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will?am Til's?. I ^pnetoTB. ' ' Jhrirtptittoirf Jaiwlj* fMpspptr: Jfor % ^rmmrtioB if % fofifen!, j^dal ^frialtasl mft CnrawtM $#ttrate ?*-% ?oat(| -.-> " . ' "?? ~ ' ' " ~~~ .j..y: y 'V ^ VOLUME 7.'- ' - YORKVILLE, SOUTH CAROLINA, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 25, 1861. - . . <?* '! " ' : SJw fmtto postt. From the Charleston MercurySPEECH OF H051A. H. STEPHEN'S, AT AUGUSTA, GEORGIA. Mr. Chairman, Laih'eS and Gentlemen of Richmond County: I appear before you to day in the discbarge of a duty assigned me by the Confederate Congress, I am rejoiced to see so many persons out?persons of all classes and ages, men as well as women. It is true, that the subjects upon whioh I am to address you to day ooucern mostly?most directly?the men, and a particular class of men at that?I mean the cotton planters?interesting all alike. The questions involved are questions which concern all alike. They involve the peace of the country?-her political and social existence. All, therefore, do well to be here. We are involved in a war?the most important war that the countr; has ever been involved in since the revolution of our fathers?since the American Independence was declared. We have had Indian wars with the different tribes ; we have had a small French war; we have had a second war with the mother country. Many perhaps, who hear me to day were engaged in that conflict. But this is a war far transcending every other war, in magnitude and consequences that will result from it. My business today is to unfold to you the exigencies of this war/, and its requirements. The Congress, it is known to yon provided for raising one hundred thousand men. Noble, gallantly and partriotically has that call been responded to. Thousands and tens of thousands (the exact number I am not ndw able to state to you) have gone to the battle field.. These men, however, mast be clothed ; they mast be fed ; | they must be armed they must be equip-; ped. Wars can be sustained, not by men j alone; it requires men and money. The: gallant voluateers have responded on their j part. The question upon wbioh I am to j address you to day, relate to the import- j ance of raising the necessary amounts of money to meet these requisitions.. Upon the adjournment of the Congress from Montgomery to Richmond, the estimate was for one hundred thousand men j for the first fiscal year. The amount estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury to meet the requirements, to support an army of this number, was fifty millions of dollars ?a large amount. This amount must be * i it?. j- T3?? raised, now-to au it, is uie ijucsuuu. uui, since that adjournment, since that estimate, this war has assumed a wider and broader raDge. It has taken on larger and more gigantic proportions, and instead of one hundred thousand men, we may have to send two hundred thousand to meet the enemy; instead of fifty millions of dollars, we may have, and the probability is that we shall have, to raise one hundred millions; and it may be, if it goes on and increases, that we shall have to raise more. The estimate, however, of the Secretary of the Treasury was fifty millions of dollars, and whatever number of men and whatever amount of money shall be necessary must be raised. We do not intend to besnbjngated. Mr. Linooln has increased his call from seventy five thousand to four hundred thousand men. He has increased his demand for money from the five millions first asked for (the amount I do not exactly recollect,) and asks his Congress, now in session, for four hundred millions of dollars. Whether he will raise his men or his money, I kiow not. / 11 I have to say about it is, that if he raises his four hundred thonsand men, we mast raise enough to meet him , and if be raises his fonr hundred millions of money, we mast raise enough to meet it. It is a war of political and social existence, and, unless we intend to be overridden and beaten down and subjugated, and to become the vassals of his mercenaries and myrmidons, we must, every one of us? every man, every boy and every woman?be prepared to do our duty. Our means?in men and money?are ample to sustain our independence. We have, upon a reasonable estimate, at least seven hundred thou sand fighting men. Whetberall these will be required to drive back his armed myrmidons, I know not; but if they are, every man must go to the battle field. He may think, and doubtless does, that four hundred thousand men will intimidate and subjugate and overun us. He should recollect, however?as we should, and reverentially, too ?that the "race is not to the swift, nor the batttle to the strong," but it is God that gives the victory. Four hundred thousand men may be a formidable army against us; but it is not as formidable as the six hundred thousand led by Darius against the Grecian States; and we there have the example of much fewer numbers than we are lighting a battle for right, for justice, for independence and for liberty. We have an example worthy of our imitation. Six hundred thousand Persians invaded Greece. These small States could bring against them but eleven thousand all told. The eleven thousand met the hosts of Persia, not the six hundred thousand, but all that could be brought against them, on the common plain. The eleven thousand, with valorous hearts, lighting for home, fighting for country, fighting for every thing dear to freemeD, put to flight the hosts of Persia, leaving sixty thousand slain upon the field. Men of the South, therefore, let this war assume its most gigantic proportions, its most threatening prospects (nerving our hearts with the spirit of our revolutionary fathers, when they were but three millions and coped with Great Britain, the most powerful nation in the world)?animated by these sentiments, fighting for everything dear to us, fear not the result, recollecting that "thrice armed is he who hath his quarrel just;" and as our fathers, in the bloody conflict of the revolutionary war, appealed to the God of Battles for success in their cause, so may we, since we have the consciousness, in any event, that this is no war of our seeking.? We simply wish to govern ourselves as we please. We simply stand where our revolutionary fathers stood in '76. We stand upon the great fundamental principle announced on the 4th of July, 1776, and incorporated in the Declaration of Independence?that great principle that announced that the government derive their just powers from the consent of the govern ! ed. Id the announcement of this principle, | the delegates from Massachusetts, and from Rhode Island, and from Connecticut, and from all the Northern States, united with the delegates from the Old Dominion and from the Palmetto State, and from Georgia, the youDgest and the last of the colonies, then not numbering more than fifty thousand of population?they united in this declaration of the delegates from all the States or Colonies, and for the maintenance of it they pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor?Massachusetts side by side with Georgia, John Hanoook at their head, and, strange to say, to day the people of Massachusetts and the Northern States are reversing the position, of our fathers, and are demanding to rule, to govern, to coerce, to subjugate us agaiost our j consent. We wish no qaarrel with them.!* After the establishment of this great prin- ,c ciple, after the aoknowlegment of it by s Great Britain, in the treaty of 1783, when j each separate State was recognized as inde- a pendent, we were not lecognized by Great Britain as a nationality, but in the inde- s pendence of each Colony or State was re- a cognized by itself?Massachusetts and R. ? Island, and Connecticut and Virginia, each ;1 one by itself; each one was separate, sov- ' ereign and independent. They made a com- i mon cause to aohieve individual and sepa- 1 rate sovereign existence. t After the Revolutionary war they enter- 1 ed into a constitutional compact?that con- f stitution that we have ever.adored?that 1 constitution to the maintenance of which L * have devoted so muoh of my life. 1 We entered into that constitution with this people. Almost from the beginning a large party in the North were against it; and, as a Southern man, in passing, I may be exoused for claiming as I do, that the Constitution of the United States was mainly the work of Southern hands. It is true the delegates, from the Northern States joined us in the Convention of 1787 that | made it; but the first programme, the outI line of the constitution as we now have it, was proposed by the distinguished member ifrom Carolina, Mr. Pincknev. Another | programme, which was said to be the basis [ of the constitution, was introduced by Mr. [Randolph, of Virginia. The Northern men, ] with a few exceptions, did not favor that 1 form of government. The Constitution, 1 therefore, reserving sovereignty to the peo- 1 pie, constituting a limited government, with ' 1 an executive bound by law, with a legislature bound by law, with State sovereignty ^ I maintained to its fullest extent, with a ju- ' diciary bound by fundamental law, with 1 every officer, from the highest to the lowest, 1 bound by law?this great bulwark of con- 1 stitutional liberty was the work mainly of 1 Southern hands. Madison is styled the 1 father of ft. Not a single pillar in the tem- 1 pie, not a single arch in this grand build- ' ling was laid, or reared, or constructed by 1 I Northern hands. They had able members ' i in the Convention. I d Jfract nothing from ' their merits. They show forth as great 1 lights in the revolutionary war. I name ' but two?Franklin and Hamilton; men of ' trancendent talents, men of genius, but ( neither of them contributed anything to the 1 formation of the Constitution. Mr. Hamil- ' ton was for a different model of govern- 1 ment; he was against the form adopted, and 1 actually quit the Convention before it was 1 made. It is true, that afterwards, when the 1 Constitution was agreed upon, and submit- ! ted to the people, he lent all the power 1 j of his girantic intellect, and all the fervor ; of his pure and lofty patriotism to the establishment of the Government, but he differed in theory from the work that was done, and afterwards attempted to incorporate, by construcfl^, many of his original1 ideas. But what I claim before you as a Southern orator is, and I am proud of it, that the Constitution that made the old U. States what they were, under which they prospered as no other nation ever has prospered, and under which they run the rapid aDd high career in national glory?this Constitution was the work of Southern hauds mainly. And during the time of our political existence the administration of the Government was mostly under Southern i hands and Southern policy. But, after it: was adopted, reserving State rights, reserv-i ing State sovereignty, reserving popular sov-j ereignty, upon the idea that all power po- j 1 litical resides with the people, emanates I from the people; that the high and the low, i the rich and the poor, every man, whatever ; be his status in society; every citizen stands ! upon an equality in the law. It was this 'grand principle, of which we boasted.? 1 These are the grand ideas of American Conjstitutional Liberty, of which we are proud;! j these are the principles taught by our fathjers to their sons, and they were the work mainly of Southern hands. But soon after this Constitution was formed, a large party in the North commenced, as I have said, by construction, to torture land twist the Constitution from its proper Jand legitimate meaning, to gain power indirectly. I have not time to go through ' the history of the country. It is enough | to say it ripened within the last few years, j and came to maturity under the organiza: tion of that party now in power?that party j which now has the destiny of the U. States j in its hand?known as the Republican par! ty. Seven States of the North finally utI terly repudiated the most important feature (in it?a feature without which, I am told in the language of Judge Stury, the Constitution never would have been made. I mean that obligation the Northern States entered into to return fugitive slaves from our country. Seven States arrayed themselves?perhaps more?seven at least, arrayed themselvs in open, palpable violation of this known portion of the compact. We appealed to them?we believed it was best for all the States, as Washington presided over the Convention that made the Constitution, that all the States should remain in the Union, faithfully performing each one ! for itself the obligations of this Constitution. I This was the Southern idea. We made i our appeals for years to them to come up | and fulfil their obligations. From the beginning of the Government, the man can! not rise up and charge the South with ever violating, in the slightest degree, their ob! ligations. We never asked Congress to do ^anything against the interests of the North 1 ern States; we never complained of their in ititutions; we never wished to interfere with ;bem at all. We rested upon the great principle, that each State should govern itlelf j that they should govern themselves as hey pleased, and let us govern ourselves as ve please. This was the position of the South, and we made the same appeal to hem for years; and only when this party same to maturity, and when so many States >penly disregarded the Constitution, when ;hey got the government in their hands, it vas then the South thought it necessary to ook out new safeguards for security. It vas then she resumed her sovereign powers. It was then she became satisfied that he people of the North would not fulfill heir portion of the obligation, and even Urxn ntA kAllnrtA/1 if TWAnl/i Kfl Ko f f Of fftf >UUU IT C UQ11CVW ill TTUUiU VU Mwfcvvi *w* hem and us to live on together, each and ill doing their duty. We said we would :ven try it, and even then sent Commisioners to them with the olive branch of )eace. Our overtures were disregarded, md hence this war. But the point I present to you is that we itand now where our revolutionary fathers itood. All we ask is to be permitted te govern ourselves as we please; and for one, [ declare to you to day, you may think of t as you please, the people of the South nay decide it as they please, but as for one, [ would never surrender this principle, hough every valley from here to the Potonac should run with Southern blood, and ivery hill to be bleached with Sourthern >ones. [Tremendous applause.] Home, iresides, life, friends and luxuries, are dear, >ut there is something dearer to a true man han life, and home, and all. It is honor md independence. [Applause.] Let the memy, therefore, make his calculations as ride and as broad as he pleases. I say eve y true Southern heart is impressed with ;he magnitude of the responsibility that now rests upon us; and let every man be nerved ;o meet that responsibility and at every cost. Our fathers pledged life, honor and fortune for this principle, and I know we are not the degenerate sons, nor are we the degenerate daughters of the noble matrons of that lay, that would sacrifice, lose, or surrender these principles at a less cost. The men are ample; the means to sopport them is the subject upon which I am to address you, and how ia the money to be raised. War, I tell you, costs blood as well is treasure. Have we the means ? Can we sope with the North ? that is the question. We have not less than four thousand millions of taxable property within the Confederate States, upon the last minimum estimate. At last year's rates, we therefore Bould raise from one hundred millions to two hundred millions, for years to come, end yet survive. The wealth of nations, the ability of nations to sustain war, depends not so much upon its taxable property as its productive capital. It is to the latter we must look for the means and ability to sustain the war, for in times of war, generally all business is interrupted. In this particular of productive capital, perhaps there is no people in the world more favor sd under heaven, and for which we ought to be grateful, not boastful, and it is one jf those blessings for which we should re* ? *t u _:Au tare tnanss. i>o nation in cue worm, wnu the same population, has such a continuous annual productive captal. I have not stated the wealth of the North, but it is not my purpose to detract from it. They were a people of wealth. Most of it, however, came from their connection and trade with us. They were an ingenious and manufacturing people. We are an agricultural people. Their interests and ours are all bleuded together. Our prosperity enabled tbem to become prosperous, and their States grew up by our trade and commerce. Most of their wealth, when you come to estimate it and look at it, was nothing but profits derived from our trade. Cutoff that trade. Most of the wealth of the State of N. York ?and that State alone is estimated to be worth four hundred millions of dollars (that is the taxable property of the State of New York)?and in what does it oonsist ? Close up the harbor; cut off manufactures. What does it oonsi6t in ? Bricks and mortar? nothing else. And if the war lasts as long as the siege of Troy, in what will their wealth consist ? It will d'sappear; for the bricks and mortar will be worth no moi?, unless there are tenants, and the profits derived from their labor, than the bricks and mortar in the arid plains of Babylon. Sixty one millions of New England capital consisted alone in cotton manufactures and cotton spindles. These factories look to us for our raw materials. This capital is now literally paralysed; it is dead capital, and will be as long as this war lasts. Of their nominal products I do not now speak. Woollens, hats, shoes or silks, or every variety of dress I see before me, from the crowns of the heads of the fair ladies to the soles of their feet, all nearly all, are sup plied by the Worth, and there are eleven millions of annual product from the sales of cotton goods alone. All this will be cut off, and other things will be equally out off. The great difference between the North and the South to carry on the war?and this I say to you in prospect of a long war, for I wish our people to see the full magnitude, and to feel the full responsibility that rests upon us in it, and to see our responsibility to meet it?is this : The North sold us some two hundred and fifty millions annually. This was their riches; hence came their wealth; hence grew their cities. Their wealth was but the accumulation deposited from our commerce, just as the delta of the Nile was enriched above the lands of any other portion of Egypt by the deposit of the rich alluvial soil brought down from the mountains and deposited in it. The riches, money and power of the North came in the same way. Our cotton was the source of it, and how Mr. Lincoln is to get his four hundred millions of dollars, I do not know. That is a matter for him to determine, though I may say more about it before I get through; but at present it is sufficient to say that Lincoln has dammed up the water that turns the mill of Northern prosperity. IIow long the mill will run time alone will determine. But it is not so with us. We grow breadstuffs enough to supply all our wants. We live in a heaven-favored land, for all the cereals grow here equally as well as in any other portion of the world?wheat, rye, oats and corn in a great abundance. We wonld ] compete with the world in the production 1 of these. We grow also the tobacoo plant , and rioe. We live in the land of the fig | tree, the pomegranate and the vine. Hard- j ly any thing used as food but it is grown , in the Southern Confederacy, and we could, if need be, grow an abundance of every thing except coffee. We therefore have J the means, under the blessings of Heaven, ( to support onreelves, and keep upon the ( field every variety of cattle suitable for food or draft. We therefore can grow bread ; enough to support our people and keep from one hundred thousand to two hnndred . thousand men in the field. Let the block- j ade last, let the Western people be cut off from trade with us, and within the eleven Southern States we could for years carry i on the war, support ourselves and our armies, and, rather than to be subjugated and become vassals of Lincoln's power, fight it ont beleaguered by blockade all aronnd. j? But this is not our only capacity. We grow supplies that the nations of the earth must have*?that is, the cotton. How the North is to do without it, as I have said, I cannot say. Hundreds of thousands are dependent upon it for their daily bread and these people are now turned ont of employment. Perhaps they are the men who, for kftwa ininnr] in f Ilia nnnofn_ TVniib Ul VIOBUj UHIW JVIUUU <u uuib uuawww ral and suicidal war, which will be to them as disss trous as to as. Id England perhaps not less than five millions of people to depend upon cotton for their daily bread; in France several hundred thousands, if not millions (I am not particular in my statistics). And, when you come to take into consideration the amount of capital, the number of sailors and the amount of tonnage employed in this trade, you will be still more surprised. Why in the United States, there are forty thouand seamen engaged in the transportation of ootton alone. And if you take into account the numbers in England, France, Germany, Holland and Bremen engaged in it, you will find that it will amount to not less than ten millions of people, to say nothing of the hundred millions of money capital engaged in it. This, therefore, is an element of great power? the great motor of the commerce of the world. We grow it. There is no part of the world that grows it as we do. We supply the markets of the world?they must have it. . I meet many asking about the blockade. I cannot to-day tell you how the blockade is to be raised. But there is one thing oertain?in some way or other it will be obliged to be raised, or there will be revolution in Europe?there will be starvation there. Our cottou is the element that will do it. Steam is powerful, but steam is far short in its power to the tremendous power of ootton. If you look out upon the ocean tn-dav. and inauire into the secret acency J 1 X W of commerce, you will find that it is cotton that drives it, and the spindles and looms, from those in your own State to the remotest quarter of the world, it is this element of cotton that drives them ; and it is this j*reat staple which is the tremendous lever by wbioh we can work out our destiny, under Providence, I trust, against four times four hundred thousand. [Applause.] Upon a reasonable and ordinary estimate, we grow four millions of bales of cotton. I am here to-day to discuss before you the fifty million loan, but I am frank to tell you, it may be one hundred millions, and I think it probably will be. The proposition that the Government makes, is not to tax the people. The object of a wise and good Government is to make the burthens fall as light upon the people as possible, to meet every exigency. The proposition the Government makes, therefore, is to take a loan in produce. In the grain-growiDg sections the members of Congress solicit the loan in grain, army subsistence, meat, corn, wheat and flour. We are not a grain-growing country. Our supply is cotton. laddress you, therefore, solely on the subject of cotton. The obiect is to get along with as little tax as possible; but, my countrymen, do not suppose the Government will not tax you, if necessary; for I tell you the Government does not intend to be subjugated, and if we do not raise the money by loans, if the people do not contribute, I tell yon we intend to have the money, and taxation will be resorted to if nothing else will raise it. Every life and dollar in the country will be' demanded rather than you and every one of us shall be overrun by the enemy. [Applause.] Oa that you may count. _The Government, while it desires to carry on the war, establish your independence, and maintain the Government, at the same time wishes to do it in such a way as not to cripple industry; and while our men are in the field fighting the battles of their country, their brcthern at home are discharging an equal duty, so that no serious detriment to public property will be sustained, and we have the element to do this that no other people in the world have. Now then, if four millions of bales of cotton are made, upon an average price they will bring two hundred millions of dollars. If the cotton planter will but lend, not give?lend to the Government the proceeds of but one-half, that will be one hunI J?-J ~:n:? fkn U1CU LU1111UU U1 UUliaiBj UUUU1C TTIiau VUV Government wants, or did want, when we adjourned?quite enough to keep two hundred thousand men in the field?the balance you can use as you please. I now will read to you, just at this part of my address, the proposition upon which I shall make some comments, for I wish every gentleman to understand it. It is not asking a donation; the Government simply wishes to control the proceeds of your cotton. The Government proposes to give you a bond bearing eight per cent, interest, paying the interest also semi-annually. It is not a gift or donation, but simply your surplus cotton, as much as you can spare. This is the proposition : "We, the subscribers, agree to contribute to the defence of the Confederate States that portion of our crop set down to our respective names; the same to be placed in warehouse or in the hand of our factors, and sold on or before the next." Fix the day of sale as soon as you please; the first of January, the first of February, or tho first of March, if you please; though I am aware the Government wishes you to sell it as soon as convenient; but let each planter consult bis interest, and in the mean- i while consult the market But to proceed : i "And the nett proceeds of sale, we direot c to be paid over to the Treasurer of the Con- 1 federate States for bonds for the same a- 1 mount, bearing eight per cent, interest." c There is the whole of it. The cotton * planter direots his cotton to be sent into the ' bands of his faotor or his oommission mer- E jbant. He only tells the Government In 1 the subscription the portion be oan lend. ( He direots it to be sold, and the proceeds 1 to be invested in Confederate Bonds. 1 understand that a Committee will be appointed before this meeting adjourns, to 1 canvass this county. Every planter, there- E fore, of Richmond county, will be waited apon and afforded an opportunity to sub- 1 scribe. I wish, therefore, to say to that J Committee, and everybody, subscribe. I prefer you putting down, first, your name, j second, the number of bales, and I prefer you putting down the proportion of your j crop. I want, especially, the number of ( bales, but would like also to know tbe proportion it bears to your orop. Let every- J body, those .with small orops as well as large, , give evidence in this way, of their patriotism, and I believe the poor man that puts down but two bales, if it be half his crop, gives more, and more patriotically, than the man who grows one thousand and puts down one half of bis, beoauso, as the Saviour said, the woman who gave her mite, gave more than all the rest. Let everybody, therefore, put down a portion of their crop, if it be two bales or fifty bales, or one hundred bales, or five hundred bales. Inquiries have been made of me, and I take this opportunity to answer them: "Whether these bonds will circulate as money?will they pay debts?" On this point I wish no mistake. They are not intended as currency; they are unfitted to answer the purpose of circulation. The bonds are larger than this paper. (A letter sheet.) The obligation is on the upper part of it, and the whole of the lower part is divided into forty squares or checks. In each one of these checks the interest is counted for each six months for twenty years. These checks are called coupons, and all the party holding them has to do is every six months to clip off tbe lower coupon, send it to the Treasury and get his interest. Tbe bond is not suitable to carry in your pocket-book and use. It would wear out. It is intended to represent a fixed capital, or permanent investment?just so muoh as you can spare from your cotloo crop. That is all. Instead of your putting your surplus iu lauds, negroes, bouses, furniture, useless extravagance and luxuries, just put it into Confederate Bonds. But whilst I said it was not intended to circulate or pay debts, I have not the least doubt that anybody who will sell bis crop entire for bonds,-, will bud no difficulty in getting .the money for them, for they draw interest, and are better than money; and any man holding a note will give it up and take a bond, for a note draws but seven per cent., and this draws eight. I have no doubt that all minors and trust property will soon be invested in it. The entire amount of private funds in the State of Georgia on private loans, I suppose, is ten or twenty millions of dollars at seven per cent. All that amount will immediately find its way into these bonds, and hence a planter who sells his entire orop, and needs money, can get it from the money lenders on these bonds. < I have been frequently asked if these l 1- J TTT^tl T tsv U* Dcmas were guuu. nen, l waui, w uc equally frank upon that point. If we succeed, if we establish our independence, if we are not ovevidden, if we are not subjugated, I feel no hesitancy in telling you it is the best Government stock in the world that I know of. It is eight per cent, interest; and if we succeed in a short time, in a few years, if not more than one hundred millions, or two hundred millions are issued, I have but little doubt they will command a considerable premium. The old United States stock (six per cent, bonds), five years ago commanded fifteen aDd sixteen per cent., and went as high as twenty per cent. Take the Central Railroad. The stock of that company commands fifteen per cent, premium now. These bonds pay eight per cent, semi-annually; therefore, if there is a short war, these bonds very soon will command fifteen or twenty per cent.; but candor also compels me to state that if Lincoln overruns us?if we are subjugated, these bonds will not be worth a single dime, and nothing else you have will be worth anything. If we are overrun, they will be worth just as much as anything else you have, and nothing else you have got will be worth anything. [Laughter.] So that is the whole of it. Let us, then, come up and contribute what we can. I say to the planters that I do not wish to urge anybody, but let everybody discharge his duty to th^ country as he feels it. But upon this subject of the T _?11 _ ? 2 i L* war, jl wui aecain you a iew luiuukjb, uccause it is a common inquiry with me, how loDg I think the war will last?whether or not it will be a short one. Well, my countrymen, I will tell you this, that it is only known to the Ruler of events. It is curtained from mortal knowledge and mortal vision. I know not; I would not know if I could. It is the mysterious future; but there is one thing I can tell you with confidence, and that is, it is going to last until the enemy is whipped and driven from our soil. [Tremendous applause.*) And it willrequire men and money to do it, and the best way to make it a short war is to send men into the field, and to raise meaos enough to support them in the field to drive the enemy out.' That is the best way.? That is the way to make it a short war; and in this the cotton planters can contribute; and when I tell you it is an uncertain war, I cannot account for its duration upon any rational principle. It is a fanatical war, and wherever fanaticism gets control of reason, you can make no speculation in regard to it. This is a war against reason in every sense of the term. In the first place many of those engaged in it are engaged in a crusade nominally to ameliorate the condition of a portion of our population. They are engaged in a crusade to make things better than the Creator made them, or to make things equal whioh he made unequal. It is impious in that a great deal of the fa laticism of the war springs, I doubt not, I xom that source. Such an effort never i sould succeed, were they to overrun us f ind drive us away. These very people i vould do as some are now reported to be 1 ioing in Virginia (of which I neither &f. i inn or deny the truth;?capture the black )opulation and send them off to Cuba for ; tale. But there is one thing certain, that < hey can' no more carry out their fanatical , lesigns than they can make the Savannah un to the mountains, for the Great Creator . ?the Ruler of the Heavens and the earth ?He that made man and fashioned him? nade one inferior to the other, and made lorne to differ from others as one star differs 'rom others. This fanatioal sentiment of t vr__ii_ _mi 1 iL. ? ;oe IN on a win no mure um&e mc ucgiu ;qual to the white man than it will make ;he leopard change his spots or the Ethiopian his skin. It is a war against the interest of those who wage it, and, of all the people who will suffer by it, the New England States will suffer the most. Their trade cut off, their supplies out off, their source of wealth cut off, where are they to trade hereafter ? We furnish them a market ; no other people of the world do. They sannot sell their goodR to Great Britain for they are supplied by British manufactories. Nor can they furnish Germany or France. Out of these two hundred and Sfty millions of goods they sold, they did not send ten millions to the old world. It all came to the South. We are their market. We wished to continue to trade with them, but they would not perform their part of the compact, and carried out the old adage of the "man who put off his nose to spoil bis face" [laughter]; and I cannot for it exoept on the old Roman maxim, that he "whom the gods want to destroy, they first make mad." This is a war against the principles which their fathers and our fathers fought for?that every State Government should act for itself, and that the Government derived its power from the consent of the governed; These were the principles of Hancock, Jaokson, Madison, Randolph, Pinckney and" others. They were the principles their fathers and our fathers united in fighting for, and now they have made them a mockery of all history and the shame of their ancestors. These people are now warring against that prinoiple, and attempting to govern us just as King George did; it is, therefore, an unnatural and irrational, and a suicidal war, and you cannot count upon its duration. When a people becomes mad there is no telling what ... mi J- T. t, bliey Will UU. 11 IS HU 1U LUC uioi,v*jr vi j other empires; it was so in France. They say we are revolutionists; they call as rebols. I think it will be a revolution before, it is oter; but if a change of government makes revolution, the revolution is at the North. At the South our movements from the beginning have been planted upon the principles, as I have told you, of our revolutionary fathers, and the Confederate States to-day have rescued the Constitution, with some improvements, some changes, all of whioh we think improvements. They stand to day the defenders, supporters and maintaioere of that constitution, which was the admiration and devotion of us all. But a change of government ha8 taken place at the North. The Constitution of our fathers has already been trampled in the dust. From the time Mr. Lincoln went into his office until to day, it lias been but one step after another, one stride after another upon the Constitution of the country. The first thing he did was to call out seventy-five thousand militia. He had no power to do it. That Constitution, that Madison and Washington, and the patriots of the South as well as the North gave their consent to? that Constitution that was our admiration? that Constitution the Southern States have roannod Hpnlnrefl that fJnncreRs alone shall raise armies. His next act was to increase the army to twenty-five thousand men. 'This he did by an edict. The Constitution says Congress shail increase the array. After that he inoreased the navy to twenty-five thousand. Louis Napoleon or the Czar of Russia never assumed more dictatorial power. The North responded to it. That Constitution that had my admiration (and many of you doubtless have heard me speak upon it, for if there was anything upon which my whole soul rested, and for which I would have devoted life and everything dear, it was the Constitution of my country); that Constitution that the Montgomery Government has rescued declares tbatuo mac shall be deprived of his life, liberty or property but by due process of law. That was the old Constitution. It is the Constitution we resoaed. The Constitution the Confederate States presents to all people, high or low, is the surety to defend them [applause]; but, fellow citizens, Mr. Lincoln, by his own ediot, has nullified, abrogated, destroyed, trampled under foot this great constitutional, right. He has suspended the right of habeas corpus, and to-day if any one in Maryland or Missouri is down trodden or overriden by his myrmidons, or even in Massachusetts if aoy freeman rises up in the land of Hancock to-day, and says or affirms that the people of the South can govern themselves as they please, that for which Massachusetts once upon a time pledged honor and fortune and everything dear?if a freeman was to-day to announce the great truth upon which the revolution was fought, he would be arrested, put in jail, immured in a dungeon, and the courts being closed, he would have no hearing except before a court martial, and be executed for it. I tell you the revolution is at the North. There is where constitutional liberty has been destroyed; and if. you wish to know my judgment aboat the history of this war, you may read it ia the history of the French Jacobins. They have become a licentious and lawless mob, aud I shall not at all be surprised if, in less than three years, the leaders in this war, if Lincoln and his Cabinet, its head, come to the gallows or guillotine, just as those who led the French war [applause]; for human passions, when once aroused, are as uncontrollable as the elements about us. The only hope of mankind rests in the restraints of constitutional law, and the day they framed and ratified these lawless measures of Lincoln, they dug their own graves. They may talk of freedom and liberty, but I tell you no people without rulers, restrained by constitu-l tional law, can be free. They may be si nominally free, bat tbey are vapsals and si jlaves, and this unbridled mob, when tbey ? attempt to obeck it, Lincoln and the rest ? trill be dealt with just as I tell you it was a in France. - , , - . - .: ^ Why tho conservative sentiment in the K North is against this war. When I tell ^ 70a it is fanatical, I do not mean that all 81 men are fanatics. Just as the sturdiest ^ trees of the forest yield to the blast of the a storm, so have tbe friends of the Constitu- 8 tion yielded at the North. And how is a Lincoln to get these four hundred millions ^ of dollars ? I told you I might say some- ' thine more about it. Thev have not the ^ ? * ' ;, v money. That is true. I suppose the North 1 now might raise one hundred million in. ' gold and silver. I have not seen the re- 5 turns of the banks. But their money len- I ders are not going to lend it. Some say that the war will be a short one. No, my * friends, do not lay that flattering unction c to your souls.. How did the Jaoobinsraise * their money ? Why, they laid their hands * upon it; and that is the way they will do ? at the North. First. They will issue scrip j 1 but the Secretary of the Treasury cannot 1 come up and tell them that it is wrong.?r f He has not the nerve, and he might. lose J his head if he were to do it They may 3 issue four hundred millions of Treasury ' notes, and thos get along for twelve months, 6 or perhaps two years, before they are too * much depredated. They will then issue ( scrip against the rich man's property.? ( What is to be the result of this war? I am ' not a prophet, but I look upon it as fraught ( with the most momentous consequences, 1 cot unto as, but to the people of the North. 1 1 have always believed that if the Union * were destroyed the North would run into 1 anarchy and despotism. We are theqjalt of the concern, and it is only questionable whether or not we have quit too soon.? < That is the only doubt I have. Where ( it will end, I do not know, bat never again , will (hey enjoy constitutional government at the North, They never understood it. . Constitutional liberty is a plant of South- ] ern hands, nurtured by Southern hands, ( and if it is to be maintained, to live, to light , the world, it is to be done in the Southern , Confederacy. [Applause.] _ At North , there is anarchy,. Property will migrate, 1 just as it did in Prance. That is the end. ; "How long will they be able tb war a- I gainst us?" I tell you it will be until we i drive tbem back. There is no hope for as, j there is no prospect for an early and speedy ! termination of the war, until we drive tbem back; and my idea, my wish,,my desire < and my cooncil, would be to raise mon e- J nougb. immediately from the mountain* to the seaborad to do it. Georgia has already . doue well. I was always proud of my State ?proud of her origin, of her history, of ! her resources, and proud of her achievements ; and I am to-day prouder of her than ever. In this her country's call, I believe she stands number one in answering it, both in men and money; Applause.}? She has answered nobly: let her answer . still. The other States?let all send od ~ ~ ~~ - w uieo to drive the enemy oat; and, to the ootton planters I wonld say, come up with the ootton to-day. I do not want to embarrass any one, but I wonld say to yon, tell your debtors to wait until yon are oat of danger. [Applause.] When.meneome to you crying <'debt! debt! debt!" tell-5 them, as Patrick Henry did, when they cried "beef! beef I- beef!" Let ,yoar debt wait; let all the machinery of society stand still until independence is secured. I would say, just as if my house were on fire, "all < bands to tbejmckets, let the flames be extinguished." Let the oourts and everything else stand still, except to administer justice; let us all patriotically wait; let us all put our shoulders to the work, and act together, with a-long pull, a. strong pull and a poll all together. That is the way to drive out the enemy; and it.will be suecessful. They rely, upon numbers', and they have got them; but I have told you the battle is not to the strong. We rely upon the righteousness and the justice of , our cause, and also the valor of our mbn, though they bring two to one, three to ode^ ^ five to one, or ten to one, as was done- in Greece. We rely upon the. valor of our ! men?we rely upon our meu fighting for their homes, firesides, children and* every j thing dear to them; and,-in such a cause, ^ we have bo doubt the God of Battles'will smile upon us. ^ .-v,.,,. ~ To the ladies I must offer some apology " for having said so little io them, and so i muoh to the men, but I told them in the 1 beginning my business was mainly with j the men to-day. ^ I was glad to see them < here, and I must say that the women,, in ( ! this great and patriotic cause, -are not at-aH J behind the meu. The patriotism of the j women I believe throughout the country, i where I have been?the mothers and daagh* j ters?has not been behind the men, bat i evea ahead of them. In Montgomery, i when the order came from General Bragg \ for ten thousand sand bags,- the women turned obt on the Sabbath, as well as the 1 week days, and completed the order in a f very short time; In other places where j volunteer companies have been called oaf, i the ladies have made the uniforms in a re- ] markably short space of time. In my own 1 county, which has raised three hundred i and fifty men, the ladies made the uniforms g for the last company in two days, and it ' was ready to go with the rest. The ladies t have done their duty as no~bly as the men \ have. Richmond county has sent ten i companies to the field. Nobly have yon e done your duty, and jnst as nobly have the ( women done theirs. [Applause.] And I t wish you to understand, while I do not ( speak mnoh to ycu, for the tented field is i not your place, women exercise more influ- ? ence even in war, perhaps, than anything t else; and it is a problem whether they do not govern the world at last. [Laughter.] ? It is their spirit which animates the soldier ( in the fight Some recollect the pious ad- < monitions of their mothers, and others re- < collect the smiles and beaming counte- ? nances of some fair one at home. These j are the sentiments which actuate our sol- ' dicrs. The attractions of the women are a ] power like that which holds the orbs of the j universe in their proper places Now, then, in this work you have much to do, and if the men are in doubt how much to ibsoribe, I am perfectly trilling that they lall go home and ask their wire*. [Laughir.] A woman always acts with impute#)' ad her impulses are generally right; bat man ponders, and think*, and doobtr.?" Roman's thoughts go directly to thetrutlg nd I am perfectly willing to leave this cotm loan to the judgment of your wives and latere. It may be that some husbands ave promised their wives a new turnout, nd they may be doubtful until they eon* alt the?'old woman" at home seme men re. [Laughter.] Then fofetbrtD have nb mm An tW anhW. .Inat toU him (<I nil do without that carriage or that fhzniare while oar brave volunteers areih t)ie Bated field; I will pat op with whatever re have got. . Pot down every-eottoa: bale ou can spare." That is what I know the adies will say. v * And now, then,- gentlemen, I am perectly willing that you shall gQ home, I lo not intend to open- *ay subscriptions lere to-day. A Committee will he apposed to canvass the co an try, and every one >f yon, I treat, will be seen by that Comn it tee. I wish yoo to consider the quesibn; talk over the matter with yonr wives, md I am.perfectly willing to abide by. their ndgment Aod,now,incc?icilasjoa, 'on, one and ell, women as well as men, >efore yoU msk?,?p yonr judgments, eonlider' the magnitude jqL the question J the jreat issues before.yftp; t&Q perils sorroanling yon; 'the dangers besetting yon; think rfyonr homes and your firesides, and then hink of subjugation. Think then of yonr laty, and all I ask of yod.is to perform rour doty as faithfully as L hive done mine o-day, and I leave H with,you, thejognp:ry and- God.. [Loud and prolongpd-apjlanse.] - eiitift * Cameron's Ueport, v , The report of Sunota Cameron, Linoolfl's 3eoretory of War, has. been received. We ippend a summary of its leading pants,fa. for the information of the public : Of the regiments tempted, all ftreinfantry and riflemen with the exception oftfo battalions of artillery and four regiments if cavalry. - A number of' regiment* mustered as infantry have, however, attached to them one or morevurtiltaty companies, wd there are also' soafe regiments partly made op of companiesof cavalry. * Of the 20$ regiments accepted far three yean, there are now 158 io active seTrice, and the remaining 65are mostly ready, and aif 'of themvriK be ra the field 'within thwwuKt JOdaya. '^^1 w "* ti The total force nov ln the field, may be jompntcd aa follows: * Regulars ami 'Volunteer* tor uiree months .apd for thp war '. ,.* ? ?. L...SjttBPO Add to title fifty-Ave regiments of volunteers for the '? " .**i-r > t' < ** 9r-:9ff? ratal force now tt commanft of Government.... .^ttOj^OO Deduct die three month*' volunteers .JIM00 Force for service: tft*r the wlxhdrswal of the three' months' men 230,000 It will thos be perceived that after the discharge of the three month? troops, there will Be still an available force of volunteers amounting to'188,060, If hfcb, added to the regalar army, will constitute a total force of'230,000, officers and men. It will be for Congress to determine whether thifc army shall, at this time, be increased by the addition of a still larger votonteer force. The regnlaMrmV hah also been increased.This increase consists Of "one regiment of caytflry, Of' twelve companies, numbering in the maximum aggregate, 1,189 officers and men; one regiment of artillery of 12 batteries, of six pieces-each, numbering, in the maximum aggregate^ 1,009 officers and men; nine regiments of infantry, Web regiment containing three battalions of eight . j , " f_" >U "? - * companies eaon, uuujuurjug, m ia? uuuumuin' aggregate, 2,452 officers and men, making a maximum increase of infantry of 22;0681>fiM6A<?tWni Z * ? \ In the enlistment of men to fill the additional regiments of the regular army, it is recommended that the wflt of enlistment be made for three years, to correspond^lrith the call of May 4, for volunteers; and that to a1! who shall receive an honorable diioharge at the clo8 of their term of service, a bounty of $100 shall b2 given. The mounted.troops of-the old army consist of five regiments, with a maximum aggregate of. 4,400 men. Not more than onefourth of these troops are available for service at the seat of war. At least-two regiments of artillery wfe unavailable, being stationed on the western coast and in the Florida forts. The appointment of civilians to important positions in-the army having occasioned some remarks of dissatisfaction, the Secretary remarks that of the citMians appointed as regimental commanders, all exier>fc nno are either erad nates of West Point, *"r a )r hare before served with distinction in the Seld; and of (he lieutenant colonels, majors, captains, and first lieutenants, a large proportion have been taken from the regular army and the volunteers now in service, while the second lieutenants have been nainly created by the promotion of raeritoioo^sergeants from the regular service. The roports of the chiefs of the different jnreaus of this department present the esimates of the probable amount of appropriations required, in addition to those al eady made for the year ending June 30, t861, for the force now in the field, or which las been accepted and vill be in the service within the next twenty days, show an aggregate sum of 3185,296,397. The Secretary recommends an appropriaion to be made by Congress, to be applied, vhen the public exigencies demand, to the econstruction and equipment of railroads, ind for the expense of maintenance and >perating them, and also for the construeion, as the army advances, of additional :elegraph lines and their appurtenances, and ilso a special appropriation for the reconitructipn of the Long Bridge across the Po;omao, which is now a military necessity. The rest of the Secretary's Report conlists of a statement of the number and coalition of the arms in the nossession of the Government, and the means employed for Dbtaining a farther supply) the document concluding with a recommendation of the ippointment of an Assistant Secretary of War (provided for by one of Mr. "Wilson's bills), and a general increase of the clerical force of the Department. 8&- Low as the grave is, you cannot olimb high enough to see beyond it