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* I k wsSSBSBSSSM^^^ss^smsm^mmsmsBsmssmmsBSBsmaaaBBsaBaaaBBeBmmsBmmimBKmamtmm LEWIf,.^,; ?RIST' an InkjJtiibtnt ^amilu Ilftopjtr: for tfrt |nrogtiim of % f glifoal, Serial Agritnilnnl an> (Tranrraa! jnttrtsts rf % Srtjj. ^ | VOL. 14. YORKYILLE, S. C., THURSDAY, MARCH 5, 1868. N"0. lO. ftolitol. THE ROW AT WASHINGTON. FULL PARTICULARS. The Northern papers contain full particulars in regard to the recent attempted removal of Secretary Stanton, and the events to which it gave rise. A correspondent of the New York Herald visited the President on Friday night of last week, ai)d furnishes the following as to what the latter thinks about the situation of affairs: 4'After the customary salutations, your correspondent remarked that the country was somewhat taken by surprise by the sudden removal of Stanton and the appointment of Thomas as Secretary ad interim. The President smiled and inquired, "Well, what do the people say ? I suppose they ate surprised; but I have only done what I had determined upon long ago." Correspondent?The removal, then, is not in pursuance of a recent determination on your part, Mr. President?" The President?"Not at all, sir. The people seem to have mistaken my course altogether in this matter. I never had but one determination on this subject, but I have acted carefully, prudently and moderately. Perhaps I have been too slow about removing Mr. Stanton, but not because I feared the bugbear of impeachment, or that I dreaded anything that Congress might do. Nothing that body oould attempt or carry out would intimidate or surprise me. I know they are capable of doing anything. I delayed final action solely to let the country see and understand the position of Mr. Stanton. We first intimated to him that we would like for him to withdraw from our privy council. He did not take the hint. "We then requested him to resign. He refused. We then suspended him, under the constitutional power we have to suspend or remove a member of our Cabinet. The act of suspension was also not in conflict with the Tenure of Office bill, though we did not therefore recognize its constitutionality. As a matter of courtesy we I sent reasons for our action to the Senate. That body pretended not to consider those reasons sufficient, and assumed to reinstate Mr. Stanton in of- 1 flee. Well, we still waited, hoping Mr. Stanton would see the propriety of resigning himself. Gen. Sherman and General Grant offered to go to Stanton and advise him to resign. After waiting a reasonable time we thought proper to-day to order the removal of Mr. Stanton and to appoint General Thomas Secretary of War ad interim. This is 1 the whole story." - Correspondent?"Was this step discussed in the Cabinet council, Mr. President ?" The President?"No, sir; not precisely. A i general policy was agreed upon sometime ago, and the removal to-day is in accordance therewith. I have just received a copy of the resolution adopt- s edbythe Senate to-night in executive session." The President here read the resolution printed else- ] where. ] Correspondent?1"What will the Senate do, Mr. i President, under that resolution, if you still insist i upon having General Thomas act as Secretary ad ( interim!" ] The President?"I don't see that they can do nnvthinp. The resolution itself is the end of the matter, so far as the Senate is concerned, unless 1 the House presents articles of impeachment and 1 the Senate undertakes to tiy the Executive, and i resolves itself into a high cqjurt of impeachment." Correspondent?"Do you think Congress really i will attempt impeachment, Mr. President?" i The President? "I do not know, indeed; nor do I care. It would make very little difference to i me." i Your correspondent here asked what the President would do in the event of the passage of Mr. i Edmunds' bill of suspension, to which the Presi- ] dent answered, substantially, "Sir, I would not obey the law if they attempted to suspend ( me. The law is clearly unconstitutional. There ( is a point against it which you gentlemen of the ( press seem to have altogether overlooked. The ; bill of Senator Edmunds to suspend pending trial would undoubtedly be an ex post facto law so far , as my case would be concerned. Such a law is de- ( clared unconstitutional by the very language of the constitution itself. My offence, we will suppose, , is the removal of Mr. Stanton. That is an ac complished fact Any law prescribing a penalty for that act would be ex post facto, and, therefore, unconstitutional. How, therefore, can Congress , legally pass a bill of such a character ?" Your correspondent remarked that certain Radicals might argue that a persistence in keeping Mr. Stanton out of office, after the Senate declaring his removal contrary to law, and after the proposed passage of Mr. Edmunds' suspension bill, would be bringing the question out of the operation of an ex post facto law. ? The President replied that that could not alter the case, as the offence charged would still be the 1 removal of Mr. Stanton?an act performed before ' the passage of the proposed law. In reply to an inquiry as to whether the PresiI dent had seen General Thomas since the interview ' \ of the latter with Mr. Stanton, the President said 1 yes, and proceeded to state what, according to his 1 information, had occurred at that interview. "Gen. Thomas," he said, "waited upon Mr. Stanton, and showed to him the President's order removing Mr. Stanton and appointing him (General Thomas) as Secretary of War ad interim. Mr. Stanton read the order, and asked Thomas whether he would be obliged to vacate the office forthwith. Thomas said his instructions were to assume control immediately. Stanton then said he would like to have time to arrange and take away his papers and documents; to which Thomas replied that a fimp would be allowed for that dut pose, No time, however, was fixed for Mr. Stanton to finish his arrangements." Your correspondent had some further conversation with the President, but the chief points have been given. The President repeatedly expressed his utter indifference as to what course Congress might adopt on the impeachment question; and in answer to a parting remark of your correspondent that the President might sleep soundly in spite of the threatened impeachment he said, laughing, "I don't think my slumbers will be much disturbed by , that fear. I shall sleep soundly and awake refreshed." FRIDAY NIGHT AT THE WAR OFFICE. The War Department from dark on Friday night till dawn on Saturday, was the scene of anxious consultations among Stanton and his partisans. At one o'clock Saturday morning, Hon. David K. Cartter, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia, and a tool of Stanton's, visited the War Department, About four o'clock Mr. Stanton and Senator Thayer ensconsed themselves on two lounges, to obtain, if possible, a little sleep. Not long after the tramp of soldiers was heard approaching from the direction of the White House, but it proved to be the relief guard. By seven o'clock General Farnsworth, Mr. Judd, of Illinois, and other Congressmen arrived, and Stanton had quite a levee as he discussed the breakfast which had been sent to him from his house. During the night a number of letters were sent to him from the capitol, urging him to maintain his position. WHAT THE PRESIDENT INTENDS. It is stated in behalf of the President that what was done by him was purely of a civil character, and in no wise partakes of the military. His purpose, it is alleged, is simply to remove one officer and appoint another ad interim, and if the first refuses to obey the order, then probably to test the matter by regular legal proceedings in the civil courts, or getting possession of the office through his ad interim appointed, to compel Mr. Stanton to seek his remedy by writ quo warranto, or other procedure, to bring the matter before the courts. GENERAL THOMAS ISSUES AN ORDER. About two o'clock on Friday afternoon, it is stated, the Paymaster-General received an order signed by General Thomas as Secretary of War ad interim, directing the closing of that office on '?j? t -c tit?v:?i?i omuruay, in iiuuur ui ti souiugwu g uum uoj. i The War Department being closed on Saturday, no one was admitted but Senators and Members. A sentinel kept guard at each of the doors, while at-the main entrance, on Seventeenth street, two lieutenants and a number of messengers were on guard, and refused admission to all. A number of persons called to see officers on duty in the building, and were admitted upon sending in their cards. . THE ARREST OF GENERAL THOMAS. The Washington Star, of Saturday evening, says: "Last night, a warrant, under the Tenure of Office bill, was issued by Chief Justice Cartter for the arrest of Gen. Lorenzo Thomas, and it was placed in the hands of Marshal Gooding this morning.? Marshal Gooding, with his deputy, Mr. Phillips, and Mr. Morgan Chandler, proceeded to the residence of General Thomas, and Judge Gooding informed the General of the object of his visit Gen. Thomas immediately prepared to accompany the officers, not taking time to finish his breakfast, at which he was engaged when the Marshal arrived. He was at once taken to the Marshal's office, where Judge Cartter had arrived. The latter informed Gen. Thomas that he would require bail . for his appearance on Wednesday morning at ten o'clock, in the sura of $5000. Gen. Thomas was waiting bail at 10 o'clock. The arrest was managed very quietly, and but very few persons knew of the affair. Gen. Thomas was arrested upon the affidavit of Stanton, on a charge of violating the Tenure of Office Bill. It will be remembered that this Bill was vetoed by'the President, and was afterwards passed over his veto. We quote the section upon which the affidavit is based: "Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That if any person shall, contrary to the provisions of this act, accept any appointment or employment in any office, or shall hold or exercise, or attempt to hold or exercise any such office or employment, he shall be deemed, and is hereby declared to be guilty of a ' high misdemeanor, and upon trial and conviction thereof he shall be punished therefor by a fine and. imprisonment not exceeding five years, or both ; 1 said punishments in the discretion of the court." GENERAL THOMAS GIVES BAIL. The Washington Star, in continuation of the j account of Gen. Thomas' arrest says: "The bail of $5000 was furnished by Messrs. G. 1 R. Hall, (coackmaker), of this city, and Elias A. j Eliason (tanner), of Georgetown. It is understood that M. Carpenter, Esq., of Wisconsin, will appear for Mr. Stanton. General Thomas, on leaving the 1 City Hall, proceeded to the law office of Joseph H. ! Bradley, Esq., and had a consultation with him. J SCENES AT THE CAPITAL. The excitement about the oapitnl Sflfnrdny morning was very great, the House of Representatives being the objective point, in which every seat j in the galleries was crowded at an early hour, while in-all the galleries and corridors the crowd ! surged and pushed, anxious to get inside, where they could witness the proceedings. The democratic side of the chamber, by fillibus- : tering motions, managed to delay entering upon 1 regular business for a considerable time. At five minutes past 2, P. M., Mr. Stevens rose amid profound silence, and made the following re- 1 port from the Committee on Reconstruction: "That, in addition to the papers referred to the jommittee, the committee find that the President, ,1 .5 P T^_l IOPO -J J dti ine zist aay 01 reuruary, iooc, sigutu auu uriered a commission or letter of authority to one Lorenzo Thomas, directing and authorizing said Ihomas to act as Secretary of War ad interim, and to take possession of the books, records, papers and ather public property of the War Department. Upon the evidence collected by the committee, which is hereafter presented, and in virtue of the powers with which they have been invested by the House, they are of opinion that Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, should be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors. They, therefore, recommend to the House the adoption of the accompanying resolution: "Resolved, That Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors." [Signed] Thaddeus Stevens, George S. Boutwell, John A. Bingham, C.' T. Hurlburt, John T. Farnsworth, F. C. Beaman, H. E. Paine. Mr. Stevens said it was not his purpose to discuss the question, and if no one on the other side desired to discuss it, he would take the vote with the knowledge they now had of the act of the President, in removing Mr. Stanton from office while the Senate was in session. He had no desire to discuss the matter, and would give the other side an opportunity for discussion if they desired it Mr. Brooks [New York] had hoped he would have been permitted to submit a minority report, but he had not been accorded time. * He called attention to the fact that the Reconstruction Committee had held its session to-day in violation of the 72d rule of the House, which prohibited committees from sitting during the sessions of the House unless by consent of the* House. He thought this ghost of impeachment had been throttled, but now the House had taken up the subject again, and had reported this resolution. He looked upon it as an act in a revolutionary drama similar to that of Cromwellian times or of the days of the French Revolution. It had been heretofore asserted, not upon the floor of this House, but elsewhere, that the President must be removed because he was an obstruction to the dominant party. It" he could be impeached lor that cause, then each man of the opposition party could be impeached because he was an obstructor to the party. He did not make any threats to the House, but he would say that if the President was impeached and removed without authority of law, the people : of this country would never endure it [Sensation on the floor.] Act within the bounds of the con* i stitution, and there would be no objection, but act without the bounds of the constitution, and the i country would be precipitated into violence and revolution. Now here is a party representing, not i the people of the North; representing the past ' and not the present, attempts to obliterate the constitution of the country. By a mere party majority, in order to obtain possession of the Government of the United States, you propose to depose the President of the United States and set up one of your own. For the first time it is written in the history of this country, that a party, to retain its ascendency proposes to overturn the executive and judicial branches of the Government of the United States. Go on, if you choose. If I wanted your overthrow, I would tell you now to go on in the course you have marked out, and overthrow the President, who is now powerless by your legislation. This is all done that you may control all departments of the government, so as to get in some African States in the South, to perpetuate Republican power. Mr. Bingham [Ohio] said he was utterly incapable of approaching this question in a party spirit The gentleman [Mr. Brooks] says the issue involved is an issue relative to office. It was not so, but an issue whether the constitution shall be maintained by the Representatives of the people. He had no desire to resort to this last power reposed in the people, and had restrained others so long as there was any doubt hanging over the'question of his liability to impeachment. With the past he was satisfied, and was responsible for iii to the common Father of us all; but he. stood here with a conviction as clear as truth, that the President had been guilty of a violation of his oath of office and of Congressional and Constitutional law, and had trampled upon the Constitution of the United States. He must have known that he could fill vacancies during the recess of the Senate but at no other time. He could make temporary appointments, but it needs no argument to show that he could not create the vacancy to fill the office. If he may create a vacancy, and remove an officer, why should he not remove Lorenzo Thomas, and so go on from day to day until the end of his term. The gentleman (Mr. Banks) had argued that the Secretary of War was not within the operation of the civil tenure act, but the Pi-esidcnt recognized the act as embracing the Secretary of War by the very act of suspending'him last summer. He ooinplied with it by giving the Senate his reasons within the time designated in the Tenure of Office act The Senate (Mr. B. argued) was the place of final resort for judgment in these cases, and the Supreme Court could not review the act of the Senate, or pass judgment upon it That Senate has decided that E. M. Stanton was Secretary of War, the President of the United States to the contrary notwithstanding; and under the law the President could only appoint another Secretary when the Senate agreed to Mr. Stanton's removal. But the President has chosen to violate the 5th section of the Tenure of Office act, and has defied the representatives of the people. The *1 f XT V?X *?11? geiiuviuiiu iiuiu ncn iuia icjid ud iu ucnuc) uui did the gentleman not know that it is written in the constitution, that the President shall be removed from office on conviction of high crimes and misdemeanors? Did he not know that the power of impeachment was vested in the House of Representatives under the Constitution? There is enough in the facts already disclosed in the President's correspondence upon this subject, to draw the inference that the President is guilty under another, act beside the Tenure of Office act. He referred to the act of 1861, which makes it a crime for uhe President, or any one, to prevent an officer from exercising the functions of his office. It was plain, under this last act, that the President had interferred with an officer, put in his place by the Sonate. There were some facts that had cqme to t he knowledge of the committee that should be here mentioned. This General Thomas to-day appeared at the War Office and notified Mr. Stanton that be (Thomas) would not recognize him (Stanton) as Secretary of War; that he would keep possession, and that he would take the mails for the War Office, and all by the direction of the President After some further debate it was agreed that the rote on the impeachment resolution should be taken )n Monday at 5 P. M., and the House then udourned. WHAT THE NORTHERN PAPERS SAY. The New York Tribune says: Mr. Johnson will achieve 110 coup d'etat. Nature, in denying him the courage proportioned to iiis vanity, has made him proof against great crimes. His forte lies entirely in peccadilloes. ? When Congress concludes to impeach him for petty misdemeanors, it will find plenty of them. But if it waits for high crimes, he will serve out his term in feverish peacefulness and empty feints: > TheJNew l ork World. remarKS. We suppose the President will make no immediate attempt to eject Stanton by force; and that the ridiculous trepidation of Congress is a little premature. But when the proper time comes for a forcible ejection, Grant's disobedience of orders will be but a slight obstacle. He is bound to obey ihe orders of the President; it is a duty from which Congress can no more release him than it can divest the President of-the chief command of the army. The right of command implies the duty of obedience; if Congress tells General Grant not to obey, it thereby attempts to strip the President of the command of the army; an attempt which (an succeed 8nly by the overthrow of the constitution, [f General Grant refuses to obey orders, he is amenable to military discipline. It will be the duty of the President to cause his arrest for insubordination and mutiny, and organize a court martial to try him. The President can, at the same time, order a brevet general to take possession of the headquarters of the army. We do not suppose the President will quite yet exert his full authority in this form. He will probably first apply to the Supreme Court, who will summon Mr. Stanton, to show by what authority he assumes to retain Ihe office from which he has been removed. There is every reason to believe that the court will adjudge the Tenure of Office bill unconstitutional. With what face will Stanton go before the Court and contend that the Tenure of Office bill is not repugnant to the constitution, when it is notorious that he beld the contrary opinion at the same time of its Dassace ? Nay, he advised the President to veto it for unconstitutionality, and furnished points for the veto message. It is not to be supposed that the Supreme Court will render a partisan decision in his favor, when the case is so clear against him that he is on record as having decided against his present claim. When the court has rendered its decision, if General Grant refuses to obey orders, the time will have come to put him under arrest, lie has, indeed, no more right to refuse obedience now than he will have then; but it is probably expedient for the President to await the decision of the court before resorting to force. INTERVIEW BETWEEN THOMAS AND STANTON. The Washington Star of Saturday evening sajs: There were present at Secretary Stanton's office on Saturday morning, Representatives Morehead and Kelley, from Pennsylvania; Yan Horn and Van Wyck, of New York; Dodge, of Iowa; Amss, of Massachusetts; Messrs. Freeman Clark, of New York, and ex-member Columbus Delano, of Ohio. Ahmit 11 *30 A. M.. General Lorenzo Thomas. having just been released on bai) by Judge Cartter, presented himself at the door of the department and told Mr. Stanton that he would like to aee him. Mr. Stanton told him to proceed with anything he had to say. General Thomas remarked he had come to discharge the duties as Secretary of War ad interim, having been ordered to do so by the President of the United States. Mr. Stanton replied that he could do no such thing, and ordered him to his room to perform his duties as Adjutant-General. General Thomas replied that he had been ordered by the President to act as Secretary of War, and he intended to do it. Mr. Stanton again replied he should not, and again ordered him to his own room and denied the power of the President to make any such order. General Thomas said he would not go, that he should obey the orders of the President, and not obey the orders of Mr. Stanton. Mr! Stanton remarked, "As Secretary of War I order you to repair to your own place as Adjutant-General." Gen. Thomas?"I shall not do so.'' Mr. Stanton said,1 'Then you nay stay there as long as you please, if the President orders you, but you cannot act as Secretary of War. Gen. Thomas?"I shall act as Secretary of War." General Thomas then withdrew into a room opposite, being General Shiver's room, Mr. Stanton immediately following him. After some conversation Mr. Stanton said: "Then yon claim to be here as Secretary of War, and refuse to obey my orders?" General Thomas?"I do, ?r. I shall require the mails for the War Department to be delivered to me, and shall transact all business of the War Department" At this juncture General Grant and adds came in. General Grant said playfully to Mr. Stanton: "I am surprised to find you here; I supposed you would be at my headquarters for protection." the doings on monday. Washington, February 24?6 P. M.?In the Senate the business was unimportant In the House the session was cut up by speeches nf fwenf.v minutes. The remarks were generally crude, intended for the etnergency, and generally explaining predetermined votes. The impeachment resolution was passed by a strict party vote, except StewarfHofNew York, and Carey, of Ohio, who voted with the Democrats. The committee to announce to the Senate the action of the House relative to impeachment, are Messrs. Stevens and Bingham. The committee to prepare articles of impeachment are Messrs. Boutwell, Stevens, Bingham, Wilson, Logan, Julian and Ward. This committee have power to send for persons and papers. The most profound silence prevailed in the House after the announcement of the vote on impeachment, and adjournment immediately took place. The following is telegraphed as a specimen of to-day's speeches?Mr. Payne, who had the floor, said; "I yield two minutes to the gentleman from Indiana, Mr. Shanks." Mr. Shanks said: "Mr. Speaker, my opinion is that, in this emergency, this house should speak but one word and strike but one blow.; and I desire that the blow should come first I am tired, sir, of this protracted discussion, which postpones an hour that which the people have long desired to see. I am in favor of the official death of Andrew Johnson, and think we sbonid vote this impeachment witnout debate. I am not surprised that one who commenced his career in drunkenness, should end it in crime." At half-past ten o'clock, this morning, General Thomas went to the War Department, ordered Stanton to vacate, and demanded the mails. Stanton again refused. Thomas then went to the Adjutant-General's office but issued no orders. Senator Morton, of Indiana, is positively reported as saying that his party (the Republicans) could not stand the pressure, and that the present feelings and purposes of the House could not be sustained. congress on tue8day. Washington, Feb. 25.?In the House, Stevens and Bingham reported that they had performed the duty of informing the Senate of the impeachment resolution. A resolution was adopted that the report of impeachment articles be debated one day and then voted on without debate or dilatory motions. A new rule was adopted which prevents dilatory motions by less than one-third. The Impeachment and Reconstruction Committees were allowed to sit during the session. In the Senate, at noon the clerk of the House appeared and announced the passage of the impeachment resolution. jY. numlbcr of mouibcro uf tho HouStJ cutvi ud uuvl took seats, and afterwards the Stevens and Bingham Committee entered. Stevens said: Mr. President, in obedience to the order of the House of Representatives, we appear before you, and in the name of the House of Representatives, and of all the people of the United States, do impeach the President of the United States for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, and we further inform the Senate, that the House of Representatives will, in dne time, exhibit . ?i? ? r : 1 . : * particular uruciea ui iuipcacuiueub ogtuuau uim, aiid make good the same, and in their name we demand that the Senate take order for the appearance of the said Andrew Johnson, to answer to said impeachment Wade said that the Senate would take order in the premises. A special committee, consisting of Howard, Trumbull, Morton, Cdnkling, Edmunds, Pomeroy and Johnson, were appointed to examine into the impeachment and report their proceedings. INCIDENTS. Dispatches of encouragement to both parties continue to come. The Radicals in several localities have fired from fifty to one hundred guns in honor of the House resolution. A special dispatch sent North says that Grant, in a conversation with Wilson, said that the officers of the army are a unit in the support of Congress, and that not more than a dozen out of twenty-five hundred would obey an order from the President unless it came through him (Grant) The excitement has in a measure subsided. An impression is growing that the Senate proceedings will be a tedious routine. The Keystone Club, of Philadelphia, the largest Democratic organization in the State, has resolved itself into a military organization. WHAT THE PRESIDENT WILL DO. A special dispatch to the Charleston News, dated "Washington, February25?10 p. m.," says: "Notwithstanding the seeming advantages which Congress and the military partisans of Stanton have gained, the President and his advisers are in the best spirits and bide their time without any serious apprehensions. The levee held by the President last night was a' complete ovation. The east room was never more densely filled with a brilliant company, and there was far more eagerness manifested to take Mr. Johnson by the hand, and to give expression to sympathy and approval, than is usual on such occasions. Nor is this spirit confined to Washington only. Not an hour passes that the President does Mnnlro diansi/>hoo fmm fhfi leading cities, im UWU IbUVIIV Uiupuwuvu w 1 ploring him not to yield an inch, and pledging him the cordial support of an awakened people. The Radicals of the House will delay as little as possible in presenting the articles of impeachment to the Senate, but once the latter body obtains control of the case, the proceedings will become slow and cautious to the last degree. Your correspondent has just returned from the White House, where the President and his advisers have been in consultation for the last two hours. I am enabled to inform you that the President has determined upon a change of tactigs to-morrow. Heretofore his adversaries have enjoyed a signal advantage in having Judge Cartter, a bitter Radical, presiding upon the bench of the District Court. The official position of Cartter enables him to postpone the President's legal redress from day to day, and gain time for the partisans of Stanton. To remedy this the application for a writ of quo warranto has been abandoned, and to-morrow the sureties of the new Secretary of War, General L. Thomas, will proceed to surrender him to the United States Marshal. General Thomas will refuse to give other bail, and will then be sent to jail.? Thereupon a writ of habeas corpus will be applied for, and the matter in that shape will be brought, without delay, before the Supreme Court of the U. States. This is the programme which has been arranged for to-morrow, within the last hour. An intimate friend of Mr. Bingham, who has seen the draft of the articles of impeachment, informs me to-night that one of the leading oomi ments of that document will charge the President with being "an obstruction to reconstruction." the feeling in new york. New York, February 24.?The following document has been receiving signatures in this city: "The undersigned are desirous of forming a series of associations in support of the policy of Andrew Johnson, and are willing to resort to arms to repel any revolutionary attempts to overthrow the lawful and constitutional authority of the Chief Executive of the nation." Ipsttllattrons fading. CAUCUSING AT THE CONVENTION. As the neriod for the adinnrnment of the f!on vention draws near, the cancusing among the memben of the Convention for the arrangement of State affaire, the filling of State offices, and the disposal of Congressional honors, grows more and more lively. It is now believed that the Convention will adjourn about the fourth of March, and order an election to be held abont the third Wednesday of the same month for members of the Legislature. Should the Radical programme be carried out, the Legislature, as proposed, will assemble early in April. Whether the nominations thus far made, and which we append, will be sanctioned or endorsed by the constituency of the members of the Convention, is a question which does not 6eem to have given rise to any very serious doubt The following circular has been issued and distributed tqthe members for circulation throughout the State: [circular.] State Central Committee Rooms, ] Charleston, S. C., February 21, 1868. j The Chairman of your District is hereby notified that a State Nominating Convention of the Union Republican party will be held in the city of Charleston on the 10th day of March, for the purpose of nominating Governor, Lieutenant-Governor and other State officers. If the Delegates now representing the Districts in the Convention are acceptable, it will be advisable to authorize them to act. re a. tvjJ... j ; 1 ? rt -Li iuu .uisiriuuj ueaire, uiuuiucro iui vuiigiceo will be nominated by their delegates at the same place by a separate Nominating Convention. B. F. WHITTEMORE, Chairman State Central Committee. W. J. McKinlay, Secretary. We have classified the various offices to be filled, and our information has been gathered from some of the most prominent members of the body. United States Senators.? It is generally conceded that Br. Mackey, President, of the Convention, will be elected for the long term, without opposition. For tlie short term there are several candidates, the most prominent of whom is Mr. J. M. Rutland, of Fairfield. Members of Congress.?The Congressional Districts will probably remain as established by the Convention of 1865, with perhaps a slight chdhge in the third and fourth. Mr. B. F. Whittemore, of Darlington, is the most prominent candidate for Congress from the 1st District Some-of his friends, however, propose to elect him United States Senator, for the short term, in which event, if he be elected to that office, he will resign his aspirations for a seat in the Congressional House of Representatives to Mr. F. J. Moses, Jr., of Sumter, who will, no doubt, be elected._ In the 2d District, Mr. C. C. Bowen is the most prominent candidate. His competitors are Mr. Gilbert Pillsbury and General C. J. Stallbrand, of Beaufort, now Secretary of the Convention. In the 3d and 4th Districts, the most prominent candidates are B. 0. Duncan, of Newberry; James H. Goss, of Union; J. M. Allen, of Greenville and T. J. Robertson, of Richland, should the latter not be elected Governor. Mr. Pillsbury is spoken of as a candidate for Lieutenant-Governor. Governor.?There will be a very strong contest to secure the nomination of Governor. The candidates are Colonel T. J. ^Robertson, of Richland, and General R. K. Scott, Assistant Commissioner of the Freedman's Bureau. The friends of both parties are busily at work, and it is hard to tell, at present, who will secure the nomination. It is due, however, to General Scott to say that the use of hiB name by his friends is unauthorized. The long discussion yesterday relative to the term of residence as a requisite for eligibility to this office was believed to be an effort on the part of the friends of the former, to thus get rid of their most formidable rival candidate. The latter, however, carried their point, and succeeded iu alter ing the time fixed, by the Committee, from four to two years. Secretary of State.?This office seems to be held in reserve for several who, should they not secure some higher position, will consent to accept it? Among them are F. J. Moses, B. 0. Duncan and F. Cardoza. The latter has recently been elected President of the Grand Council of the Union Leagues of this State, and has gone to Washington on business connected with the League, and not to seek admission of colored men into Congress as reported. Attorney-General.?D. H. Chamberlain, of Berkley, formerly a Massachusetts lawyer and a graduate of Harvard College, is the only candidate for this position. Superintendent of Education.?J. K. Jillson, of Kershaw, is supported by many friends for this position. Mr. R. Tomlinson, the present Superintendent of Education of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands in this State, is also spoken of. Treasurer.?The only candidate who has yet appeared for this position is N. G. Parker, of whose nomination there is very little doubt among his friends. Other State Officers.?General Stallbrand, formerly of Sherman's army, is mentioned by some for the position of Major-General of the Militia, and others for Adjutant and Inspector General. C. P. Leslie is mentioned for Comptroller General. Mr. Leslie, however, we believe, declines to be a candidate. Dr. J. C. Neagle, of York, is another candidate for this position. Already the Convention Vio? nptitinnprl General Canbvfor the appoint ment of William E. Rose, of York, as Superintendent of the Penitentiary. Another petition is in circulation for the appointment of Dr. L. B. Johnson as Superintendent and Physician of the State Lunatic Asylum. General Assembly.?The General Assembly, it is supposed, will be composed of many members of the Convention. At least seventy or eighty, if not more, members of the Convention are counted upon as almost sure of being elected to the Legislature.?Charleston Courier, 25th vlt. Liming a Tiger.?An ingenious mode of tiger killing is that which is employed b-* the natives of Oude. They gather a number of broad leaves of the prauss tree, which much resembles the sycamore, and having well besmeared them with a kind of birdlime, they strew them in the animal's way, taking care to lay them with the prepared side uppermost Let a tiger but put his paw on one of these innocent-looking leaves and his fate is settled. Finding the leaf sticking to his paw, he shakes it in order to rid himself of the nuisance, and finding the plan unsuccessful, he endeavors to attain his object by rubbing it against his face, thereby smearing the ropy birdlime over1 his nose and eyes, and gluing the eyelids together. By this time he has probably trodden upon several more of the treacherous leaves, and is bewildered with the novel inconvenience; then he rolls on the 0 ground, and rubs his head and face on the earth, in his efforts to get free. By so doing he only adds fresh birdlime to his head, body and limbs, agglutinates his sleek for together in unsightly tufts, and finishes by hoodwinking himself so thoroughly with leaves and birdlime, that he Hes floundering on the ground, tearing up the earth with his claws, uttering howls of rage and dismay, and exhausted by the impotent straggles in which he had been so long engaged. These cries are a signal to the authors nf his mischief, who rnn tn the snot, armed with guns, bows and spears, and find no difficulty in despatching their blind and wearied foe. ENCOURAGING SUPERSTITION. Sir John Holt, Lord Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench, was very wild in his youthful days. Being at one time on a trip to one of the rural districts, he found himself out of funds, and had to use his wits to pay his expenses. Arriving at a village inn, he ordered his horse stabled, and supper and iodgtngtbr hi waelf. - Having done this he strolled into the kitchen, where he espied a little girl shivering with the ague. On the inquiry of the landlady, he learned that the sufferer was her only child, and that she had been afflicted in that way for nearly a year in spite of various med icines. The future judge gravely shook his head at the doctors, and bade the despairing mother and the child to be under no further concern about the case, for he could prevent the return of the chill without fail. He at once wrote a few unmeaning words, in a bold and showy hand?a "court hand" the chronicler tells us?on a scrap of parchment such as was in use then, (1709), and this he directed to be rolled up and bound to the girl's wrist. Holt remained at the tavern a week, during which time there was no return whatever of the disease. When Be called for his bill, the delighted mother replied: "God bless you, sir, you're not in my debt at all! To the contrary, I wish I was able to pay you for the cure of my daughter. Oh ! if 1 had had the happiness to see you ten months ago, it would have saved me ?40, at least, paid for doctors' bills and medicines 1" Young Holt pretended when he left, to accept his week's board, as a compensation, with great reluctance, although he had not a shilling in his nocket Many years had elapsed since this event, and the wild rover had become a Judge. It so happened that the circuit to which he was assigned embraced the county in which the old landlady kept her tavern. Among the prisoners brought before him for trial, was an old woman accused for witchcraft. In support of this accusation several witnesses swore that the old woman had a spell, by which she could cure sick cattle or make well ones sick?they had" detected her in doing this, and were ready to produce the "spell" The Judge required the "spell" to be handed up to him. This having been complied with, he proceeded to unwrap a dirty ball, enveloped with rags and bound with pack-thread, which resulted in his finding his own parchment charm, rolled up precisely as when he handed it to his relying and grateful hostess, in the long past days of his rakish boyhood! Thunderstruck, his lordship remained silent for a moment, as if making an effort of re-assuranoe, and then proceeded to charge the jury to the following eflTpot "Ironriomon, I rmiot now rolatQ on incident of my own life, which will seem to ill-befit my present station till I shall have fully explained all the circumstances. But to conceal the fact would be to aggravate a folly of my youth, for which I would fain atone, as well as to endanger innocence and encourage superstition. This bauble, which the witnesses Lave testified of as having the power of life and death, is a senseless scroll which I wrote with my own hand and gave to this wofpan as a cure for disease, and for no other reason than a sincere belief in its virtue as such, she ia nnw ofwiaod nf f>rinn? r?f witohnrftft !" It is further related that the Judge, after more particularly narrating the circumstances of his cure of the ague with this "charm," charged the jury so effectively in favor of acquittal, that not only was the poor old supposed "witch" discharged without punishment, but an end put to trials for witchcraft in his circuit, if not throughout England. I think I need add nothing farther in order to claim a verdict from the readers of the Herald of Health, sitting as my juiy, deciding that I have successfully made out my case of the curative influence of the mind. I could add from memory, were it in accordance with my present purpose to do so, 'more than one recovery from severe and even dangerous illness, which appeared to me to be fairly attributable much more to the influence of the imagination than to the medicines administered, if not, in fact, wholly attributable to the former agency. And I think I might safely appeal to my medical brethren, irrespectively of the school of practice which they have adopted, for their experience on this point, in the expectation of getting their sanction to what I have here stated. But enough for the present, to direct attention to the inquiry I have thus started, as to the extent of the influence of the mind in the cure of the diseases of the body?a theme exceeded by few others within the entire field of professional thought COMMERCIAL HONOR. An exchange in copying the following article, says: "if all laws for the collection of debt were abolished, we believe it would be vastly better for the commerce of the world. Only men of Christian honor and integrity could then obtain credit, litigation would be diminished and financial crises would be unknown. The Watchman and Reflector has the following, bearing upon tins subject: "Two centuries ago, it was thought an insult in the Highlands of Scotland, to ask a note from a debtor. It was considered the same as saying, "I doubt your honor." If the parties had small business matters to transact together, they stepped out into the open air, fixed their eyes upon the heavens, and each repeated his obligation with no mortal witness. A mark was then carved in some rock or tree near by, to be a remembrancer of the compact Such a thing as a breach of contract we are told, was then very rarely met with, so highly did the people regard their honor, and so truly did they fear Him beneath whose eye they had performed such acts. When the march of improvement brought in the new mode of doing business, they were often pained with these innovations. An anecdote is handed down of a farmer who had been to the Lowlands and learned worldly wisdom. On returning to his native parish, he had need of a sum of money, and made bold to ask a loan of a gentleman of means, named Stewart. This was cheerfully granted, Mr. Stewart counting out the gold on his librae table. This done, the farmer took a pen and wrote a receipt ; and offered it to the gentleman. "What is this, man?" cried Mr. Stewart, sternly eyeing the slip of paper. "It is a receipt, sir, binding me to give ye back yer gold at the right time," replied Sandy. "Binding ye ? Well, my man, if ye canna trust yersdf, I'm sure I'll na trust ye I Ye canna ha' my gold? and gathering it up, he put it bade in his desk and turned his key on it. "But, sir, I might die," replied the canny Scotchman, bringing up an argument in favor of his new wisdom, "and my sons might refuse it to ye. But this bit o' paper wad oompel them." "CompeZthemto sustain a dead father's honor 1" cried the high-minded Scotchman. "They'll need compelling to do right if this is the road ?er leading them! I'll neither trust ye nor them. Ye can gang elsewhere for money! But ye'll find nane in this parish that'll put more faith in a bit o' paper than in a neighbor's word o' honor and his fear o' God!" . ? > GEN. LEE AND THE OLD 8QLDIEB. One of General Lee's family tells of a most touching incident that occurred between the General and an old soldier, soon after the surrender. It is * ? as follows: "An old man, tall, rough and ragged, but a true hearted Virginian, from the mountains, called at the residence of the General, and speaking low, said: . "Ginral, I have come down' here So take you and your wife and darter up to our place in the mountains?the Yankees has cotched President norio onrl lvi nrt/N) ?imi mvn Yinfna A/ttf lO) ouu VUVJ U W MMM tyVMf DUiV vuvj iiai^o you, Ginral, kase you licked 'em so. I haint no* niggers to wait on you, but me and the old woman will do it; and lowering hie voioe to a whisper, fie continued, "Ginral, there's a place up thar where ' you can hide, and nary Yankee can .find ye."? "But," said the General, "you would not have me, your General, hide away from the Yankees?" "But, Ginral, 'taint no fair fight now. lbey'fl sneak up unbeknownst, and if they cotch you they will hang you sure." "The General satisfied the old fellow that there was no danger of his hanging, and said, looking pitifully at the stockingless feet and tattered clothes, "Wait my kind friend, while I go up stairs." He went up and returned with a package .which he gave to the old man, saying, "Some kind * Baltimore ladies have sent me some nice clothing?more than I need. 1 have put up here a*part of it for you, you will accept it and wear it for the sake of your old commander and friend ? The old uian held the package at arms length for a moment or two, then pressing it to his bosom and folding his arms over it, he held it there. Big tears idled down his farrowed cheeks. Soon as he could speak, he said: "Me wear these clothes, Gimeall No?not while I live, but I'll keep them tail I die, and they'll put them on the old man when his work is done and they lay him in his ooffin. I'll sleep sweet in them, Ginral, sure I" He went out sobbing, and holding the bundle to his breast as he would have done an infant I believe my father was crying too?I know that I was." TRIAL OF BURR FOR TREASON. Aaron Burr was tried for treason at Richmond. commencing May 22,1807. The Timet of that city / says: The trial took place in tin present hall of the House of Delegates, and the straggle for admission was terrible. So great was the number of distin- * guished persons claiming seats within the bar, that lawyers of twenty year's standing were excluded from their accustomed seatSL Among the young men of the town who had succeeded in forcing their way in was Winfield Scott, who clambered up and stood for many hours on the massive lock of the door of the halL Jostice Marshall presided at the trial, assisted by Cyrus Griffin, Judge of the District Courtof Virginia. George Hay was the United States District Attorney, and with him were " ' associated Alexander McCrea, who at the time of the trial was Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia. Edmund Randolph, John Wickham, Luther Margin, Benjamin Botto, and "Jack Bakar," appeared for Burr. The grand juries of those days were composed of the most eminent and distinguished men in the State, and we find a United States Senator (Giles) among the grand jurors, who was withdrawn is consequence of his "prejudice against the accussed." John Randolph, the great orator of Roanoke, was the foreman of the grand jury. After the finding of a true bill, fourteen days were spent in getting an impartial jury who had "neither formed nor expressed an opinion as to the guilt of the accused." The trial lasted ten days longer, when the jury returned the qualified verdict of acquittal : "We, of thejuiy, say that Aaron Burr is not proved to beguilty, under the indictment, by any evidence submitted to us." This verdict was finally changed to one of not guilty. * A m ?>' ' A Horrible Scandal.?The Round Table publishes a startling article upon drunkenness among women. It says the vfoe is prevalent among fashionable ladies, and tjiat some of the most eletrnnt, nf thf-m will nam thia fmmmpr nnt At Sarnirv ga or Newport, as usual, but at an asylum for inebriates. The writer intimates that the vioe of fashionable drinking is now more prevalent among the ladies than among the gentlemen of this oountry: that certain dress-makers make it a point to furnish their customers with drink, while in some stores bottles of wine are also kept on hand for lady shoppers, and in others the merchants allow their boys to go to the nearest bar-room for liquor when ladies desire it Whiskey and brandy are the favorite drinks of these ladies, and as some of the saloons they frequent do not have these liquors on the bill of tare, a neat little sign?"If you don't see what you want, ask for it," gives the hint to the initiated. In dress makers' bills the significant item "small trimmings" often covers up the expense of liquors which the lady has ordered through the modistes who panders to her vitiated taste, while at the watering places a bribe to the waiter procures a secret supply of liquor, which, by the connivance of the landlord, is charged as "extra luncheons." It is asserted that girls of eighteen, daughters of most respectable New York merchant^ have been grossly intoxicated in Broadway stages and upon the public streets, and that no superiority of intellect or social position is sufficient to guard a lady against this vice. Sketches of the Delegates to the Contention.?It is announced that these sketches, which have been published in the Charleston Mercury i? , - ? . . * i , trom day to day tor some time past, nave oeen collected, and will be published from that office, complete. Price of the whole series of sketches, including some incidents and other interesting matter, twenty-five cents per single copy, or five copies for a dollar. a?" J. J. McGowan, tax collector of Chatham County, Ga., was arrested, Thursday, by themOita-. ry, for refusing to carry out a general order from the Military Commander of the Third District, requiring him to collect taxes, which conflicted with Governor Jenkins' instructions requiring him to suspend the collection of State taxes. In Trouble.?A Washington dispatch states that letters have been received in that city from the Secretary of the Mississippi Convention, announcing that unless the law requiring the vote to be cast by the majority of the registered voters be rene&led. the Constitution framed in that State will fail, just as the Alabama Constitution did. B8PEngland seems to be thoroughly frightened by the Fenians. The English Government has determined to fortify all its police stations, and has begun with thoaeof London, which are now provided with bullet-proof iron shatters, "and stocked with small arms and ammunition. JQT* Candler, a degenerate North Carolinian, and delegate to the Gorilla Convention, was forced to acknowledge, a few,^7? since, that after volunteer' , ing in the Confederate army, he deserted to the enemy. Gallant Candler !? Wdmtngton Star. ?. * * * /. r'^_ S&- Several clerks in the Revenue office at New Orleans have beendoing a good business stealing cotton permits and selling them on the street - -