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lewis m. grist, proprietor. | An litbcpenbent Jfamilji ftetospajjcr: Jior tjje promotion of f|e |joIiticaI, Social, Agricultural anb Commercial Interests of % Sontjr. j TERMS?$3.00 A TEAR, IN ADVANCE. VOL. SO. YOEKYILLE, S. C., THURSDAY, DECEMBEE IP, 1874. NX). 50. ^outli iatolina JWfaiw. GOV. CHAMBERLAIN'S INAUGURAL. On assuming the office of Governor, Mr. Chamberlain delivered a lengthy address to the members of the General Assembly. After alluding to the features of the recent political canvass, which he interpreted as auguring well for the best iuterests of the State, he announced that he should rely for support, in the course which he intended to pursue, upon those members of the General Assembly who were opposed to him in the political contest, . as conSdently as upon those who favored his .election. ^ He discussed the present tax system as pro vided by the State constitation, detailing, at I length, the machinery of the law, after which B summing up, he said our attention must be (directed to the practical means ot carryiug out the ad valorem system. He said: , Grave dissatisfaction with our tax laws has existed during the past six years. The most general and urgent complaint has been that the valuations placed upon the property of the State have been, to a large degree, capricious and excessive. It has also been believed that excessive valuations have been made in order to conceal the real extent of the burden "** of taxation. Without attempting to discuss the motives which prompted those who enforced the law, I express the opinion that the valuations made previous to the present year, l have been, to a great extent, unjust and oppressive. Whatever the causes, the result has been that property has borne a valuation almost wholly arbitrary when different localities or separate pieces of similar property are compared, and excessive in amount, when tested by any reasonable standard of value. I see no reason to regard this injustice as a legitimate result of our present tax system. On the contrary, my most careful examination convinces me that the system will work out a just result if it can be placed in the hands of honest and competent officers. Undoubtedly the machinery for making valuations is somewhat complicated, if not intricate; but the system will be seen, I think, upon a fair examination, to be adapted in all its features, to guarding the rights of the taxpayer in respect to assessments, whenever it is administered by those who regard the interests of the taxpayers. During the past year a new assessment of real property, the fourth since 1868, has been made. It is not yet possible for me to judge of its correctness, but I am assured by those who have been familiar with the work during its progress, that it approaches very nearly to the true value of the property. I am further fkof flift Q rrtr rorro to TTolllQ finn of ftll llliVi IUWU l>UUV Vliu W65IVBl*VV ?M?UMV?VM v* mmmm the property of the State, uuder this assessment, will fall from thirty to forty millions of dollars below the aggregate of the previous assessment. I have confidence that much has been done iu this assessment to relieve the injustice of former assessments, but I call your \ attention to the subject as one of fundamental importance to the whole people. The people demand, and they have a right to demand, that property shall be valued for taxation at its true money value, as nearly as the imperfection of the human judgment will permit. If the present assessment does not reach this standard, then it is our duty to adopt such measures as will remove the remainingdefects. I shall cooperate with the General Assembly in any measures calculated to attain the end contemplated by our Constitution and laws? ^ Fr\y tovoflnn nf oil nrnnortu P a JUOb vaiuauuu tui kuaunvu v? m< j/. v^/v? vj accordiug to its true money value. In this connection I may remark that so far as the working of our tax system depends upon faithful officers appointed by the Governor, I iutend to see to it that no county shall have just cause of complaint. The appointment of County Auditors aud County Treasurers now rests with the Governor, subject to the confirmation of the Senate. I commend to your careful consideration the question of making these officers elective by the people of the several couuties. There are some arguments which might be urged in favor of either mode of selection. The only test which should be applied in determining the question is, which mode will with most certainty secure good officers and a faithful enforcement of the laws ? My examination of the Act of the General > Assembly of March 17,1874, commonly called rthe "Taxation and Assessment Act," leads " me to recommend that a full revision of that Act be made by some appropriate means by the General Assembly at this session, in conjunction with the Comptroller General, in order to remove inconsistencies and supply defects now apparent in the law. I farther recommend that the work of equalizing railroad property be given to the State Board of Equalization, provided for by Section 64 of the "Taxation aud Assesment Act." I see no reason for placing this power in the hands of a Board composed wholly of State officers as at present; on the contrary, I see many reasons for giviug to the property of L our railroad companies all the protection af| forded to other property. Having secured a just valuation for taxation of the property of % the State, our next duty will be to determine , the rate per cent, of taxation necessary to ^ support the government. Upon this point the k inflexible rule should be applied of limiting L? the araouutof taxes to the actual requirements of good government. It should especially be remembered that the people of this State are ^ not now able to contribute one dollar of taxes beyond what the most rigid economy will warraut. Probably there will be very little dispute upon this general proposition. The work and difficulty will consist in applying it, I deem it my duty, therefore, to proceed to point out the specific measures which will, in r- ray judgment, tend to bring us nearer to a ^ correct rule of public expenditure. The General Assembly at the last regulai session of 1873-74, adopted the plan of ma king a specific levy of taxes for each object of public expenditure. I most earnestly urge rf that this plan be observed in the future. Its ^ advantages are manifest and obvious. If the legislative branch is to have control of the f public funds, no measure is so important tc that end as the making of specific levies, k Assuming that the plan of specific levies ?r will be continued, I proceed to indicate cer tain radical changes in the expoiuiiturc o public funels, which are deman icd by a due l"' regard for honesty and economy. Under this head I do not hesitate to characterize tin whole system of contingent funds, which hai recently sprung up, as wrong in principle anc mischievous and demoralizing in effect. Du ring the past six years there has been appro priated and paid for contingent funds the as founding sum of 3376,832.74. I venture th< ' opinion that the State would have receivec equal benefit from one-fifth of that sum, if ex pended with economy upon proper objects. It practice, a contingent sum is a fund of monej which a public officer is allowed to draw aiu expend without the usual accountability Some governments deem it necessary to en trust certain officers with a fund common]] called the "secret service" fund, which ma] be expended for objects which might be de feated by publicity. I confess I am wholl] unable to imagine any such objects in Soutl Carolina. I thinlc the people of this Stab should be able to trace every dollar of tlx public funds to the precise object for which i ^ is expended. This cannot be done under thi / . present system of contingent funds. I recom mend, therefore, that the practice of appro i | priating contingent funds to be drawn and ' ; expended by different officers of the State, ! without the usual accountability for such ex| penditures, be whoMydiscontinued. I recora1 mend, in place of that system, that distiuct appropriations be made for all public objects, ! which can be anticipated or enumerated, and j ' then, that a small sura, not to exceed ten or | ': twelve thousand dollars, if so much be neces- j j sary, be appropriated for contingent expenses, j ; to be paid in specified amounts to the several j . officers who may require it, upon the warrant | of the comptroller-general, drawn upon vouch-1 i ers to be filed with the comptroller-general by i the officers obtaining the warrant. ' The records of the expenditure of this fund | , will thus be placed with the comptroller-gen-, i eral, where they will remain accessible to the j I people, and liable at any time to examination 1 I and publication. The reduction of public ex| penses by this system will not be inconsiderable, while the gain to official morality by the removal of opportunity for questionable uses ; ! of public funds will be great. Another subjectdemauding our most prompt | and energetic action is the reduction of the ; | expenses of the General Assembly. I cannot j j believe that any difference of opinon will ex- j I aiiKiA/tf Tko r\nKl5/? toifKin anrl I ISL upuil til 13 OUUJCtb* Xliv ^uvitv 11IVKIM M..v. . ?| without the State have united in pronouncing the expenditures heretofore made for legisla| tive expenses, an intolerable abuse. Since 1868 six regular and two special sessions of ( ' the General Assembly have been held. The . J total cost of those sessions has been 82,147,-; ; 430.97. The average cost of each regular ; j session has been 8320,405.16. The lowest i cost of any regular session was that of the | regular session of 1868-69, amounting to | 8169,005.79; and the highest cost was that | of the regular session of 1871-72, amounting j to about S617,234.10. Besides these amounts | now specicfied there are outstanding of bills 1 payable issued on account of legislative ex| penses during the same period, 8192,275.15. | These figures render comment superfluous. The Droblem is to reduce these expenses to an economical limit. The first and most obvious measure of re, form is the shortening of the length of the sessions. I find the average length of the sessions since 1868 has been 105 days. It is clear that no public requirements will warrant sessions of such length in the future. I I am aware that this may be regarded as a mat- j | ter so peculiarly within the direction of the ' | General Assembly, as to make any recora- j j mendations of mine impertinent. But my I , convictions of public duty upon this point are i i too clear to allow me, for any cause, to with- ! ; hold the free expression of ray views. I cani not see at present any reason of a public na| ture which can require a session of more , than thirty days. If this General Assembly could set the example of a return to the former rule in this State of a final adjournment before the Christmas holidays, I am confident . that they would receive the heartiest approval of all our people. I know of no services which could be rendered by remaining in session a j longer period, which would be held as valuable by our constituents as the example of a return to rigid economy in this respect. ' One cause oflong sessions, which I feel bound to specify, has been the passage of an inordinate number of special Acts of incorporation. Whoever will examine the Acts of the General Assembly during the last six years, will be conviuced of the waste of time arising from f.his ffiiisp. The remedy is obvious. Let a general incorporation act be passed, or let the present Act be duly revised and perfected, j and then let all ordinary applications for corporate powers be made under the provisions of such Acts. The second measure of retrenchment in legislative expenses which I urge, is a reduction of the number of subordinate officers and attaches of the General Assembly. Upon this point I am happy to speak in commendation of an Act passed by the last General Assembly. By that Act the total number of subordinate officers and attaches in both ; branches of the General Assembly is limited , to fifty-seven. I tiust your attention will be ' given to this subject, and that if, upon exam; ination, the number therein provided for is ' found to be the lowest number consistent with the proper transaction of business, the law will remaiu undisturbed. The third and most important means of re: ducing legislative expenses will be found in ! cutting off the gross abuses which have herei tofore existed under the name of contingent' nr ineidpntal legislative exnenses. I am un- I able to obtain a statemeut of the precise j amount expended during the last six years un-! der this head. I find, however, that the average expenditure of each regular session since 1868, for attaches and contingent or inciden1 tal expenses, has been about 8258,424.65. I Of this amount I estimate that not less than | I $190,000 have been expended for contingent j legislative expenses at each regular session, j If these figures do not teach their own lesson, : then argument would be idle. Let it be borne j in mind also that the amounts now stated represent only the actual payments made. There remains still a vast amount of unpaid claims in the form of legislative pay certificates, es' timated at not less than 8500,000. In seeking a remedy for these startling grievances I am convinced that nothing is so ' essential as the establishment of a proper sys| tem of accountability in the payment of exi penses. Our present system is wholly anom! alous, so far as I can learn from examining ! the systems prevailing in other States, and is j wholly at variance with the general theory of our own State in the payment of other public : expenses. The Comptroller General is the proper j auditing officer of the State. His office is ; !; intended to be the permaueut depository of ( i i the written evidences of the expenditure of I . public funds. The separation of the duty of i! auditing from that of paying, demands agaiust i the State is essential. The reouirement of: t! proper evidences of the character and validity ! of every demand made against the State, and : ' the preservation of those evidences for public | inspection, is also essential, t In order to meet these requrements, I re- ; 5 commend that all payments to be made on ac5 count of legislative expenses, be made by the s State Treasurer, upon warrants drawn by the } Comptroller General, for which the vouchers ) shall be filed with the Comptroller General. In the payment of members, subordinate 5 ! officers, attaches, &c., the only voucher re-, - quisite would be a duly certified list of all perf sous who held those positions. The Comp> troller General having satisfied himself of the ; 31 correctness of the lists furnished by the offi> cers of the General Assembly, and the author3' ity of law for their payment, would then j 1 draw his warrants upon the Treasurer for the - proper sums of money. In the payment of contingent expenses each - branch of the General Assembly would, by 3 committee or otherwise, make such audit as 1 ' might be deemed necessary of such accounts - and order their payment. The vouchers thus i accepted by the General Assembly would be / sent to the office of the Comptroller General, 1 and there remaiu forever exposed to thescruti. ny of the jmblic, and payment would he - made by the Treasurer only on the warrant { of the Comptroller General. ir Let no one imagine that I feel any distrust - of this General Assembly or of its presiding f officers, but I know that nothing is so vital in i such matters as a correct system. Wise laws 3 are expressions of correct rules of civil cong duct. The best guaranty against individual t dishonesty in financial transactions is a sysb tern which has no open doors to deception or - fraud. Rigid accountability and constant -' exposure to publicity, I venture to pronounce ??KM?? the foremost requisites of a good system for the disbursement of public funds. I respectfully and most earnestly urge immediate attention to this subject. Nothing can exceed it in importance. Consideration for the public good demands such action as will finally close the doors to a recurrence of the reckless expenditures which have attended our recent legislative sessions. I recommend that your earliest attention be directed to the matter of the public printing. The system which has prevailed for the past three years is utterly incapable of defense or excuse. The looseness of the system in theory is only equalled by its extravagance in practice. Under this system the Clerk of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Representatives, were empowered to contract for the public printing, and the drafts or orders for the payment of printing expenses ^ rkotToKlo nnrvn tko oor t \ t PQ nf ncic iiiuuc pajauiv U^UII iuv vv? vimvmww V* those officers alone, "out of any moneys in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated." No limit was fixed to the amount for which the contracts should be made. Under the system of making a general levy of taxes, no specific funds in the Treasury at any specified time were considered as specifically appropriated. The result was that under this system it was in the power of the clerks of the two houses to draw on account of public printing to an unlimited extent upon the public funds, without reference to the sufficiency of those funds to meet the demands of other appropriations. More recently, however, the General Assembly has made definite appropriations for payment of printing accounts. A few statistics will show how such a system has resulted in practice. The cost of the permanent and current printing from 1868 to the present time was 8843,073.59. The cost of advertising the statutes, that is, of printing them in the newspapers for the same period, was 8261,496.32, making a total cost of 81 ,104,569.91. During the past three years the cost to the State of permanent and current priuting, was 8743,933.20. And the cost of printing th'e laws in newspapers for the same period was 8174,696.65 ; making a total cost to the State of 8918,629.86. Deducting from this last amount such items of printing as maybe called extraordinary, including the republication of certain volumes of the Statutes at Large, the printing of the ku-klux trials, immigration reports, tax duplicates and Supreme Court decisions, amounting to 8375,000, there remains as the cost of printing for three years the sum of 8543,629.86, or an average annual cost of 8181,209.95. I offer no comment on these statistics. The only appropriate inquiry is, how shall such results be prevented hereafter ? I answer, by exterminating the present system, root and branch, and substituting a safe and economical system. Such a system can easily be pointed out. Let advertisement be made by order of the General Assembly for proposals for doiug the necessary public printing of all kinds for the State for a fixed period, specifying the various kinds and amounts of printing required, with the option of ordering more work of any specified kind at fixed rates and requiring a suitable bond to accompany each proposal, for the faithful execution of the work according to the proposals. Let these proposals be presented to the General Assembly and the most advantageous one be'accepted. In this way the State may remove the present abuses and secure an honest and economical result. I consider the costof advertising or reprinting the Acts of the General Assembly in the newspapers of the State a wholly unnecessary expense, and I recommend the total discontinuance of the practice. If any laws are enacted which it is important should be published at once for the information of the people, it will be to the interest of the newspapers to publish them as a matter of public information. If this is not done, a number of extra copies can be ordered by the General Assembly from the public printer, at a trifling cost, and be sent to the Clerks of Courts or other officers for distribution. Another reform which I urge upon the General Assembly is the keeping of the expenditures of the State within its receipts. Very little regard seems to have been hitherto paid to this obvious requirement of good administration. The existing deficiencies running back to 1868, are simply enormous. The deficiencies for the fiscal year ending October 31, 1874, were $472,619.54. The deficiencies for the fiscal year ending October 31, 1873, were 8540,328, of which about 8440,000 have been paid during the last fiscal year, leaving about $100,000 still unpaid. The levy of taxes made the present year for payment of deficiencies for the last fiscal year, will not be sufficient to pay more than one-half of the amount of such deficiencies. The evils of such a practice are serious. The amount of money needed should first be ascertained, and then a levy should be made adequate to raise that amount. After deprecating the practice of issuing "certificates of indebtedness" and warrants for the payment of money from the State treasury when no funds are on hand for their payment, he next alluded to the prevailing oninmn t,of tVio nnmKor mihltf nffippra IS too large, and the amount of their salaries too great. While not now prepared to express an opinion upon the subject, if any reduction of expenses can be made by abolishing offices or reducing salaries, he would give his most hearty support to auy plan which will accomplish that end, aud recommends that immediate attention be directed to the matter. He calls attention to the necessity of requiring County Treasurers, and perhaps County Auditors, to give bonds directly to the county. At present the bonds of these officers run to the State alone. It is questioned by some whether a suit can be maintained by the county upon such a bond ; but however that may be, in cases of default where the boud is inadequate to cover the whole loss, there is at preseut no law for determining in what way the unsecured remainder of loss shall be apportioned between county ana otnce. it is piain inaime couuiy should be amply protected by adequate bonds for the custody and disbursement of county funds. The subject of the public debt of the State is next alluded to, and the provisions of the Act of the last General Assembly "to reduce the volume of the public debt and to provide for the payment of the same," were explained. The leading features of this scheme are the reduction of that part of the public debt which was considered valid to one-half its par value, and the rejection of that part which was considered invalid. The Act was passed after long deliberation, and was, at the time of its passage, and has since been the object of public attention and discussion throughout the State. In the recent political canvass of this State, both parties especially pledged themselves to maintain this "settlement of the public debt." So far as he had learned the sentiment of the people of this State, they are wholly united in support of this measure. It must, therefore be regarded, so far as legislative and popular influence and action can go, as a final settlement. The ground upon which this measure rests as to its reduction of the volume of the debt, is the inability of the State to pay the debt in full. As to the part of the debt which is wholly rejected, it is held that it was issued without authority of law, and hence that it is not a legal obligation of the State. During the five mouths since this Act was put in operation by the State officers, over two millions of dollars of the old bonds and stocks have been exchanged. When the entire outstanding valid debt shall have been exchanged, , the principal of the public debt will amount j i to $5,740,016.95. The annual interest upon ! ; this amount will be $344,401.02. The tax annually levied to pay the interest on this ' j debt will at all times be held in readiness to j ! pay all interest which accrues on the new I ! bonds on and after July 1,1874, whenever the j exchange shall be effected. Article XIV, of the State Constitution,: : ratified January 29, 1873, forbids any in-1 crease of the public debt of the State by the I ' loan of the credit of the State by guaranty, i i endorsement or otherwise, until the question j : of such increase shall have been submitted | to the qualified .voters of the State at a; I general State election, and unless two-thirds | of the voters, voting on this question, shall be ! in favor of such increase. It is believed ' that this provision will be an effectual guard against any further increase of the public ! debt. The Supreme Court of the State has decided j that a provision, such as is contained in the 1 present Act, for the levy of an annual tax, is I a contract between the State and its creditor, , and is capable of enforcement by process of j law directed against the proper officers of the ! State, and furthermore, that suah a provision ! operates of itself not only as a levy of the tax, but as an appropriation of the proceeds of the levy to the purposes designated in the Act. Under this decision the provision for an annual tax remains a permanent levy and appropria tion, and no further legislation is necessary from year to year to accomplish the purposes of the Act in this respect. These provisions of law, together with the provision which makes all coupons or interest orders upon the new bonds receivable for taxes during the year in whieh they mature, give to the new bonds all the legal safeguards which it is possible to place around them. I cannot believe that any party, nor even any man, will hereafter dare to interpose an objection to the prompt discharge of these new obligations of the State. Confidence in these matters is a plant of slow growth. Once trampled on and crushed, it revives with j exceeding slowness, and flourishes only under I long and tender care. If the experience of any State should have impressed this lesson, surely it is the experience of South Carolina. It now becomes our paramount duty to labor to restore our ruined State credit by the only means apparently left us?a prompt, unhesitating and conscientious discharge of every obligation incurred under the law which authorizes the consolidation of the public debt. In this way we may hope, little by little, to win back some part of that public credit, the loss of which is among the saddest calamities which has befallen our State. Tn regard to the relation of the State to the Q bills of the Bank of the State, I recommend that the attention of the General Assembly be directed to the development of some plan by which these obligations may be met without disaster to the State. Toward this end I am, at present, able to make but one suggestion. If the State should offer to receive these bills for all taxes now past due, and for a certain fraction of all future taxes, I am conhdent an arrangement might be effected by which the redemption of the bills might be distributed over a terra of years instead of being permitted to embarrass the State by their compulsory reception in one body. A similar plan was adopted in the State of Tennessee, under like circumstances, in 1868. I most earnestly advise that the matter be taken in hand by the General Assembly without delay. In reference to Trial Justices, he calls attention to the provisions of sections 1, 21, 22, 23 and 24 of Article IV of the State Constitution. These sections provide for the election ! by the people of the several counties, of JusI tices of the Peace and Constables. These pro! visions of the Constitution remain wholly dor! mant and nugatory. In the place of the sysj tern thus established by the constitution, we have a class of officers called Trial Justices who exercise a jurisdiction similar to that given by the constitution of the State to Justices of the Peace, and who are further au; thorized to appoint Constables. The election by the people of Justices of I .? in . ?1_1__ I me reace auu v^onsiauiea ia, wiluuhi. ijunuuu, i a constitutional right of the people, and unless the present system can be made more useful and satisfactory,the enforcement of the constitutional provision referred to will, he is sure, be demanded by the people. The General Assembly is responsible at all times for the failure to enforce the constitutional system. Of the practical results of the Trial Justice system as heretofore administered, he hears but one opinion, namely, that it is costly, inefficient, and oppressive. The whole number of Trial Justices allowed by law is three hundred and forty-seven. Even this number has, he is informed, been exceeded by some process in actual practice. He is convinced that the num; her should be reduced immediately by at least I one-third. The incumbents of these offices are to a great extent deficient, he thinks, in the i qualities which make a useful magistrate. A revision or reoeal of the present provis i ions of law requiring deposits by insurance ! companies of stocks or bonds of the State or i the United States for the protection of policy j holders within the State is recommended. He recommends that Fairfield county be J relieved of the payment of the ku-klux tax, i from the fact that there are no persons in j that county coming within the provisions of j that law. As to the exercise of the pardoning power, I he says: I think it is proper that I should | state on this occasion, that in the exercise of : the power conferred on the Governor by the i constitution "to grant reprieves and pardons after conviction," I shall endeavor to keep i j in view the end for which our criminal laws i are framed?the repression of crime and the ! protection of society. The occasion will be rare and attended by peculiar circumstances j on which I shall feel justified in setting aside I the judgment of our courts and the verdicts ; of our juries. j I leave the question of the enforcement of I LIIC CUUSll LU LlUUiii ojotciu Mini 1UU V1V..V. | Assembly without venturing an opinion of my own, but I shall deem it my duty, while the present system remains, to use the power of appointment now conferred on the Governor in such a way as to give the people Trial Justices who will know the law and will use ; their powers to preserve the rights and pro-! tect the interests of all. This duty will be i onerous and difficult, but I shall endeavor to : discharge it without fear or favor. i Amendments, in some particulars, to the j , law iu respect to the Board of State can-! vassers are recommended ; and he also recora- j mends that the requirements of the constitu- j j tion in regard to the registration of voters ; . shall no longer be disregarded. He recommends new legislation as to the ; mode of appointment of the Commissioners: of Election, as well as the proper limitation,*; ! of the power of appointment, as matters | j which demand the careful attentiion of the ; General Assembly. Of the common school system, he says: The great subject of education will demand , your most serious attention. I wish I could , impress upon the General Assembly and upon , all our people the fundamental and incalculable importance of this subject in its relations n..n^.r nil.oi. ixtorpqt. nf thp Stftt.fi. Tlie Be* tw C? tl J UlllJVl UJVV. vw v. J culiar evils and dangers to which the people ; of this State are exposed, will find their cerJ tain and permanent cure only in the thorough : diffusion of education. We have met here to-day to begin the great work of reform in i our public affairs ; we find errors and abuses, and we seek to apply a remedy by the enact- j 1 ment of new laws or the change of old laws; i ' hut let us know and remember that the coin-' plete accomplishment of our hopes for good government will never come until the common school shall reach and mould the minds of all those who exercise the political powers of the State. In vain shall we build, if we neg-1 lect this foundation. Stronger than our j strongest statute, more beneficent than our wisest statesmanship, more enduring than any 1 form of government or method of administration, is the silent influence of the school. There lies our hope. Show me the open door oftheschool house crowded with our children and youth, and I can look beyond the discouragement of this hour and discern that fu-1 ture South Carolina wherein intelligence and virtue shall everywhere uphold and guard her prosperity and honor. I advise, therefore, in advance, against any reduction of public expenditure by reducing the appropriations for educational purposes. The aggregate amount expended for these purposes is not too great, but there is much occasion for efforts To make our school system more efficient. A perusal of the reports of the State Superintendent of Education will show that much has already been done. A few statistics will indicate the progress already made. The number of free common schools within the State in 1870, was 769. The number in 1873 was 2,017. The number of pupils in attendance in 1870 was 30,448. The number in 1873 was 83,753. The number of teachers employed in 1869 was 734. The number employed in 1873 was 2,310. I believe there has been a steady progress since 1870, not only in the number of our schools, but in their efficiency and standard of instruction. There are, however, great hindrances in reaching satisfactory results. First of all, there is wanting such a geueral interest on the part of all our people as is essential to an efficient common school system. Nothing can supply this want except the will of the people themselves. Perhaps the chief hindrance has nnnnnlfr On/1 f H UCCll U1C Yvau L Ul unu uv?w*v>< w their work on the part of the County School Commissioners. The powers of these Commissioners in the management of schools, the appointment of teachers, and the expenditure of school funds in their respective counties, are almost absolute. The relations of the State Superintendent to the County School Commissioners are almost wholly advisory. I recommend that careful examination be made into this feature of the school system, to ascertain whether any change can be made which will remedy the want of efficiency on the part of County School Commissioners. In general, I recommend that careful attention be given to the school system in all its features. It is not enough to continue to makeappropriationsforschool purposes. The whole number of persons in this State between the ages of six and sixteen, is 230,102, and of this number only 83,753 now attend our schools?scarcely more than one-third of the whole number. This fact suggests the need of greater efforts to extend our school system so that it may embrace a far greater number of our school population. I have but one specific recommendation to make upon this subject. Our educational system at present consists of our common schools at one extreme, and our State University at the other. There is no proper intermediate link to connect these extremes. To reach the University the pupil must leave the common school and seek his preparation for the University elsewhere. I think the system should be so modified as to supply this dofoct, and this, I think, can be done I'n/ifAooInnf oncjf nf thp YVU1IUUL ilCUCSOUUJJ lUVl&aoiug |?IU w v... system. The plan I would propose, is to select one or two of the most efficient of our present common schools in each county, and elevate them to the grade of ordinary high schools, and open them upon proper conditions to the more advanced pupils in the common schools. To accomplish this end, I would suggest that a part, perhaps oneffourth or one fifth, of the present appropriation for public schools in each county, be assigned to the purpose now stated. J. would further suggest that for the present, the control of this class of schools be committed to a board of high school commissioners to be selected in such a manner as to secure the best men in the State to aid in this effort to improve and perfect our school system. I am convinced that a plan substantially such as I have suggested, would elevate the standard of our common schools and supply pupils n TT? with proper attaiumenis ior our university. In conclusion, he says: I have now made known to you my views upon those matters which seem to me to be of most urgent importance to our welfare as a State at the present time. OwiDg to the want of the information to be obtained from the reports of the various officers in charge of the several departments of the government and the public institutions, I am obliged to omit the consideration of some topics which will necessarily command a part of your attention. At an early day it will be my duty to present to you some additional recommendations touching several important interests of the State. The views now presented are the best contribution which it is in ray power to make toward the removal of present evils and the restoration of good government. I offer them with deference to the General Assembly. To the accomplishment of the general results which I have indicated, so far as lies in my power, I am unalterably pledged. In the methods best adapted to accomplish those results I have no personal plans or wishes which I shall deem important in comparison with the results to be accomplished. The work which lies before us is serious beyond that which falls to the lot of most gene-1 rations of men. It is nothing less than the I | reestablishinent of society in this State upon | j the foundation of absolute equality of civil | and political rights. The evils attending our ' first steps in this work have drawn upon us the | frowns of the whole world. Those who op- f posed the policy upon which our State was re- ! stored to her practical relations with the Un-1 ion, have already visited us with the verdict j ofabsolute coudemuation. Those who framed I and enforced that policy are filled with an ; anxiety for the result, in which fear often pre- j dominates over hope. The result, under Divine Providence, rests with us. For myself I here avow the same confidence ! in the final result which I have hitherto felt, j The evils which surround us are such as might, " i- , 1 I ; well have been preciicieu oy a suguetoua iumu before they appeared. They are deplorable, but they will be transitory. The great permanent influences which rule in civilized society are constantly at work, and will slowly j lift us into a better lif-3. Our foundations are strong and sure. Already we have seen the day when no party or man in our State was 1 bold enough to seek the favor of the people j except upon the most explicit pledges to re-! move our present abuses. If we who are here ! to-day shall fail in our duty, others more lion- j est and capable will be called to our places. Through us, or through others, freedom and ! justice will bearsway in South Carolina. I enter upon my duties as Governor with a just sense, as I hope, of my own want of such wisdom and experience as the position demauds. I shall need the friendly aid not only of my'political associates, but of all men who love our State. We must move forward and upward to bet- j ter things. In performing my part of this j work, the highest favor I ask, next to the Di-1 vine favor which I now invoke, is that no man will urge me to do an act inconsistent with the principles and pledges upon which the people have entrusted us with our present powers. IpSfdliHtttfus fUattittg. Relics of the Departed.?Here is something tender and touching, which an old editor wrote relative to the loss of his little son, "Jack." "I saw wife pull out the bottom drawer of J the family bureau this evening, and went softly out, and wandered up and dowB, until I knew that she had shut it up and gone to her sewing. We have some things laid away in that drawer which the gold of kings could not j buy, and yet they are relics which grieve us until both our hearts are sore. I haven't dared look at them for a year, but I remember each article. There are two worn shoes, a little chip hat, with part of the brim gone, some stockings, pants, a coat, two or three spools, broken crockery, a whip, and several toys. Wife?poor thing?goes to that drawer every day of her life and prays over it, and lets her tears fall upon the precious articles, but I dare not go. Sometimes we speak of little Jack, but not ofteD. It has been a long time, but somehow we can't get over grieving. He was such a.burst of sunshine into our lives that his going away has been like covering our every day existence with a pall. Sometimes, when we sit alone of an evening, I writing and she sewing, a child on the street will call out as our boy used to, and we will both start up with beating hearts and a wild hope, only to find the darkness more of a burden than ever. It is still and quiet now. I look up at the window where his blue eyes used to sparkle at my coming, but he is not there. I listen for his pattering feet, his merry shout, and rioging laugh, but there is no sound. There is no one to climb over my knees, no one to search my pockets and tease for presents, and I never find the chairs turned over, the broom down, or ropes tied to the door knobs. I want some one to tease me for my knife; to ride on my shoulder; to lose my ax ; to follow me to the gate when I go, and be there to meet me when I come; to call "good night" from the bed now empty. And wife, she misses him still more ; there are no little feet to wash, no prayers to say; no voice teasing for lumps of sugar or sobbing with the pain of a hurt toe ; and she would give her own life, almost, to awake at midnight and look across to the crib and see our boy there as he used to be. So, we preserve our relics, and when we are dead we hope that strangers will handle them tenderly, even if they shed no tears over them." + + Ax Essay on Correct Grammar.?A searcher after truth writes to ask us which is grammatically correct to say, "the house is building" or "the house is being built," "the street is paving" or "the street is being paved ?" There is a wide diversity of opinion on this subject; but we incline to favor "is being built," for these reasons: Suppose you wish to express another kind of an idea, would you say, for instance, "Johnny is spanking," or "Johnny is being spanked?" The difference to you may seem immaterial, but it is a matter of importance to John ; and it is probable that if any choice were given him, he would certainly select the former alternative. You maysay again "the missionary is eating." Certainly this expresses a very different and much pleasanter idea than "the missionary is being eaten ;" and the sensation is very different to the missionary, too. We have consulted several missionaries about it, and they all aoom to think that the two things are somehow not the same, no matter what grammarians say. But it is to be confessed that there are occasions when the difference in the form is not so marked. You assert, we say, that "Hannah is hugging," which by the way, would b.ea very improper thing for Hannah to do; it would be positively scandalous, indeed. Precisely a similar idea is being conveyed ifyou say, "Haqnah is being hugged," because it is a peculiarity of the act that it is hardly ever one-sided?there is no selfishness about it. But it is the same with kissing. "Jane is kissing," is just exactly as if we should say, "Jane is being kissed;" and the sensation is the same, although none of the grammars, by a singular inadvertence, men tion the fact. It will not be necessary, bowever, for our correspondent to attempt to prove the last named facts by practice. Unless he does so, we shall answer no more questions in syntax for him or anybody else. Our duty is to conserve the morals of the community, not to start people to playing private games of Copenhagen. FAITHFULNESS OF THE DOG. By no animal has the sentiment of affection been so remarkably evinced as by the dog. A poor boy was fatally injured, and * 1 11 _ J carried to a hospital. Ills little aog ionowea him thither, and being prevented from entering it, lay down at the gate, watching with wistful eyes every one that went in, as if imploring admittance. Though constantly repulsed by the attendants, he never left the spot by day or night, and died at his post, even before his master. The dog of the French soldier follows him to the camp, often accompanies him into action and has beeu found at his side whenwounded or dying on the field of battle. A private was condemned to be shot, and his executioners were ready to fire upon him. Just as the bandage was about being placed over his eyes his dog flew into his arras and began to lick his face. This touching incident for a few moments arrested the proceedings; but after a short delay his comrades, with tears in their eyes, gave the fatal volly, and the two friends expired together. A youthful conscript, desperately wounded in battle, was conveyed indiscriminately, with hundreds ofothers.to a hospital. In the course of a few days a little dog made his appearance, and searching amidst the dying and dead, discovered at length his expiring master, and was found licking his hands. After his death a comrade took charge of the faithful animal, but no kindness could console him. He refused all food, pined away, and died. Many examples are on record of a similar devoted attachment, ending only with life; and although they afford no evidence of special intelligence, they do of a sentiment of the same nature as that which may exist in ourselves, and which is rarely exhibited of greater intensity.?Philosophy of Natural History. D.,r?nin Tdhv Trxri?!??An incrftninns IVAlLhWAi^ JL naiii Q I invention has lately been successfully tested j on the Vandalia railroad, Indiana, which records the motion of railway cars. There is a , locked iron box, attached to one side of the car, and containing a clock. The mechanism j of the latter causes a small drum, on which is wound a sheet of paper, to travel at a con-: staut rate. With the axle, by rbeans of rods and gearing, a pencil touching this paper is connected. As the pencil is moved slowly ! across the paper, by its mechauisra governed by the axle, and as the paper is moved slow-' ly forward, the pencil point inscribes a diago-j nal line back and forth. The paper is ruled : in very small sections, every fourth line being dotted and representing one mile; so that,, supposing the cargoes a mile in four minutes, | the line will cross just four sections diagonal- j ly from one dotted line to the next one. If; the car stops, the line crosses the paper direct-! ly and shows the number of minutes that the train is at rest. The names of the stations are written at the proper places on the paper, and thus the exact rate of speed made at any point on the line, can be subsequently noted. Scientific American. | 1ST Forty years ago rumors in Washington ! city imputing misconduct to members of Conj gress were seldom in circulation. The writer, t then residing in that city, heard only one reI port prejudicial to the character of either a Senator or member of the House of Represen| tatives. And as its denouement illustrated the sagacity of Senator Grundy, of Tennessee, it is communicated. I The writer was seated in that Senator's | room when a gentleman entered, and said? "A report is in circulation highly injurious I to the character of a Senator of the Uuited [ States." "Stop," said Mr. Grundy; "before it is stated I will make a prediction. If a western Senator is implicated, the government has been cheated out of public land ; if the Senator involved is from the South, a negro has ?? ^ IC fk/MiA to onmQ fri/?lr pnn. uteu wruugeu , uul u uicio m ouuw ?.v? ~ cerning a patent right, the Senator is from New England." The facts of the case being stated, it appeared that a Senator from a New England State had charged one of his constituents ten dollars for obtaining a patent for an improvement in door locks. The deviation from propriety forty years ago caused more denunciation than that awakened at this day by a well-known disreputable practice of Senators and members of Congress who receive fees for the exercise of their influence to procure appointments, or to cover up official delinquency. Sun-Light on Grape Vines.?We have frequently heard vineyardists remark on the importance of the rows of vines on the trellis running north and south, in order that the sun may shine on* both sides. Has this theory ever been tested by careful experiment ? If the rows are east and west, the sun will shine on them all day. Is the result any bet ' j- ?A ter wnen tne rays striae nrst one oiue, ?uu then the other, than a continuous shining on a vine ? May we not apply the shrewd philosophy of the Hibernian, who bought but one spur for his horse, on the principle that if one side of the horse moved the other must ? An intelligent farmer lately urged the importance of planting drilled corn north and south, for the same reason. The inquiry occurred, is it not as well to.have thesun shine all day on one side of a stalk, as half the time on each? The question is, has this opinion been established by closely conducted experiment, or is it mere hypothesis, passed without testing,from one person to another? + Prevalent Mistakes.?We desire to call the attention of our readers to the following prevalent mistakes: It is a mistake to suppose that the subscription price of a newspaper is clear gain to the publisher. It is a mistake to suppose that he gets his white paper for nothing. It is a mistake to suppose it is printed without cost. It is a mistake to suppose that he can live bodily by faith. It is a mistake to suppose that it is an easy thing to please everybody. It is a mistake to suppose that a paper is not worth buying which contains only what we know already. It is a mistake to suppose that money due for a paper would be as good to us a year hence as now. 4 ? A Reckless Old Man.?There was an old couple at the Central depOt yesterday waiting to go through to the West, and they ? seemed loving enough until the old man went out and returned smoking a five cent cigar, and with his hat slanting over his left ear. The wife looked at him twice before she could recognize him, and then opened her mouth and said: "What'd I tell ye, Philetus Remington, before we left New Jersey? Didn't I say you'd go and make a fool of yourself the first chtnceyou got?" He tried to pacify her by saying that the cigar only cost five cents, but she shouted: "You teased and teased till I let you git your boots blackened ; then you wanted some soda water; then you bought apples on the train, and here's another five cents thrown away I It all counts up, and if you don't die in the poor-house then my name hain't Sary." Eating Before sleeping.-rlt is a common mistake to suppose that eating before sleeping is injurious. Not at all unfrequently does it happen that people are sleepless for want of food, and a little taken, either when they first go to bed, or when they thus awake sleepless, will be generally found far more efficacious, and ofcourseinfinitely less injurious, than any drug in the chemist's pharmacopia. These are the physical remedies for sleeplessness which have the best recommendation. As for the moral ones, there is certainly a good deal more to be said. Perhaps the most stringent of all rules are: "Avoid anxiety !" and "Don't go to bed owing anybody a grudge!" Chewincr the bitter end of a quarrel is a tlious ~ o # J ! and fold more injurious to repose than swalj lowing a whole teapotful of the very greenest j of green tea ! A Candidate for Clubbing.?"Now, : Charlie, how can you treat me so ? Only two months married, and yet you stay out tin two in the morning." "All your fault, my dear." "My fault! How ?" . "Why, you see, I met a friend at the club, and explained to him what a dear, accomplished woman you were. The time slipped / away," etc. | Of course he was forgiven. Next night: "Why, Charley, it is three o'clock. You ! did not meet any one to praise me again, did : you ?" "No; but this time I waited, hoping some one would come, so that I could tell liira; and j that's what kept me so late." Not forgiven! Success in Life.?To grow rich is not to : make more money, but to spend less. If one is not accumulating money as fast as he thinks j he ought, the remedy in nine cases out of ten ! is not greater exertion to make money, but : greater care to save it. Indeed, he who saves 1 money systematically, putting away a part, I even though it be a small part, of each week's or each day's earnings, is rich already. His means exceed his necessities, and that is wealth ; always. If people generally would conduct i their affairs on the principle above inculcated , there would be comparatively little business anxiety, and much greater comfort and happiness in the household. No One Perfect.?One day you will be pleased with a friend, and the next day disappointed in him. It will be so to the end ; and you must make up your mind to it, and not quarrel, unless for very grave causes. Your friend, you have found out, is not perfect. isTor are you; and you cannot expect to get much more than you give. You must look for much weakness, foolishness and vanity in human nature; it is unhappy if you are too sharp in seeing them.? Country Parson. The "cheekiest" theft on record is reported from Virginia, where a rascal stole a set of false teeth from the gums of a gentleman who carelessly left his mouth open when he went to sleep. Technical lawyers are in some doubt as to the exact form of indictment for this novel crime, but the victim calls. it flat burglary, being forcible entry and abstraction of plate. BGF A rich young lady in Chicago has a mania for buying dogs, and has $7000 invested in that sort of property already.