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Wff ' - . ' " . . ... 1 * * .*.** ? - , - ; . ?. . v;;:; . . . . _' \ ? . . ,/ ;. ...-; . . ? txwtsk. sbist,]Proprietor. Jfitittpttttot Jfamilg fttfosjaper: Jrt % J|romtfwn #f ^Bcfal,, '^grintltoral aiti Commtrml fitenhi tf % SW|. |tebms-?4m?^bab. % * * .. , * ' ? , ^ < '___ * * ' - " r~ ! ~T~ ' ~ ~ ~ v*C: - ' ~ . = 1 ! ' ~ ' ~~ : . 1 " ' " ' * " " : ~~ ' . ~~ ' : .' ''': ' - -> > YOLUME XI. YORKYILLE, SOUTH CAROLINA, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 24, 1865. . . . NUMBER 19. L . _ . . gggP 1 . .J 1 ?^gg~55"S ! ?TSSSB . . - . . . .1 J ..? m. 1< ' I . ? I. ill . --- - ?L *_ 11 t . ...... . . mi _ > /in MU LITMJ'B A 111 f J MI IM l ?_ 1_. J _?_ ?*? T 111 . ? Mill fntoatiou. i c : - I From the Charleston Courier. THE CONFISCATION ACTS. TUB CONFISCATION ACTS OF 19G1. There is do subject in reference to which' there appears to be more tfncertainty of judgment and confusion of thought, than * in relation to the nature and extent of the penalties imposed on person and property by the United States Congress, and to the doaree which it is necessary for those to adopt j&ho are affeoted by their provisions in order to be relieved of the disabilities which they create. It is a topic of inquiry in which the citizens of this State are most deeply concerned, and of which it is necessary they should have a clear and complete conception. It is essential that they should understand the position which they occupy with regard to tbeir rights and possessions, a means by which, if forfeited, these may be retained and preserved. The legislation of Congress has, for the most part, been a sealed book to the people of this Commonwealth. The condition of war prevented communication. It deprived them of any access to its pages, or of any authentic knowledg^of its oontents. They were debarred of any opportunity of ascertaining how far they were touched thereby either in person or in interest. We will endeavor to answer'this want and indicate 'the judgment at which we have arrived. Many of the slaveboldiag States had, through Conventions of the people, passed Ordinances of Secession from the Federal Union. These were not recognized as valid instruments by the Government. It denied the right nod authority of suoh enactments and declared air who held them to be of binding efficaoy, or who should act in ac* corda'noe therewith, to be in a state .of rebellion and insurrection against its allegiance and rule. On this issue was joined, and was ensued. The effort was on the part of tbe odo to maintain a united territory and of tbe other to establish a separate and independent Government. . The United States Congress on the 31st 4ay of July, 1861, passed its first Act creating penalties in reference to this state of .things. By the terms of that deoree any two or more persons, within any State or Territory of the United States, who should oonspire together for any of the following objects were adjudged to be guilty of a high orime and punishable by fine and imprisonment whioh might be with or without hard labor. The purposes which subjected to these pains wereFirst, By force, to overthrow, put down or destroy tbe Government of the United States. Second, To levy war against it. Third,.To oppose its authority. Fourth, To prevent, hinder or delay the execution of atfy of its laws.? Fifth, to fieize, take or possess any .of its property against its will and sanction.? ' Sixth, By intimidation or threat to prevent mAmm oA/towtinrr nr KnMincr nTTU aiijf pciSUU AIVU1 avvv^viug,. v? uvivt?w^ office, or trust, or place of confidence under its authority. Of coarse it was required that these measures should be accompanied by a degree'of force. This language, reduced to its simple elements, embraces within its scope all who should attempt to cast aside the sway of the United States, and to.creete a power exempt from Its direction and control. This, with the law of treason, the highest punishment of wbioh is death, Were the pains and penalties which the United Stages Government declared against the persons of those who either at home or abroad, in the field, or by legislation, should establish, uphold or maintain the late Confederate Government. This was soon followed by an Act asserting the oonfisoation of property in certain case$. On the 6th of August, 1861, the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress assembled, announced as the law of the land, that practically all estate, whether in lands, goods or money, which should be purchased, acquired, sold or given with the infent either of usiDg the same, or of suffering it to be employed, in abetting or promoting the then or aDy future insurrection against its Government, or in resistance to its laws, or in aiding any nerson or persons engaged therein", should be seized and condemned. It explicitly proclaimed all such property, wherever found, the subject of lawful prize and oapture. By its provisions all property which was applied as an instrument, for what it regarded aB insurrectionary purposes, became thereby ? MM*) / nn^nnfl 4 *>*3 HrATVAW^n r\ r\t on * miOlKU uuu wuiuvakcu. x upeivj uwv uv used, thus far, remained unaffected by its terms. The contest still continued. The war -was renewed with increased energy and -rigor. Largo, armies were raised, battles were fought with varying success: The star of victory hovered with flickering and v uncertain light over either camp. Amid the pressure of events, the law in relation to the existing condition of affairs j continued unchanged until the succeeding year. There was no effort to enlarge the forfeiture which wooid attach either to the persons or property of those who denied the jurisdiction of the Government, and -its right and authority to subject them to its control, until the 17th day of July, 1862, -when was pressed"what is generally known -and termed as the "Confiscation Act," inorder to distinguish it from all others of the j same nature. It is to be borne in mind that this did not in any sbapo or form annul those which had already received assent and to whioh we have herein alluded. It neither repealed or modified them. They constitute a portion of tho organic law.? The act of 1862 left these provisions valid and operative. It enunciated additional and more comprehensive penalties agaiost persons, and increased the degree to which property was rendered confiscable. We propose in oar next issue toril!ustrate its terms and effect, and then afterwards point pat the remedy which the Government itself has provided by which these disabilities may be avoided, and property [ thus liable to forfeit be saved from confiscation. THE CONFISCATION ACT OF 18*5-2, AND THE REMEDY. Having in our previous issue alluded to the various Confiscation Aots still of force whioh .were passed during the first year of the war, we now devote a brief space to the consideration of that which is gener. ally-known as "The Confiscation Act," and which on the 17th of July, 1862, received the approval of the President, and beoome, therefore, a portion of the constituted law of the country. _ . It waB by the terms of this Act that the slaves of all persons who were oonoerned in the struggle with the United States were declared and made free. This is atopic, however, of but little practioal interest now, as bjr subsequent legislation .all those toho ????? TuJrl. in c&miJump. V)/1SS e<L absolutely and toi&out any qualification or limitation into a condition of freedom. According to its stipulations the President was authorized to make provision, if he Bhonld deem proper, for the transportation, colonization and settlement in some tropical country beyond the limits of the United States of such of th6 African race as should thus be made free, and who should be willing to emigrate, having first obtained the consent of the Government in whioh it was proposed to settle them, for their protection, and the security of their rights and privileges as freemen. He was also empowered thereby to employ as many of them as he might regard necessary for the suppression of the exiting contest/ and for this purpose to organize and use them in suoh manner as he might judge most conduoive to the public welfare. It was in conformity with the authority thus conferred that ^olored troops were employed in the armies of the U. States. The particular points, however, to which we desire to call attention, are the pains it imposed on those who were in array against and did not acknowledge the control of the Government, and the measures it announced in reference to the seizure and confiscation of their property. * fx 1! ' l.-f it iL.i - xc explicitly seia lorta mm any peisuu who should thereafter iBoite, set on foot, assist or eDgage in, or give aid or oomfort to any existing rebellion or insurrection against the United States, should, upon conviction thereof, be punished by airimprisonmentof not exceeding ten years, and a fine of not more.than ten thousand dollars, and in addition thereto should be forever incapable and disqualified from holding any office under the United States. This was the penalty it declared against persons. In relation to the subject of property it proclaimed it as the dnty of the President, with a view to the speedy termination of the war, to cause the seizure of all fho estate .if every kind, character and description, of the following class of persons, to wit: All officers of the army and the navy who were in Confederate servioe and in arms against .the United States, the President, Vice-President, members of Congress, Judges of any of the Courts; Cabinet, officers, foreign Ministers, Commissioners or Consuls; Governors of any of the States; members of the various Conventions and Legislatures, and those who having held any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States, should accept any office in the Confederate States. In fact, it embraced within its terms all persons who should hold any office or agency under the then Confederate States, or in any of the States of the said Confederacy, whether such office or agency should be in its name and charaoter national, State or municipalIt will therefore, be perceived, that the property of the individuals thus enumerated begame liable, according to its declarations, to be seized and appropriated at any moment to the use of the Government. As to all persons than those abovQ named, who should after the passage of the Act be engaged in armed array against its authority, or who should aid or abet resistance to its rule, it officially made Known tnat 1: ^tney should not, within sixty days after public j warning and proclamation given by the | President of the United States, cease to aid, countenance and abet such armed resistance, and return to their allegiance, all their estate, property, moneys, stocks and credits should become liable to seizure; and it was declared to be the duty of the President to seize and use them, or the proceeds thereof, for the Interests of the Government. It also enunciated that all sales or transfers of any such property, after the expiration of the said sixty days from the date of this warning and proclamation, were absolutely null and void, and in order to ensure the condemnation and sale of such property directed proceedings to be instituted in the United States Courts. The proclamation of warning was issued by the President in comformity therewith. It is under this Act that the recent proceedings in Virginia and Tennessee have been commenced. T?rnm <in pvnminnt.inn. fhprpfnrft. nf "this statute, and of those heretofore adverted to, it appears First, That all persons who have either been engaged, or have in any way aided or abetted the late effort to throw off the Government of the United States, are declared by the laws of Congress to be liable to the penalties of either treason or conspiracy, according to the peculiar ciroumstances of ?each case. Second, That the [property of all such persons, whatever be the amountj character or. description, is exposed to seizure and confiscation, under proceedings to be instituted in the United States Courts. To enforce these provisions would be, it is evident, to add desolation *to ruin, and absolute want to poverty. It would be to arraign nearly every individual In the State, and reduce him to complete pauperism. It would involve the country in a common misery. Agriculture, commerce, ; the arts, and the sciences would all be pari alyzed, and man himself would participate ' in their decline. there would De no nope for the future, for time, faith and energy, these three great conductors to. progress, prosperity and freedom* would have no exercise for their-powers, and would lie prostrate before universal destitution. We Lave no idea, however, (hat those statutes will ever be strictly enforced, provided tlx remedy which has been furnished is embraced. The Government itself has provided a way by which these penalties ; may be remitted, and this confiscation of property prevented. The thirteenth section of the Aotauthorizes the President, "it any time thereafter . by proclamation to extend to all persons who may have participated in the then existing struggle, in any State, or part thereof, pardon and amnesty with such exceptions, and at suoh times, and upon such conditions, as he-may deem expedient for the public welfare." TaImoah . nndnii fanitiAvnftr JL lUOIucuo uuuuovu)'uuugi nuio amuvui j j on the 29th day of May last, pnbliahed his proclamation, declaring amnesty to all who may have participated, either direotly or by implication, in hostility to thoGovernment, upon taking the oath, or affirmation, which was prescribed therein. He also made known that they were thereby entitled to the restoration of all tfcejr rights of property except as to slaves, and also except where legal proceedings under the laws of the United States bad already been instituted for the confiscation of such property.? He also exempted from the benefits of the proclamation certain specified classes. In reference to those last referred to, he required that special application should be made for remission, and declared that suoh clemency would be. liberally extended as may be consistent with the facts of the oase and the peace and dignity of the United States.,. It is, therefore, plain that the only mode * ? .1 - 1.1* _ _> xi 1 oi preventing toe operation oi mese- peoai acts, is for all who are not within the excepted olasaes to take this amnesty oath.? There -is no otlipr way. This can alone be effectual and sufficient. It completely restores the status of the person, and enables him to secure the possession of his property, provided proceedings have not beep in- , stituted for its confiscation before the period at which the oath was administered. For those who are included in the exceptions the way is equally clear. They can only be relieved by the acceptance of- the same oath, and in addition thereto by making through the Provisional Governor a special application for remission. It is the highest duty and interest of all, and of the State,. that the/ should acpept and adopt the meth-. od by which their rights of person, property, citizenship,^suffrage and office can he secured. - - , . . The <incan& indicated in the. Proclauia lion of President JOHNSON can alone avail. The' oath under President Lincoln's amnesty is not sufficient. Our reasons for this opinion we reserve for our next issue. the distinction in the'efficacy of the proclamations of presidents lincoln and johnson." Having adverted to the various acts passed by the United States Congress on the subject of penalties and confiscation, and the nature of the -remedy which has been provided, we now propose to state concisely the distinction which existed between the effects of the two proclamations of Presidents Linooln and Johnson, and tho reason why the former is not completely operative, and a compliance with the terms of the latter is essential to a full restoration of the rights of person and of property. They both, it is true, derive their authority from the same souroe. The warrant for their validity is deduced from the same , grant. The Constitution of the United 4-1*A Aa rvAtnnr trv UlitLCO v CDU3 A U bUD X4ACVUU T V VUU ^vttvi fcv ; bestow reprieves and pardons for offenoes against the tJnited States, except in cases of impeachment j and the confiscation act itself declares that he is empowered at any , time thereafter by proclamation, to extend pardon and amnesty to all persons who may have participated on behalf of the Confederate States in the then existing war, on such terms and at such periods as he inig?fc deem expedient for the public welfare. ?The conveyance of power, therefore, was complete and effioient in both.. Tbere can be no doubt that whoever in good faith accepted and complied with tbe provisions pf either was thereby relieved from the disabilities imposed on person and property, in accordance, however, only with the extent to whioh their terms related. The distinction is not in relation to their legal character but their effect. The one was announced on the 8th of December, 1S63, while civil war was at its height. -Tbe other was published od the 29th of May,. 1865, when contending armies no longer stood in "battles magnificently stern array," and when peace with smiling aspect onoe more visited the land. The difference is in.this, that the Proclamation of President Lincoln bacl reference only to offences committed up and nrinr in the time at which it was officiallv r?- ? ? - * made known. Its benefits were confined to all acts which had been performed during the war; and previous to the date of its promulgation. Its results were not prospective, but retroactive. Its reference was not to violations of law which might be perpetrated, but those which had already been committed. He did not proclaim pardon for that which might or would thereafter occur, and had as yet no practioal existence but for those penalties and disabilities which had been incurred. Amnesty was announced not for the future, but for the past Its conditionsmight.be complied with at any time after official notice had been given, but it could only av?il for the offences in existence at the time the pardon was proffered. That thifr was the view of President Lincoln himself is evident from the terms in whioh his proclamation is uttered. He declares that it is proclaimed because "it was desired by some persons heretofore engaged in saia reoemon 10 resume meir anegiaaoe to the United States, and to fe-inaagarate loyal State Governments with and for their respective'States." He here expressly sets forth that the class of persons who may embrace its benefits are those who before that time had been in array against the United States, and then were solicitors to abandon, their resistanoer renew their allegiance, and re-constrnot loyal State Governments. It was neither competent for the Chief Magistrate of the State, or nation, to stretch forward to the fotnre and deolare in advance a remission of penalties for offenoes which were yet in the womb <Jf time. Nearly seventeen months had elapse.d, and hostilities had jdst. ceased. It was necessary, therefore, if it was not designed strictly to enforce the various aots of forfeiture and confiscation, that another proclamation ahonld bo issued^ providing for this interval of time and/osfthose who had not accepted the conditions bFthe previous amnesty. Accordingly, when the Confederate forces had laid down their arms and disbanded, and when war no longer existed, President JohnBen conformed to thi* course by his official notice of May last?r Be assigns as. his reason the very state of things to whioh we have alluded. In the preamble . he recites the fact of President Lincoln's proclamation, and alleges, as the con8iderati6n of Itis qwn, that many persons had been justly deprived of all claims of pardon and amnesty thereunder, by reason of their participation, directly or indirectly, and by their continued hostility to the Government of the United States since the date of said proclamation, and then desired to apply for and obtain amnesty and pardon. This declaration of its object is -too plain to admit of dispute. Tn this construction the Attorney General of the United States has concurred. Every Provisional Governor has, therefore, been instructed to make this the basis of restoration. There can be no, effeotnal remission of thd penalties on either person or property, except undertime stipulations of this proclamation. There is no other remedy which has application to or which can relieve these disabilities. Upon its acceptance depends the capacity of every citizen to aqpnme and discharge those duties which -he owes to the community and the State. ' \Ye have thus endeavored io this and the preceding articies to exhibit simply and in. telligibly: First, The nature and extent of thfi pains as to persons, and of forfeiture and confiscation as to property, enacted by the laws of Congress in reference to those who participated either directly or indirectly in the Confederate cause. 7. Second, Tfiat the oath, under President Lincoln's proclamation, is only effective for the amnesty of those acts which were performed before the 8th of December, 1863, the date of its publication. Third. That the onlv mode bv wbioh ?, - J ?r these penalties oan be avoided, confiscation" prevented; and oomplete civil and political rights be restored to all, whether they are or are not included within the excepted' classes, is by a compliance with the terms declared by President Johnson in his proclamation df^the ^twenty-ninth day of May last. fpsMteamtii JMr&te. SPEECH OP GOV^B. P. PERRY, In the Court Bouse, Greenville, S. C., on Tuesday, August 1, on his return from, Washington : Fellow-Citizens : I have met you this morning,, not .to make a speech, bat to talk over the inoidenta of my late visit to-Wash' ington. I started .there, three weeks ago, as yoar delegate, to ask for the appointment of a Provisional Governor, and the restoration of civil authority in South Carolina.? | On my way 7 met a messenger from his Excellency, President Johnson, bearing a commission appointing me Provisional Governor of the State. This was an honor which I had not anticipated, and never aspired to. On my arrival in Washington, I addressed a note to the President, asking the honor of an audience for the purpose of receiving his instructions, and communicating to him my view's in reference to the political tone and temper of the State.? After waiting that evening and the next day, without hearing from the President, I ' paid a visit to Governor Definison, Postmaster General. This gentleman received mo most kindly, and seemed gratified at the account I gave jiim of South Carolina. He ' assured me that the President had not received my note, and Veiy obligingly ordered his carriage and went to the Executive mansion to ascertain? the troth of the mat ter. In a short time Ufterwards, I received a "note from President Johnson, stating that my communication, the d&J before, had not been received, and that be would see me at three o'clock. Iu reply, I stated that I would' (Jo myself the honor to call on his Excellency at the hour designated, and that my friends Cols. Orr, Elford, Williams, Baoon, and Messrs. Leitoh, Grady, Gibbes and Blodgett, would accompany me. We were received very cordially and remained an honr or two with the President. I told him that the people of South (Carolina accepted the terms of his proclamation, and were disposed to return to their allegiance to the Union. That from having been the most rebellious State in tbe South, I was satisfied South Carolina would, henoefgrth, be one of the most loyal of the Southern States.. That she would reform her Constitution and abolish slavery, give the election* of Governor and Presidential elootions to the people, and equalize the representation of the State. I gave it as my opinion thatthe disunion feeling of the South had originated in the parishes. The Presidentexpressed himself gratified at the course South Carolina was likely to pursue, and Uptead of manifesting any bitter or revengeful spirit; ho evinced great Kindness, solicitude ana magnanimity, xne whole delegation was deeply impressed with the courtesy, dignity and ability of his'Excellency.* His political views expressed to as-were those of a patriot and statesman.? Hq wished to see the oonntry once more quiet^ peaceable, happy and prosperous.? In regard to the relative 'powers ot the State and the Federal Government, his opinions were identical with my own, bo long expressed in South Carolina. He was equally opposed to the centralization and consolidation of powers in Congress as be was to tho secession of the States. It must be left to the Legislature of each State to deoide who shall be allowed to vote in the State. Any attempt on the part of Congress to control the elective franchise of -a State would be an unwarrantable ilsurpation. He oxpressed an ardfntwish to see the Constitution of South Carolina popularized by abolishing the parish represents tion and equalizing the political power of the uppqr and lower oountry, giving the election of Governor to the people, and also the election of electors of President and Vice-President. On leaving the President, be requested me to call and sec Mr. Seward,' Secretary of State, and give him the same information I had given his Exoellenoy in reference to tbo public feelings and sentiment of South Carolinq. This I did in company with the South Carolina- delegation. We found Mr. Seward bind and cordial,* and gratified at the information we gave him with regard to the politics of Sonth Carolina. Before visiting Mr. Seward, I had been to calf dp the Attorney General, Mr. Speed. He expressed himself surprised and mortified at my speech, made to yon on the third of July. But I soon discovered that he had only glanced-over the speeoh, and did not comprehend .the tone and temper of my remarks. I told Mr. Seward what the Attorney Genera! had said. He replied, I read your speech this morning attentively, and, considering the stead-point from wbioh you make it 1 think it a very geod one. When I was Governor of New York, said Mr. Seward; I used to make speeches whjph were very severely oriticised in Charleston, and I said to myself, what the devil have the people'of Charleston to do with my speech made in New York ?. I did not speak to them or for them, but to the people of New York. And I suppose, Mr. Perry, yon intended 7onr speecty for South Carolina and not for Washington. The Attorney Governor expressed s wish that whilst reforming onr Constitution, we should give the election of Governor to the people, and invest bim with the power of appointing all State and district officers, with the advice?and consent of the Senate. I told him my theory had always been. to give all the important elections, President, Governors, members of Congress and members of the Legislature to the people, and relieve thorn of the trouble of assembling so often to make petty elections, which generally tended to corrupt and demoralize them. - I called on the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. McCallooh, and was very muoh -1??J ?Jit. L!? ? - o nnKli/t pieasea wim uiiu iu a gumioiuuu, > ^uunu officer and a statesman, I was famished io the Treasury office with a list of appointments which I had to make. In doing so, I .endeavored to fill all the .offices with men of capacity, integrity and experience. I likewise paid my respects to *be Secretary of War, in company with the South Carolina delegation, and endeavored to lay before this high fnnotionary the true condition of affairs in South Carolina. I regretted not seeing Gen. Howard, who is at the head of the Freedmen's.Bureau in Washington. Bht I addressed a letter to j him, giving him my views in reference to the freedmen, and asking his instructions. The whole South Carolina delegation wer^ earnest in their efforts to impress the President and his Cabinet with the impolicy of' garrisoning South Carolina with colored troops. I bad hoped to bavo seen General | Gillmoro on this subject as I returned through Columbia. The last interview.I had with the President, he requested me to write to him, and keep him informed a3 to any difficulties which 1 might meet with in organizing a Provisional Government. I said to him, ?I have already, JMr. President, organized a Provisional Government for South Carolina by adopting the &tato Government. I have issued my proclamation, ordering all civil officers in South Carolina tQ take the oath-ofollegiance, and resume their official duties." "Well,"' said be,, "yoa are a most expeditions Governor/' I replied by saying my appointment camo late, and L thought it neoessary to work rapidly. I farther said to him that I would have the State ready, with her Constitution reformed and her members of Congress pleoted by the. first Monday in December, when - Congress convened. In conclusion, let me to yon, fellovTcitizens, that I am well pleased with all that I saw and heard at Washington in reference to the Southern States. Let us now do our duty, take the oath "of allegiance, elect good and wise men to the Convention, reform our State Constitution, abolian slavery, equalize the representation of the State in the Senate, give the elections of Governors and Presidential electors to the people, and all will be well. Immediately after the Convention has reformed the Constitution, the Legislature will be convened to elect United States Senators and providefor the eleotion of members of the House of Representatives in Congress. This may all be done by the first Monday in December next, when the State will be felly restored to all her rights under the Constitution and laws of the United States. tOF The Postmaster General has notified the Provisional Governors that the postal service will be resumed on all lines of railroadsm the South, as soon as they respectively certify that the roads are in proper Qonditioa for the purpose. - 4. i^uxioaijB jua.vj.nxix. a The following table sbows the price of* c gold for-Confederate currency in Ahgosta, ? Ga., at various times from the breaking out t to the olose of the war. The record was 1 kept by a broker long doing business in c that city : . 1 1861. Gold Premium. For 81 i* Gold. ( January 1 < 6 December 15; 21 00 July 1.' K> 1064. October 1... 12 January 1 2100 f October 15 15 January 15......... 20 00 December 1 20 February 1 20 00 { December 15 30 February 15.-. .; 21 001862. ' March 1 26 00 1 January 1 20 March 15 20 00 January 15 20 April,1 19 00 ? February 1 25 April 15 2100 ( February 15. 40 May I.... . 20 00 " Marchl. 50 May 15. 18 00 r March 15 60 June 1 to July 15.... 18 00 April 1 75 July 15 to Ampul 15. 20 00 April 15 85 August 15 22 00 Mayl 90 September 1........ 20 50 Mayl5 * * 95 September 15....... 22 50 . June 1 95 October 1...... .... 27 00 For 91 in-GoM- October 15 25 00 { June 15 ffi 00 November 1 26 00 August 1 2 20 November,15..:.'... 28 06 1 8cptemberl... 2 50 December 1 32 00 November 1 3 00 December 15....... 35 00 1863. December 31....... 50 00 February ! 3 10 -1865. March'!. "3 25 January 1 60 00 | Mnrch IK 5 00 Januanr 15 65 00 May 15 6 OOlFebruary 1......... 50 00 I June 1 6 501February_15 46 00- . June 15 7 50;March 1 55 00 ' July.l 8 00 March 15 57 00 i July 15 ; 10 O0|Aprtl 1.../.70 00 ' Angust 1 14 00;April 15 80 00 \ August 15? ,15 001 April 520. 100 00 September 1 14 00 April 528 5200 00 1 September 15 .-. 14 00 April 37 30000 October 1 13 00 April 28.. 500 00 ' October 15 13 50 April 39 80000 November 1 13 00 April 30, 1,000 00 J November 15.....' 15 50 May 1 1,200 00 December 1.". 20 00 ?'Which was the last actual sales of Confederate note*. | ? ' ? i THE NATIONAL DEBT. 1 The entire debt of the United States is > officially- reported, under date of May 31st, i at a little over twenty-six hundred and ? thirty-five millions of dollars. The exact i figures ard as follows : i $1,106,113,842 Interest payable In gold. j 1,053,476,371 Interest payable in currency. 472,829,270 treasury notes not bearing Interest. I 789,270 past due, and Interest ceased. I $2,635,208,753. The annual interest iu coin and ourreu- 1 cy together is over one hundred and twen- J ty-four millions, whioh is an inconsiderable . fraction less than six per cent, on the in- ( terest-paying portion. We are now able, , for the first time, to assign a proximate limit j to the debt, and to estimate very elosely its ,, yearly burden on the country. When all ( the expenses of the war are settled, the ( mass will doubtless be near three thousand , millions of dollars. The policy of the ( Government will be to convert the Treasn- ] ry notes into bonds with as little delay as < possible. At six per Cent., which is tfae < present average rate, onr annual interest will j be one handred and eighty millions of dol- | lars. The estimated receipts for the year ending Jane 30, 1866, are three hundred , and ninety-six millions, as follows: ( From Customs 070,000,000 From Internal Duties ^(00,000,000 I From Lands..... 1,000,000 ; From Miscellaneous sources 25j000,000w; * $396,000,000 | - The Treasury estimate of expenses foe 1 the same yhar, exclusiveof war and navy < purposes, is: ' For tlie civil service v. $33,083,097 1 For pensions and Indians 14,196,050 j ' $47278,147 j If we add to this amonnt the interest on , the debt, and allow seventy-five millions for ( army and navy expenses, we have a total , requirement of three handred and two mil- ; lions. 17e may, therefore, either reduce ( oar taxes one-third, or have an excess of ( near one hundred millions to annlv in liqui- \ dation of the debt Sound policy dictates | that we shall reduce the sc&Ie of taxation and keep it low until the productive powers of the country are fully restored to activity rather than to push immediately opon liqui, dation. We shall then have the whole ( country from whioh to reap income, instead ] of the half as now, and the reduced scale, | spread over double the surface, will not need , to be enlarged. ( This is certainly a very satisfactory exhi- ( bition. We announce it as a fact capable , of demonstration, that our taxation might this day be rednccd one-third, or, if the five hundred millions of treasury notes be not j funded, to fully - one-half of the present , rates, and the gradual extinction of the , debt go on successfully. If our allowance for the army and navy appears small, we have, on the other hand, made none for in- } creased revenue from imports, on which we ' ^ 1? J?A. J ifnnnin liwa mil. may prooaojy ut-puu iwi mcuyuiB | ! lions more than is officially set down. The treasury estimate of but one million of re ceipta from the sale of public glands was j made under the depression of war. Now , that is relieved and peace is established, snd with an active* tide of emigration, we may expect them to assume something like ( the old proportions of eight millions a year. ( Evening Post. ~ -?-??? ???- ( A Difficulty in the way of Office- j holders ?A new difficulty has been discovered in the way of Southern men holding office under the oVS- Government . The Raleigh Progress calls attention to the matter and shows that while th<? following { Act of Congress is in force no console1ntious i man who lived jre the Sooth during the v"ar can qualify as a Federal office-bolder : Be it enacted, &c., That hereafter persons efected or appointed to any offioe of honor 'j or profit under the Government of the Uni- ( ted States, eitner in toe cmi, military oj ( naval Departments of .tbe pnblio service, ( excepting tbe .President of tbe United ( Slates, shall, before entering upon tbe da- f ties of sach office, and before being entitled to tbe salary or other emoluments thereof, take and subscribe tbe following oath or f affirmation: ( I,??, do solemnly swear (or affirm) ( that I have never voluntarily borno arms t ag*ainst tbe United States since I have { boon a oitizen thereof; that I have volnn- ] tavdly given no aid, countenance, counsel < or encouragement to persons engaged in < armed hostility thereto; that I have neither ( sought nor accepted nor attempted .to e*er- ; cilse the fanotions of any offioe whatever, ] under any authority, or pretended anihor- < ity, in hostility , to the United States; that { I have not yielded a voluntary support to any pretended Government, authority, power or aonstitation within the United States, } hostile or infoiical thereto. - And I do for- < ther swear (or affirm) that to the beat of my I v ' %&8Sm - < :nowicage ana aoiuiy 1 win rapport ana lefend the. Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and donestio; that I will bear true-faith and alegiance to the same; that I will take this >bligation freely, without any mental resetration or purpose of evasion. - So help me Sod. And any person who shall falsely take he said oath-shall be guilty of perjury, " ind on conviction, in addition to the other >enalties now prescribed for that o&naa, ihall be deprived of his office, and renderid incapable-forever, after of holding any >ffice or place under the United States.f f - * Approved Jnly 2", "1862. We do not see how any map (who liyed vithin the Confederate lines at least) pan mbsoribe to the first clause or sentence of ;he ^oath. The Progress says that R. P. Dick (a man who has always been for the Union) and who was recently. appwntad U. 3. District Judge in this State, "will net qualify on account of the requirements of ibe above Act, and that if he b? tproed "to *ke the oaths of office with that in exia:ence and force, he will decline the appointment tendered him." A The Progress calla for the repeal of the lot, and remarks: "We think {hat we are as loyal to the government of the U. Sftates aa'any mas n North Carolina, that we are as good a [Tnion man as the best, and yet we would iot take the above oath to hold any office n the gift qf the President; and for the timple reason that we could not take it without perjury. Nor.do we believe that * here is a man* in North Carolina with aafioient prominence to render it probable . hat he will be oalled to offiead position, hat can." ? . A Washington correspondent of the N. fork Tribune, speaking of the effect of this let, says: - "This Act plays faavoo among theJ3o?A?rn aspirants for office under" the government. It will doubtless be a bar to many good men,* especially in North Carolina, _i ?-. l j r wuero mu 01 guvaruiueub uunug iiuvumi :hree years of the rebellion was in the hands >f the anti-secfesaionsiflts. The"effect oft&jf iisoovery of this test oath, beneath the*eeumulated legisletion of three eventful years has produeed' quite a sensation among oi?r Southern recanstractionista.. Not one of. jrOTCinor Holdea's nominees, who were promptly appointed to the places for whioh ;hoy were recommended, can paas the Or- . leal; and the Governor himself is in the same box, he having voted forthe seoession jrdinanoe, and held the office of State Printer doring the war. The appointment of Provisional Governor is, however, one; not known to the law, and if he draws] no pay he may escape the ordeal, Mr. Robert4^. Diet, who is regarded **oneofthe mpstwin- . sere and consistent Unionists in N.C*t?> Una, has declined to qualify as United States Dis.rict Judge, in conaequeajgy having in some way compromised" himself with the 'Confederacy/>> If the righteotta jannot be.saved,* where shall the ungodly rebels and original secessionists appear?, [t is to be regretted that such men are ex~ :laded from office under the General Government at sach a time, but there b no help for it while the law remains on the statute hook." " " A Rvwnir ap Wa jf TIia New Vnrlr News' Washington correspondent sajrsT "Oar relations withFianoe are becoming ivery day more critical. It is understood tare to day that authentie intelligence has taen received, of the fact that are-inforoement of85,000 French and Austrian troops . ire now embarking at French j3oitflr destined. for Mexico, and that th?y may be repeated to land at Vera Craz as soon as they oau crbss the ocean. "If the facts, as remored, are comet, it is difficult to see bow a collision is to be ivoided between the American and French troops on the line of the Bio Grande." The Indians.?The Washington oon respondent of the New York World says: "All the acooants "from the plains are. to the effect that before the coining on of winter we shall have on hand Jhe greatest Indian war we have ever fonght Since the massacre of the Cbeyennes by Colonel Chivington^the Indians have been, break*. Ing ont intocbllBtattt hostilities, and nofca iay has passed for six. weeks past that the wetland telegraph wires baye not been cut ivoUniiriMH* nt nninto miles apart. This is a new feature, and iddies tea a general eoneert of aetkm on the part of the Indian tribes." * Convention of Pbotmtant Episcopal Church.-?The New York Ghtxwh Triennial Convention, which Msemblesin Philadelphia, in "September. The editor says?"We speak by authority wheat ftt lay^that, if any or all of the Sonthern )iahop or dioceses choose to be present, ;hey win* only need to hand in their c?lentials, ana^ef to their names, and take iheir . seats, as o** old time, without do&bt, pestionorconditiou ofany sort whatso?ver." 11 ",1 ~~ ~ The Southern Mails.?Many of the '? ???? nnntmufnm far (MtfilnW tWinutk in U,UJU4 w~?.v. TTHST *** he Southern States are beginning to mafc; heir appearance in Washington, claiming he indebtedness due them for sernoesjigipr o the war. The Anditor for the PostoSoe Department declines to reoogpis* their jlaims, and they most consequently await ;he action of Copgness^ The work of rststablishing the portal roates andpostoffioes n the Sooth irrapidly progressing' The Postoffice Department last week reopened wenty-two postof&oes in the Southern ^ States. \ . .i'.iw -#? . IOTA guerrilla jwt hang in Kentucky, vu the osdy son of aged widc?,wh? hjd* !yea assMsin# and a Wt&jriart in the VBJ V*- " % V" *