you. Strike me; kill me. You have had everything else from me that I could give; now take the last> and now?mori dieul? thSnnost worthless of my possessions?my life. You seek the excuse to be rid of me. You have found a new love. I read it all. Every day's life for the past three months has been turning over to me a new leaf *?Atf/\lA+iAn Af tmiii* nofnT liQ\7d ill tilC lormuuii VI V> v/u i imiuiv. JL uu* v nothing to live for. Kill me, coward!" The maid, trembling and frightened, passed on. She also added to the statement : They had often, but not so violently quarreled while she had been in their service. Early next morning the servants, three in number, met as usual in the kitchen. The man-servant, who was also M. Beauchamp's valet named Francois, and the maid-servant narrated what they had seen and heard on the previous evening. Francois then, at 9 o'clock, went up stairs and knocked at the salon door to receive monsieur's orders. There was no sound within. Only the echoes of his tapping on the door. According to his testimony, madame usually slept late; monsieur was always in dressing gown and slippers and in the salon reading the Moniteur, which was laid at his door, never later than 8. Sometimes he rang for his valet before 9; sometimesawait: eU his coming. An hour longer, and then finding no signs of life within, the valet ran out and summoned a sergeant-de-ville, who burst in the door. An appalling spectacle fixed the gaze of the little group gathered on the threshold of that chamber, and held them motionless as if they had been suddenly transformed into stone images. There nearly in the center of the floor, in her night robes, lay Mine. Roquelaire's body, looking like a mass of congealed blood. The white linen robe, with its I lace work and embroidery, resembled a | crimson shroud. The face was mutilated, j crushed and almost out of human shape. The terrified maid servant uttered a shriek ! of horror and fell to the floor unconscious. Even for the moment tfie sergeant-de-ville, inured as he was to scenes of murder, was for an instant awe-stricken by the ghastly sight. Then, recovering himself, he started away, and in half anliour returned with other officers, the commissaire and a surgeon. Examination showed that the womau had been literally pounded to death with some blunt, heavy weapon, stamped on, and her body and limbs mashed almost into the semblance of pulp. Near this tremendous horror was a blood stained scrap of paper? a portion of a sheet of note paper. One scrutiny revealed scrawled upon it, with a blunt pointed pencil, these words: "Your life was mine. I Lave taken what is mine. You are now in the arms of death, a more steadfast lover than you had living; one you cannot betray. * Jean." Over the pencil scrawl were two finger marks in blood in the form of a cross. This was all. Nothing was disturbed. Madame'sapparel was in its usual place; her jewelry, watch and bijouterie where she had placed them when undressing. No weapon was round. There were gory fingermarks on the door and its casing. But Monsieur Beauchamp, what of him ? Search showed that a small traveling valise was missing from his chamber ; that he had changed his clothes, taking the discarded suit with him. On going out he had evidently locked the door of the salon and taken the key with him. Specimens of his writing were found, and an expert declared that the pencil scrawl upon the blood-stained paper very closely resembled his method of writing, changed, of course, by the action of a terrible mental excitement upon his nerves. There was no doubt in the minds of the officials that he, in a fit of ungovernable rage, and possibly crazed by jealousy, had committed the fearful crime, and then, recovering his reason, had sought safety in flight. Two of the most expert detectives from the Prefect's office were soon on his trail. They traced him to Marseilles, thence to Bordeaux, where he took a sudden change of route and went to London. Here he was arrested and brought back to Paris. When informed of the crime of which he was accused he fell into a species of stupor, and for three days was apparently unconscious. Recovering, he alternated from protestations of innocence to bewailing the death, as he asserted, of the only woman he ever loved, and calling upon heaven to pursue with its direst torments her murderer. Gradually he became cooler, and at last | * was able to make an intelligible statement. | ? It was to this effect: He had quarreled with j 5 Madame Roquelaire on the evening of her j assassination. They had often had similar i lovers' disagreements. She had a terrible ! temper, but her anger seldom lasted beyond a the nour. "On this night I had playfully accused j i her of liking some one else better than my-1 , i self. I of "She retorted; words made words, and ! still in jest I said I would correct her?shak- (l( ing a large closed fan at her with a pretense of rage. "JTinaiiy sue gl'CW ?t? viuicuu mat -l uicooed myself, put on my hat, and taking out ^ my valise, I bade her good-night, left the tf1 house and started upon a trip to Bordeaux, which I had long been contemplating, and intended to come to her immediately upon my return. We had separated in like man- , ner before that. After a day or two we always came together again, and we were de- 941 voted to each other. J" "I am not a brute; I was her best friend? she loved me and would have died for me. Why, then, should I have killed her ; beaten her to death so cruelly, whom I so often at caressed ?" m >1. Beauchamp's story was not believed. er It is not in the creed of the police to believe ^ anything an accused party may assert. 041 Mme. Roquelaire was buried, the house 2C locked up, put under seal, and guarded day and night by the sergeant-de-ville. H The servants were subjected to close sur- J? veillance in order to retain them as witnesses in the trial of their master. "c The conviction of Beauchamp was regard- Pc ed as a foregone conclusion. *1 Mons. Jean Beauehamp's antecedents in were those of a man with a moderate in- 9? come, a man little known in society; rarely th seen at the theatres or other places of pub- ra lie resort; reticent as to himself or hisaf- *?F fairs, and, in fact, by the few with whom he fo sought occasional companionship, looked co upon> as a sort of genteel, well dressed 1 sphinx. In two days the trial of M. Beauchamp m approached its conclusion. He had for his ki advocate one of the shrewdest members of eli the French bar, and for whose ability the ge court and the Procureurd'Etathad the great- ra est respect. vs The last witness had been heard, the State Counsel had made his first plea, when a messenger entered the courtroom, pushed J!1 his way to the counsel for M. Beauchamp tx< and gave him a package, whispered a moment to him and departed. A French ad- l0i vocate is nothing if not dramatic. The advocate arose, opened the packet, took txl from it a copy of the Moniteur, unfolded it, ai1 and addressing the judge, said: ?r "I think that this trial can now have but ^ one result?that of the release of M. Beauphumn f linvp hilt. thrPP flPW witnPSSP.SS U to offer. One is a few lines in this paper, ev the Moniteur, beaiing date June 14,1873,. yQ one day before the murder of Mme. Roque- scl laire. I will read them: ru "'Escaped from private Maison de Sante Jn of Dr. Roquet d'Allaire, a patient accepted and registered as Jean Boudinot, insane J_" from jealousy; placed in the asylum by his pp wife, Mine. Matilde Boudinot, May 11,1871, th as incurably insane and violent; height five feet ten inches; powerfully built, brown i hair, scar on cheek; was clad at time of * ! escape in dark, close suit." W1 "This notice," continued the advocate, Pr "I offer in evidence." Pu "But what has this to do with the ac- J111 cused or the crime ?" asked the Procureur. "e "We shall see. I now call Dr. Allaire." Dr. Allaire came to the witness chair. ja] He stated that Boudinot, the escaped lunatie, imagined he had a mission to kill his wife for her infidelity. He had sworn to do it, and he would. Pp "Where is Mme. Boudinot?" "Until to-day I did not know what had pn become of her. She sent her payments J" regularly for the custody of her husband, pe but after the first three months never a^ain visited the asylum. She removed from P1( the Rue Livaudais, No. 47, where she had |ri resided, and all trace of her was lost." "What sort of a woman?I mean what 18 sort of age and appearance ?" ?e "About twenty-five. Here is a photo- -J-1 graph, in this velvet case, which was left with her husband, and which we took away cei from him, as the sight of it seemed to in-11111 * 4 ' i I. - /? ji .I*..* ill rni crease nis lury in nis intervals 01 ueiinuni. The advocate took it from the doctor and handed it to the Procureur. ' Compare that with the portrait of Mine. Roquelair found in the house of M. Beau- fa< champ." ha "It is the portrait of Mme. ltoquelaire," po involuntarily exclaimed the Procureur. on "Precisely," said the advocate. "Now, IT then, I call my third witness, Pierre Rosier wi sergeant-de-ville, until this morning on du- wl ty guarding the house of M. Beauchamp, in which the murder was committed." pli Pierre Rosier stood up and said in answer Hi to the advocate's question : of "For two days past the passers-by 011 the gp opposite side have reported that the house tic was haunted. One man told me he had sci seen a frightful face at the upper windows, is which came and disappeared. Yesterday fai afternoon I notified my relief of these strange dii reports. With the consent of the Commis- a 1 saire we entered the house and searched floor joi after fioor. We reached the cellar, and m< were about leaving it when we heard a it scratching sound at the rear of the dark un- ab derground chamber. Turning our lamps in sh the direction whence the sound came we T1 saw, huddled up in a corner, a terrible look- ne ing object. It was a man, with a fierce, hag- an gard face. I le sprang up, but not so quick- ra ly that we did not throw ourselves upon nv him, bear him to the groundand secure him po before he could recover from his surprise, to We called for assistance and conveyed him w] to the Commissaire's office, taking-with us in the club, a very heavy piece of wood resem- eri bling the larger end of a billiard cue. This foi weapon was covered with oiots of blood and So fragments of dried flesh. The man was ev- de idently very nearly famished." lir "Who did this man prove to be?" ra "This morning the Commissaire, ascer- th tained that he was Jean-Boudinot, the es- 18' caped lunatic." of "Did he speak or answer the Coin mis- co saire's interrogations ?" st< "Yes. He said he had killed his wife ye and had danced the devil's jig upon her ne body. The only things we found upon his th person were this bit of paper and a bit of a tu pencil, both stained with blood." "This piece of paper," said the advocate, holding it up, "exactly fits the written pa- u per from which it was torn, found in the blood near the body. This is the pencil." "There remains now but one more state- ^ nient necessary. That is mine. I promised the accused, my client, not to reveal his secret unless it was absolutely necessary. It ??, is now necessary as the finale of this case. "Mine. Boudinot was Mine. Roquelaire. * After her husband was incarcerated in the 1. Maison de Sante, through his having sever- . al times attempted ner ine,,sno uecauie ac- f, quainted with M. Jean Beauchamp. They : became intimate, in fact, loved each other !n devotedly. In order to avoid complications, ^ she removed from her former residence in \ the Hue de Livaudais to the house which M. Beauchamp had rented for their joint Pp( occupancy. There they lived. There, on A< the night of the 15th of June, after M. Beau- * champ had gone out, she was murdered by the escaped lunatic, her husband, who, by _ what strange means we shall probably nev- y.(. er ascertain, had traced her, and, with all I11 the cunning of the crazed, had concealed ,n himself in the house, watched his chance, and then, springing upon her, beat her, mangled her as she was found ; then, with j1 [ devilish glee, hid himself in the cellar, and j' afterwards betrayed himself by appearing ff at the windows. This is our case." j11 M. Beauchamp was released. lr 1 ai Ifcjy Be not ashamed to confess that you n< have been in the wrong. It is but owning 1? what you need not be ashamed of, that you pi now have more sense than you had before to see your error, more humility to ac- as knowledge it and more grace to correct it. st psfellaneous gteadiftij. EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. MORAL, SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AX J) INDUSTRIAL NECESSITY. The Rev. Atticus G. Haygood, president ' Emory College, Ga., in his capacity as in^ral agent of the "John F. Slater Fund," slivered. by special request, a striking ad-ess on the education of the Negro, before ie Southern Sunday-School Association,at .'onteagle, Tenn., on the 2nd instant. He ould not discuss the relative capacity of ie two racesj and said : The proposition I am here to advocate is lis, and tnis only : The negro in the United ates ought to be educated. The first reason I offer is in the fact of his nnanity. He ought to be educated beuse he is a man. At this point I say nothg to those who deny the essential unity of p hnmnti mpp T snpnk to thoso who do fiieve in that essential unity. For one I fiieve in the essential unity of the race, id I believe in the brotherhood of the huan race. I believe, therefore, in all brothly help and service, wherever and howrer I find any human bein^. For the very me reasons that I believe in sending the >spel and the Christian civilization that >es with it to China, I believe in giving iristian education to the negroes in Amerei and lest by some possibility there should ( some misapprehension as to the truth I fid, let me say, I believe in giving the opirtunities of Christian education to the :groes for the same reason that I believe giving the opportunities of Christian edution to the white people?that is, because ey are alike human beings, and by natu1, God-given right should have the best iportunity God's providence allows them r becoming all that they are capable of beming. 'he negro's capacity for learning. How much he can learn, of whatdevelopent he is capable, we of to-day do not iow ; our children will not know, for the Eivation of a race implies the education of x; r>..i ^ iiierHiiuub. dui niui viuuiiia ui wns negi'u ce have done enough in the matter of adinced education; hundreds of thousands of em have done enougli in the matter of mientary education to put to flight utterly e theories and arguments that a genera)n ago we of the white race, with few exptions, accepted as the final orthodox phisophy on this subject. As a practical proposition I would say at every child in this country, white id black, should have, from his parents from the Government, an equal chance r elementary education. I believe in what mericaus mean by the "common school." lere should be schools enough to give to ery child the rudiments of learning; if iu please, the "three R's." And these liools should be good enough to teach the diments thoroughly. Such schools there ust be, if the children of the Itepublic are be educated; if they are to be efficient, if ev arc to reach the case, they must be eked by the Government. To accomp) ish is end wisely, justly, efficiently, there ust be a fair and equitable distribution of e school funds, witnoutdistinction of race, ejoice that every State in this Union? :th perhaps one exception?does now in inciple at least use its school funds witlit distinction of race, so that in the oppornities of elementary education there may justice to both races. What comes after this universal elemen ry education: The answer is simple ana me obvious; whatever individual capaci, aided by the benevolence of good men e wise enterprise of the church, makes ssible. Give them all, white and black, e keys of knowledge, and then let them iloek as many doors as they can. I pity e coward who is afraid to give a human ing this chance. Little danger is there at any race will rise too high, that any dividual of any race will learn too much ith. There is no danger more remote an the danger of over-education; there no danger more imminent than the danr of under-education. and false education, id there is no part of the civilized world at, at this time, has greater need to conrn itself with the social and political and oral perils that lurk in widespread ignonce than our own well-beloved and lair Sunny South" of the year 18S3. PRACTICAL POLICY OF THE CASE. With not a few persons of good business lulty and shrewd world wisasom it often ppens that an argument on the plane of licy goes much further than an argument the higher plane of truth and right, ley are prone to forget that there is no se policy that is against right, and that lile God reigns there cannot be. 1 will offer the argument on the lower me. The negro is here, and here to stay, eisa citizen armed with that thunderbolt political power, the ballot. That it was ven to him unwisely and without condi>ns that would develop in him a wise con.rw, ~ r : i . 4-1, K ^ <i? iu mu uau ui n j IIIUL n? u i ui'j utj unfit to be a voter?all this I understand rly well. But this is not the subject to scuss at this time. He is a citizen, lie is /oter. In some States he is in the 'ma ity; in every southern State he is a tre?ndous power?a power whether he uses or designing: white men use it. It is out time to consider facts. Ilis eitizenip is a fact and his presence here is a fact, lere are now at least seven millions of groes in this country; nearly all of them e in the Southern States. They increase pidly and steadily?faster than the white i'c increases. The increase in the total pulation of the United States from 1870 1880 was 30 per cent.; the increase of the iiite population, aided largely by foreign imigration, was 28.82 per cent. ; the incase of the negro population, unaided by reign immigration, was 34.78 per cent-, me writers of name and position have enavored to break the force of these startlg figures by calling in question the accucy of the census tables arfll by seeking, in e comparisons of longer periods, as from f?0 to 18S0, to prove a smaller percentage increase. If they want the best test for mparison let them try ten decades injad of two sets of two. One hundred ars ago there were in this country 700,000 groes; now there are 7,000,000. That is ey have multiplied ten times in a cenry." How many will there be in 1983? THE ILLITERATE VOTE. A man who does not know that voters ght to be able to read and write does not low enough to be argued with. The illitatc vote of our Southern States is simply mailing, and this illiterate vote is increasI"* " -! OT? i. ~ 100/1 r-. ? g. i'roill lo<U iu -loow inert; was an 111Biisc of illiterate voters in the Southern ates of nearly two hundred thousand, gures may not be interesting to a mixed idience, but they are sometimes instrucce. I will give you a few on the illiterate >teof our section of the Union: In Georgia e illiterate white vote in 1870 was 21,839, 1880, 28,671; the negro illiterate vote 1870 was 100,551; in 1880, 116,516. The hite illiterate vote in Kentucky in 1870 as 43,826; 1880, 54,955; the negro illiterate )to was in 1870, 37,849; in 1880, 43,177. In mnessee the white illiterate vote was in 70, 37,713; in 1880, 46,949; the negro illitate vote was in 1870, 55,938; in 1880,58,1. In Texas in 1870 the white illiterate )tc was 17,505; in 1880, 33,085; the negro literate vote in Texas in 1870 was 47,235; 1880, 59,609. Let those philosophers who think that eilration "spoils the poor for laborers" take jart. The uneducated among whites and acks in the South increase in numbers. ' ignorance makes them better laborers, lere has been great advance in our indusial resources since 1870. There were nong us nearly two hundred thousand ore grown men who could neither read >r write in 1880 than in 1870. Doubtless 183 would show still further progress?but ogress downward. Surely it cannot be needful before this ssembly to point out the perils to our initutions involved in this huge and inereas i ing illiterate vote. How are the votes of | ignorant men determined? First, in small part by the counsels of the wise and good citizens. I say in small part, for the bad and designing demagogue has more power over the ignorant vote than the good and useful patriot. Second, the votes of ignorant men are largely determined by prejudice. Out of prej udice proceed conflicts and all manner of social and political wrongs. Third, the votes of the ignorant are largely influenced by bribes, offered in one form or another. And this means fraud and corruption without end and bottomless. The worst thing about this huge illiterate vote is not the incapacity of tne voters to use their ballots wisely; it is this: Ignorance fits them exactly to become the tools of corrupt men of superior intelligence. With an illiterate vote large enough to hold the balance of power, elections are for the most part, dictated by demagogues and manipulated by villains. It is left to intelligent, industrious and honest citizens to settle the costs of corrupt government. OBJECTIONS TO NEGJRO EDUCATION CONSIDERED. I am not unacquainted with the answer to all this as a plea for- Ae education of the negro. "Book-learning," we are gravely informed, "is not sufficient: the negro needs education in morals." Tnis is true, and true as to the negro, because it is true as to all other men. But will sensible men seriously urge the negro's need of education in morals as an objection to his education in books? Is book-knowledge then unfavorable to good morals? Is ignorance the mother of devotion and the nurse of religion? Then recall the fierce Arabs who put torch to the library of Alexandria and Kwl Knvn r\ rvtirrx xtahv /?/^l nnrl Ullt l/licill UU11! VIUUH JVMl ivnu schools; bid them destroy your books and stop your busy press forever. Then stop all education?stop all thinking?vegetate and die. It is unmitigated nonsense, this miserable pretense of reasoning that since the negro does need betterment in his morals the school-house is not good for him. A most significant fact may be mentioned at this point. The only white people in this country who are expending either much money or much service in the effort to improve the negro's morals are also the people who are expending most money and service in the endeavor to teach him the knowledge of hooks. It is also true that those who have the most to say about the negro's need of education in morals, as a reason for not educating him in books, are precisely the people who are not doing anything of consequence to educate him in anything. To a plain man there seems to be a degree of sham and cant in their talk. The objections of the negro's education that control men'sopinions have their origin in four roots, closely united. First, in ignorance ; there are not a few who are, at nottorn, opposed to all education. Second in stinginess; multiplied thousands deny their own children education because it costs money. Money is their god. There are many white men in this country who are, by some sad mischance, the fathers of families and the owners of good properties, but they are too mean and too near barbarism to educate their children. They are traitors to their sacred trust of fatherhood and a disgrace to the humail race. And as to public schools, in which the children of the poor may be taught the rudiments of education, objection with most people would cease ii cost them nothing. Of thisclass of objectors I have yet to meet one man who opposed the schools, in which the children of the poor may be taught the rudiments of education, objection with most people would cease iT it cost them nothing. Of this class of ob jectors i nave yet to meet one man who opposed the schools somebody else's money paid for?unless from a sentiment worse than avarice. Third, in prejudice?prejudice against a negro because lie is a negro. Avarice is a mean spirit, but this sort of prejudice is meaner. It is cowardly and ignoble; it is, root and branch, utterly unchristian. If any think that my language is too strong, let them test their prejudice. Take them to Jesus Christ and ask Him to approve them. Test them in the light of the Serryon on the Mount and of the Judgment Day. How mean they look in that light! Fourth, in apprehensions that appeal to two classes of fears. One is, the apprehension that the education of the negro will spoil him as a laborer. I know what I am talking about when I say that this fear is at the bottom of much of the current opposition to the education of the negro. I go among the people and keep my eyes and ears open. If the argument that supports this apprehension be worth anything it proves too much; for it is just as good as an argument against the education of the poor whites ; it will as certainly spoil them for laborers. The spirit that is capable of such an objection to the education of the poor of any race is selfish, cowardly and essentially mean. It is worthy only of the Dark Ages! It is at bottom a plea for the tyranny of "bossism." Put into form it says this: "J am, by virtue of money, or shrewdness, or learning, a sort of boss among my fellow-men ; I must keep them in ignorance that I may keep them down and be better able to play the boss." man's upward tendency. But there is nothing in the argument; it is false all through, for no man is better for anything in this world that is worthy to be done because he is ignorant. A trained dog is ueuvr limn it w iiu uug. ayuuiuiRt: in nut a qualification for anything which God intended men to do. It is first, last, all the time disqualification rather. Every principle of right and justice denies it; every law of political economy condemns it; the history of the human race repudiates it. Intelligence spoils no man for anything that a man ought to do in this world. And were it otherwise, what right, before God, has one human being to keep another human being in ignorance in order to keep him his slave ? These questions go to the bottom, and we must go to the bottom in settling questions of rights and wrongs between man and his fellow-man. What is history good for except to teach us by its examples ? If history teaches anything it teaches that no social, or labor, or national, or race problem was ever yet truly solved by mere repression?by 'merely trying to keep human beings down. It is in our times seen at its best and at its worst in Europe. It is the Russian system. It fails always and everywhere; there is in it dynamite and death and hell. It must fail, for in its very heart it is tyranny, and the Eternal powers are against it. With some, too, there is opposition to the education of the negro from a vague fear of something that is called "social equality." Just now the poor negro is in "a place where two seats meet." There are two classes of extremists : one is in mortal terror lest he should become somebody ; the other is morbidly anxious that he should assert claims to what he is in nowise fitted for. If between the two he does not lose his balance he will deserve the respect of both. There noi.o.. n.oo ;.i +I110 lvrirlrl in nnv notion nr nuvvji v> an in uuo uw??v? ?*? mm??v community such a tiling as social equality, and there never will be. The social spheres arrange themselves to suit themselves, and no laws, promulgated by State or Church, will change the social affinities and natural selections of men. Men choose the circles for which they have affinity, seek the companionships they prefer, and find the places that are suited to them. Xo human force or sagacity will change the human laws which bring men together or repel them. AX IRREPRESSIBLE MOVEMENT. I$ut the question is no longer a question as to what we prefer; it is now a question ns to what can be 'done. These millions are here among us, they are voters?taking part in the government of this whole nation. When a man of sense can't have his own way he will seek the next best thing that he can get. It may well be that we would not choose that the conditions of our very difficult problem should be what they arc. But they are what they are, Nor is it any longer a question whether the negroes will be educated. That work was begun before Appomattox ; it is now being pushed with more vigor than ever before. Of this we may be sure; the negro will sooner or later Si be educated. The State governments recog- j nize him in the public school administra- j w tion; Northern liberality has spent more than twenty-four million dollars in the v j South since the surrender of the Confeder- ai ate cause. Without or with our approval ti i this work will go on, and it ought to go on. 01 ; I thank God for those who have carried it on thus far; for the liberal men and women | who have given great sums of money, and st : for the devoted men and women who have p \ given their personal service. That some w | cranks and marplots have appeared among fc | them in the course of twenty years is no si more an argument against the great work s( itself than is the discovery of an occasional tl hypocrite and scoundrel in the pulpit an h I argument against Christianity. 11 During most of the time that this work h j has been going on in our midst its promo- n j ters have had little countenance or encour- sc ! agement from us. Many times they have a I been opposed and despised and made to b: j feel our contempt. In all truth and com- a< mon sense there is no reason for discount- ci | ing in any respect a white man or woman c< simply for teaching negroes. It is utterly absurd. I believe it to oe also sinful. Let s< us consider our attitude to this subject for a ? j moment. We have the negroes to cook for us, and if they do not know now, as is oiren 11 the case, our wives and daughters teach w them. We employ them in all sorts of ti ways. When elections come on we ask not h only their votes but their "social influence." h Candidates from Governor to coroner do si this, earnestly invariably and without social discredet. We practice medicine for them C and it is all well enough. In all business b relations, except teaching, so far as I can remember our ways 011 this subject, wheth- ii er as employers or employees, we think it q is all fair, and so do our wise neighbors, rc IIow utterly and childishly absurd is it to 0] make an exception if one teaches a negro tl child how to spell, to read and to write. T Will some master in such fine knowledge h explain just wherein it is very nice to sell 1 goods to a negro or to buy from him, or to h practice law for him, or to give him medi- aj cine, but a thing abhorrent to teach him n< whatever he can learn that we can teach ? al Of what shams we are guilty! Think of people going into raptures over David Liv- ir ingstone, explorer of Africa and pioneer of Christian civilization, and then turning up in their noses at a teacher, not because lie is w ignorant, or bad, or ill-bred, but because, w forsooth, he teaches a negro school! ti A word more I add at this point: If the di best results are to be achieved, "both for the ir white and the black man, in the education fe of the negro, then Southern white people ol must take part in the work of teaching ne- hi gro schools. tc Let us take courage; prejudices that ei must hold their own both against conscience ci and common sense must die after a time, e^ Great chances occur in the lifetime of one w generation,?and the law of mortality buries the bitterest prejudice in the grave. di THE SOUTH OF TO-DAY. se w A TALK WITH WADE IIAMPTOX OX IXDUSTJtY AXD POLITICS. S< e: Philadelphia Press, August 4. cj General Wade Hampton, of South C'aroli- n( na, broke his journey from Cape May to New tc York, as he himself expressed it, by resting tj last night in Philadelphia. The distinguish- g( ed Southerner registered at the Girard early cj in the evening, and soon after received nu- (jj merous callers. He has materially aged since he was the leader of the famous Black Horse Cavalry during the late war. His H Burnside whiskers, which were then jet St black, are now almost white with the frost of years, and he is in appearance a striking sp reminder of Emperor William of Germany, m He looks well and speaks of his health as tu being exceedingly good. He walks without ro crutches now, and you would hardly know e\ that he had lost a leg, so well does he get m along upon his wooden substitute. ar "The South is prospering wonderfully," w said he, after greeting me cordially and sh leading the way to a seat on the sofa. "We of are getting new manufactories constantly." la "What kind?" . in "Mostly cotton mills. Last Winter the lie Legislature of South Carolina chartered sev- pg eral new companies, having an aggregate w capital of nearly a million and a half of tlol- lu lars. You would harldly believe how rap- th idly all our industries are improving." st< "JTowarethemillsatGranitevilledoing?" be "Splendidly. I think every cotton mill th in South Carolina is earning big dividends, ar with possibly the single exception of fhe w one in Charleston." ti< "Does this boom in manufacturing create dr a feeling favorable to protective tariff?" ai: "I think not. The feeling of our people ca ii.? 1,.,...no. ujnm intr uuiu iiucat/iuu in mm, mi> uij, ai cheap and good labor at home, and the cot- is ton practically at the door of the mills, they ro can compete with any one. They are, there- In fore, not in favor of high protective tariff, ar nor are they in favor of free trade. My own re position upon that question is that there th should be a gradual revision of the tariff, of keeping in view the business interests of pc the country, and the necessities of such in- th dustries as need protection to enable them in to reach a substantial basis. No man in the lei South that I know of is in favor of an assault en upon the tariff question that will rob any en American industry of such protection as it th really needs. Certainly no man in South Carolina is." "Would your constituency be in favor of w< making the tariff question an issue between on the two great parties in the coming Con- (E gross anil in the national contest of next sh year?" ni "Not to the extent of advocating free in trade; but to the limit I have indicated I te think they would.- Your Democratic Con- lb vention, held this present week, adopted a ch very we 11-tempered plunk in their platform pfl upon the tariff question. I think it very ni well timed. I was rather surprised that a fit1 Pennsylvania convention would deal so cli equitably, or I might say, conservatively, "J upon that question." in "You expect it, then, to be made an issue is in the coming political contest between the in Republican and Democratic parties?" ch "I think there is no doubt of it. Tariff rii revision is a popular idea with the Demoe- bj racy; but not free trade. The South has m too many growing industries to be in favor of of striking down the tariff and absolutely w< opening the doors to foreign competition, nc Our mining and manufacturing interests, id you know, are but in their infancy, and we ^1 must haveanequitable protection forthem." fo "Are your people contented under the in present condition ?" la; "Our people are prospering. They are le: building up the waste places with wonder- yt ful rapidity. The relations between the th blacks and the whites are satisfactory. The be colored people, as well as the whites, are Fi accumulating something. Many of the ne- w. groes are getting property; buying little tli homes and improving them. As they do of they are becoming better citizens, interest- vi ed in preserving the peace and in punish- fa ing crime. I doubt whether their labor has th improved, and it is a problem whether it h? ever will. But they are improving, and th time and opportunity may correct every- th thing that needs correction," dt "Are your people much interested in politics ?" "I am glad to say they are not. They are no now simply attending to their business and sa trving to improve their material condition, he We have had altogether too much of poli- fr< tics. Elections naturally create frictions 0< and resentments that it takes time to tu mend. I wish we had fewer of them. I su have always favored extending the Presi- \V dential term, so as to bring contests farther cil apart, and I would apply the same rule to ra State and even county politics." as "Would the old ticket of Tilden and ul Hendricks find favor in your section ?" m "It would not. Mr. Tilden is no longer ar strong in the South. If he had beenrenom- m inated at the last election, he would have \V polled the entire party vote. There was ar then a feeling that he was entitled to con- rh sideration. Thatsentimenthasdiedout, and cii there is no call for the old ticket from the th outhern States that I have been able to find." "Would McDonald be a strong candidate ith you ?" "Our people like Mr. McDonald very *ell. He has many friends in the South ! [id his position upon many national ques-; ons suits our people, but he is by no means : nr strongest candidate." "Who is he?" "Senator Bayard of Delaware. He has a j rong hold upon the affections of our peo-1 le and would be the strongest candidate ! ith us that could be nominated. He de- j ,'iided the South with great power when le needed friends, and, besides that, he is )und upon all national questions that are le foundation of our prosperity. I believe e would be the strongest candidate for the emocracy, North as well as South. He as ever been consistent and true upon fiancial questions, and he represents a con?rvative idea upon the tariff issue. He is rr\1 1 f\\ 1 f Hllfl WAlllfl UlUtlU-gUUfjV/ 11UU1 liuwuguvui/) wi.vc vj V.M.V. ring brains, dignity and the highest charter to the Presidential office. 1 believe he mid poll a larger vote than any man we hi Id nominate." "Would Governor Butler of Massachuitts have any standing as a presidential mdidate in the South ?" "I think not. Our people do not consider ira as impossibility. They are looking forard to the nomination of a clean conservave statesman. I have no doubt but that e could poll many Republican votes, but e could not command the full Democratic ipport." "1)0 you look for an interesting session of ongress when you shall meet in Decemer?" "No doubt we will have a very interestlg session. There are many important uestions to be passed upon. There is the jciprocity treaty of Mexico to be disposed f. That is an important matter. I met le commissioners. General Grant, Mr. rescot and the Mexican minister, and ad an interesting talk upon this question. was quite impressed with it. I have eard no expression of opionion for or gainst it in the South, and, of course, caur>t indicate the probable action of the Sen :c tnereon." "Was thi,s the first time you had ever let General Grant?" "I never met him until about a year or lore ago, when I came over here to dine ith Mr. George W. Chi Ids. I must say I as very much surprised at the conversaonal powers he displayed. He is a splenid talker, and I was very much interested i his account of his travels abroad. 1 conss I found none of that reticence and want ' ability to express himself that I had ?ard so much about during the past fifen years. I had found him a much broad and abler man than I expected. He disissed the Mexican question, as he did ;ery other upon which I heard him talk, 1 ith a great deal of ability." "You never tested his fighting powers 1 aringthe war?" ' * "No, my operations were in a different iction of the country, and against another , ing of the Federal army." It was hardly to be expected that the rnator from South Carolina would speak ctendedly of his military operations in a mt that was principally based upon eco )mic and political questions. The allusion General Grant was simply an incident of le talk upon them. It was so hearty and )od natured that I note it as a part of the 1 lat because it came from an eminent soler and a hard hitter. Tiie Curse of Dkink.?The late Dr. olland speaks these forcible words through < rribner's Monthly: < "The appetite for strong drink in man has < oiled the life of more women?ruined ore hopes for them, scattered more fornes for them,.brought to them more sor- j ws, shame and hardships?than any other < dl that lives. The country numbers ten, < ly hundreds of thousands, of women who i e widows to-day, and sit in the hopeless < eeds, because their husbands have been lin by strong drink. There are hundreds i thousands of homes scattered over the < nd in which they live lives of torture, gog through all the changes of suffering that 1 3 between the extremes of fear and dis- i lir, because those whom they love, like j ine better than they do the women they ' ive sworn to love. There are women by 1 ousands who dread to hear at the door the < Bps that once thrilled them with pleasure, 1 'cause that step has learned to reel under e influence of the seductive poison. There < e women groaning with pain while we 1 rite these words, from bruises and brutalize i n U i nfwl hv luiehnnrle irifirlp marl hv ink. There can be no exaggeration in ly statement in regard to this matter, he- : use no human imagination can create 1 lything worse than the truth, and no pen i capable of portraying the truth. The sor- i ws and horrors of a wife with a drunken I isband, or a mother with a drunken son, f e as near the realization of hell as can be i ached in this world at least. The shame, J e indignation, the sorrow and the sense f disgrace for herself and her children, the i iverty, and not unfrequently the beggary, ; e fear and the fact of violence, the linger- i g, life-long struggle and despair of count- ] ss women with drunken husbands, are i lough to make all women curse wine and 1 ig'age unitedly to oppose it everywhere as 1 e worst enemy of their sex." i Ancient Balloon Ideas.?The flying 1 ooden pigeon of Achytas of Tarentum was { ily a toy, but its invention set people . [ C' 400) thinking of the time when men < ould emulate its example. Simon Mag- < is, according to Suetouious, met his death 1 Rome during the reign of Nero in an at- ] nipt to fly from one house to another, oger Bacon had some idea of a flying ma- I ine worked by wings, and in the latter ] irt of the fifteenth century Dante, a mathe- 1 atician of Pcrugi, is said to have risen ] mt'e Lake Thrasimena by means of artifi- < ai wings aiiacneci to nis uoay. iuu ] lomo Volans," described and. illustrated ( an old work of the seventeenth century, ] seen descending by means of what is noth- 1 g more or less than a very clumsy para- 1 ute, while a work of nearly the same pe- j ad shows a man supported in a car or boat ] r four globes and a sail, prefiguring the ; odern ballon. This was the proposition i the Jesuit, Father Lana, and his balloons ere to have been of thin copper. There is i >t the slightest evidence to show that the i ea ever got beyond the theoretic stage. A. ( . Besnier, 1(178, did succeed, by means of i ur paddles worked by his arms and legs, i rising from one height to another, till at i st he reached the top of a house?so, at 1 ast, says the Journal des Savans of that t >ar, and the modesty of the feat renders it ^ e more probable. Less than thirty years ( Tore the first successful balloon ascension ( ither Galien of Avignon published a some- <. hat erratic work recommending the bot-11 ng, so to speak, of rarified air at the top ! 1 high mountains, in constructions of can- t us or cotton, for purposes of ascension ; so i r, therefore, he undoubtedly understood ( e principle of the balloon. The machine < ; proposed is said to have been ten times j e size of Noah's ark and capable of raising i e whole town of Avignon, where he resi- ( 'd. ? \ Buying a Volcano.?The Mexican Flintier, published in the city of Mexico, ys: A foreign company is reported to ive bought the volcano of Popocatepel sm is general owner, General Sanchez ihoa, with the intention of excavating a nnel and establishing a grand factory of lphuric acid at the foot ot the mountain. rith the great attraction of tourists to this by which will follow the establishment of ilway communication with the States the cent of Mount Popocatepel will be a popar feature for many] and some time it ay prove a profitable undertaking to build id inclined railway to the summit of the ountain, like that running up Mount rashington, and to establish fine hotels t nid the eternal snows of the peak, which s *e over two miles above the level of this t ty and nearly three and a half miles above 1 e sea-level. A NEGRO ON NEGRO RIGHTS. PLAIN TALK FROM TOM HAMILTON FOR THE MEN OF 1IIS RACE. Beaufort,*S. C., July 28,1888. To the Editor of the News and Couriei': I desire to correct an error in your report of the recent Negro Convention by which I was made to say that I objected to negro men driving white men's carriages. Possibly something of the sort may have been said by somebody else in the Convention; but 1 certainly made no such remark. What I did say was that the word "Republican Party" should be stricken out because the negro was used by the National liepublican party only to keep such men as MacKey, ran ana .j onnsion as overseers ui the negroes. All that the negroes get for their fealty to the Republican party is some minor appointments, such as boat hands, <&c., which nobody else wants. The only good position held by a Negro in South Carolina to-day is that held by Mr. Wilder, postmaster at Columbia, and he is kept there by Senator Hampton who is a Democrat. All other Repulblican office holders in the State, with the exception of the underlings already referred to are white men. I hold that the negro owes Radicalism nothing. Admitting for the sake of argument that he did owe it something after the war, (which I deny,) he has given it twenty years of the most active service of his. life, and during these twenty years the party has brought such disgrace on the negro name that it will take generations to wipe it out'. When the Republicans controlled this State all that the teachers could get for their certificates was forty cents on the dollar : now when the State is controlled by Democrats they are worth one hundred cents on the dollar. Education is the one great need of the negro race, and the party which has given the most aid to education is the one which we should support. It is f/,ll\r frvi- tho Rnmihlipiine 1 n to irivp as an excuse for not voting for the Educational bill that the money should be put in hands of Democratic superintendents of education. We must judge the future by the past. What has Republicanism done in this State towards educating the negro youth? Everybody knows that the Republicans stole the money intended for education and applied it to fast horses, gold watches and diamond pins, and I venture to say that if the money were turned over to the same class of men again by the Government for educational purposes the negro would never profit by a cent of it. Governor Thompson, when superintendent of education, did far more towards educating the negro youth in four years than the negro leaders did in ten, and his Democratic successor is following his example. Now why should I be called a traitor, if I aided at all in putting the State in the hands of the Democrats? Is not the negro benefited by it? Is not the school teacher benefited by it? Are not the juries, witnesses and all the officers of the courts benefited by it? Is not the policeman who guards your life and property while you sleep benefited by it? Then wh- li.onld. a man be abused and villifieu it h, . ' i-i my way in bringing about sucii I moved, in the Negro Convention, to strike out the word "Republian party," bebecause the negro is twice as well off under Democratic administration. The negroes receive more than twice the amount of education and the teachers receive almost three times as much for their certificates, while jurors and witnesses get twice as much for their tickets. Why then should a negro be ashamed or afraid to join the Democratic party? or why should he be ashamed or afraid to cut loose from the Republican party and stand as a party themselves, holding the balance of power so as to throw it on the side that will ?ive them the largest measure of substantial benefit and recognition ? It is nonsense for the negro to cling to the Republican party. Stalwarts ind Half-breeds are all the same. Put either of them in power and they will give white men the choicest places, while the negro to whom they owe every thing, must content himself with leavings. Can the Democrats do worse? It is high time for the negro to have done with the folly of being frightened at the word "Democrat." He lias but two questions to consider now. First, what is best for the negro; second, what is best for the country. Not to speak if Postmaster Wilder who owes his retention in office to the influence of Senator Hampton, look at Lieut. Fordham, of the Charleston police, riding the streets with liis shoulder straps as one of the city officers. Here is a colored man who was elected by 1/onf 111 nniifinn hv L/CHIUUillO UI1U HiiV/ 10 nvpv ill 1/wAMvfit Democrats simply for his merit. Is this not m evidence that if the negroes will ally themselves with the native white people md do away with these contemptible white men who have come down here as mere birds of passage, that they will get substantial j ustice ? Nobody objects to >. orthern men coming South and identifying thernjelves with us, and if they happen to deserve office let them get it. But I do object, md never will lend my aid or influence in my way to any class of men leaving Washington with their appointments in their pockets and coming here to rule among native Carolinians. What are the plain facts? There are about one hundred and fifty white Republicans in the State, and ibout I30of them hold Government appointments. Those who are not in office are in business and invariably vote the Democratic State ticket. Ex-Governor Scott, the first Republican Governor the State ever had, supported Governor Hampton and his tickit, on the ground that the Republican party was so corrupt that the people could no fonger stahd it. It is easy to show that the negro is not following the Republican party intelligently. There is no man, living or dead, to vhom the negro was so much indebted as Horace Greeley; yet when he became acanlidate for "President we all know how the legroes foolishly deserted him to vote for jreneral Grant?a man who never voted a Republican ticket in his life until he was on fhe ticket himself. They did this at the lidding of the leading Republicans, desertng their best friend and supporting a Copperhead. But now the lapse of fourteen /ears ought to have opened their eyes to :heir true interests. If I and my colleagues were wrong in gong into the Wallace House in 1876 and casing our votes for Governor Hampton instead* if for Governor Chamberlain, believing it ,vas best for the people of the State, both vhitc and colored, if that was wrong, what ire we to say of the letter of Governor Chamjerlain himself announcing that theciviliza;ion of the Roundhead ana of the Cavalier ?vas in danger and calling upon all good itizens to stand -together in defence ot the lignity and character of the State against jorruption and barbarism? Governor ChamDerlain was a Republican and an officer in :he Federal army. Why should he have jailed Southern chivalry to his aid if it was - ~?aai-1a/10 WTUam n 111rn riAimmAr JUL Hl'l'UCU . n iiui a uuvu imu wyvauvi Chamberlain, with all his ability and edu;atiou, could not reform the Republican mrty and keep it together in South Caroli1a, how can a man like E. W. M. Mackey ixpect to do it ? When I visited the Teachers' Institute in Columbia the only two white men I saw ;here to give us encouragement were Governor Thompson and the superintendent of iducation, both Democrats, What had be:ome of your Taft, your Mackey, your Johnston and your Brayton, the Republican josses who control all the Federal appointnents in South Carolina? They were not here. Now we want President Arthur ind his cabinet to understand that there ire more men in South Carolina than Mackey, Taft, Johnston and Brayton. That the rative Carolinian is here; that the German s here; that the Irishman is herej and hat the negro is here. We know our rights, md we will combine in one common cause :o protect and defend them. We don't in;end in the future to be bossed over by any itranger. That is what seems to me to be he true platform on which the South Caroina negro 9hould stand. Thomas Hamilton,