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? ^ ".'g u JJ L_ ' > ll"fU|l"lUff.lliM|l.)l !i?1i,? .... 1 ,f J,.=ggggSgg ' william wbieast. |Proprietors 1M fnbepenbent Jtmilg llclospapcr: ^or % promotion of tjjc political, Social, Agricultural anb Commercial Interests of % Soatjj. {pee yeas, in advance. VOLUME 7 YORKVILLE, REPUBLIC OF SOUTH CAROLINA, THURSDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 14,1861. NUMBER 7. ?? ? ? , . mi., k I faffiMf ami jjtowg. For the Yorkville Enquirer. ARGUMENTS FOR SLAVERY. THE ARGUMENT FROM THE SOCIAL NECESSITIES PRESENTED?GRADES IN SOCIETY ?DIVISION OF LABOR?CONTROLLING POWER OF CAPITAL?PREVENTION OF REBELLION OF FREE LABOR AGAINST CAPITAL HOLDERS?THE INSUBORDINATION OF VICE?AND UNIVERSAL EXAMPLE?SHOW THE ARGUMENT TO BE VALID. II. The second general argument that tee adduce in defence of slaveholding is drawn from the necessities of society. Human society as it is generally constituted, and as it practically operates, may not be such as the judgment of certain philanthropists, sentimentalists, and visionaries dictate that it should be?yea, it may not be such as, in reality and naturally and justly, it should be. But as, in common life, we are compelled to meet exigencies and provide for emergencies by resorting to means and instrumentalities adapted to the purpose, without having a regard to the causes, agencies, or facts, which may have originated the circumstances; so, in the ase in hand. The practical workings of society may not be such as are demanded, may be very imperfect, but as they engender and develope peculiar circumstances and necessities, these must be met by taking things as they are, and not as they should be. Hence, we say that it is lawful to ground the defence of slavery upon the social necessities of man, if we discover that it meets those necessities. That some species of slavery is demanded by the actual operations of society, and that the practical wants of society are best provided for by slavery, we hope to make evident from a consideration of the following points. 1. The grades in society make it necessary that some shall be masters and some servants. These grades may be caused by J.'ir i: ?r,Qf? umercuv;c iu uuca^c u& uj u?iural endowments, acquired talents, outward privileges and advantages, or they may be arbitrary, resulting from perverted opinions, or even fancies of man, or be the offspring of pride) but, as they really exist and are universally recognized, they forbid the conclusion that all forms of slavery shall or may cease from among men, as now organized into society. For consider that every grade and class of society, necessarily, has its own duties, its own somewhat peculiar employment, and henoe demands talents, tastes, manners and habits, adapted to it. Just as water seeks its own level, so do the endowments and acquirements, as well as the characters, outward polish and the aspirations of men, prompt them to seek a corresponding sphere, or at least give fitness for the occupanoy of a particular grade ^ ' ? 1 ^ " ???' n* JrtnrtTT ttUU CUipiUJUICUU JL U ICOIOV l/lliO icuucuvjr would be to violate an almost universal law, and would disjoint much of the social machinery of common life. The philosophical mind of a Newton or a Hamilton just as naturally seeks to roam in the high realms of scientific thought, as the crippled and unaspiring genius of the hodman is content with his mud and his servile employment. To transpose these two classes would be absolutely impossible. This is but an illustration of practical life, whose necessities thus viewed, make the condition and labors of the philosopher and lowest employee ic business, alike suitable to the wants of society. Closely connected also with this thought, is the fact chat there must be 2 division of labor, both in the general anc particular departments of business, and alsc in the offices connected with each of thes< denartments. Duties are so multitudinoui ? r that no man can either do a little of everj thing, or every thing connected with him self. The king on the throne can no more at the same time, be a lawyer at the bai than he can be a carpenter on the hoase 01 a peasant in the field. But each in hii sphere may find enough to engage his pow ers, and yet each is so related to all others that he is dependent on every other depart ment of life, for something which he can not himself furnish. Thus, as on thegrad uated scale of sooiety, we find diversities o talents, so, also, we find a demand for va riety of employment. This being true then we expect to find public functions home cares and duties, private sacrifice! and efforts, and menial employment making up the active arrangements and movement of social life. And so it is; for as nov oonstituted and carried on, the world a: truly regards the servant, the man to do tin servile drudgery of life, just as truly on< of its factors and actual necessities, as th< tuler on his throne, or the parent in hi; household, or the mechanic in his shop, o even the student in his cell. And here w> find an argument for the essence of slavery 2. Again. The relative position of labo and capital in the administration of thi practical world, creates also a necessity fo servitude. Wherever there is capital thor> will be a species of slavery, i. e. dependan labor. The capitalist is able to commani the labor of him who lacks capital, and la bor thus rendered in subjection to the wil of another, is a servant, a slave, on the oc casion, call him by any other name yoi please. "The man who holds the capita will be the master in despite of mere name ?he is so in reality. The man who labor is the servant or slave, and his labor is no a mere matter of choice; he must eithe labor, and labor at the price which the cap italist offers, or he must steal or starve."? Thus there i3no essential difference betweei the hireling service and slave labor. Norn in the rule that governs it; both labor ii obedience to the will of another. None ii its character; both have a compulsory fea ture, an existing necessity. None in th rewards; Deither the hireling nor slave re ceives more than enough to provide th comforts of life, and not all of either clas receive even thus much. None in the fac of punishment; both are liable to suffe from unfaithfulness, the one by diminishe wages, or dismission from his employmenl the other by stripes, but in each case th punishment is real, and only differs in fora So far then, as the existence or absence ( capital among the different members of si ciety controls its operations, as well as r< lations, we find an existing plea for th substance oj slavery, and this not only di veloped in the practice of the world, but demanded by it as a necessity. 3. The deadly antagonism and constant collision existing Between free labor and capital, also exhibits the force of the argument for slavery from the mechanism of society. To banish slavery from a community, is to necessitate the exclusive employment of free labor. The tendency and effect of this is to breed hostility between the rich and the poor; to generate a conflict between the employer and the employed; to array enterprise against industry; to induce strikes among operatives, injurious to both parties, without relieving the complainants; to divide the products of industry so that the floe flour goes into the hand of the capitalits, and the bran, without a sufficiency of that, into the hands of the laborer; to stimulate luxury, ostentation and riotous living, in the one party, and to apportion disease, starvation, squalid poverty and death to the other; and to conduce to the enactment of laws in favor of the pecuniary interests of the community to the detriment of the masses who have no capital. As the picture of this subject has been well drawa by the author of the ablest Fast-day Sermon of the season, we quote it. "Where labor is free and the laborer not a part of the capital of the country, there are two causes constantly at work, which, in the excessive contrasts they produce, must end in agrarian revolutions and intol erable distress. The first is the tendency of capital to aconmulate. Where it does not ioclude the laborer as a part, it will em ploy only that labor which will yield the largest returns. It looks to itself, and not to the interests of the laborer. The other is the tendency of population to outstrip the demands for employment. The multiI nlkatinn nf khorers not onlv reduces wages r ? ?' J _ w to the lowest point, but leaves multitudes wholly unemployed. While the capitalist is accumulating his hoards?rolling in effulgence and splendor, thousands that would work, if they had the opportunity, are doomed to perish of hunger. The most astonishing contrasts of poverty and riches are constantly increasing. Society is divided between princes and beggars. If la bor is left free, how can this condition of things be obviated ? The government must either make provision to support people in idleness, or it must arrest the law of population and keep them from being born, or it must organize labor. Human beings cannot be expected to starve. There is a point at which they will rise in desperation against a social order, which dooms them to nakedness and famine, whilst their lordly neighbor is clothed in purple and fine linen and faring sumptuously every day. They will scorn the logic which makes it their duty to perish in the midst of plenty.? Bread they must have, and bread they will have, though all the distinctions of property have to be abolished to provide it. The government, therefore, must support them, or an agrarian revolution is inevitable.? But shall it support them in idleness ?? ' Will the poor, who have to work for their 1 living, consent to see others, as stout and able as themselves, clothed and fed like the ' lilies of the field while they toil not, neither do they spin ? Will not this be to give a premium to idleness ? The government then must find them employment; 1 but how shall this be done ? On what 1 principle shall labor be organized so as to 1 make it certain that the laborer shall never be without employment, aDd employment * adequate to his support ? The only way in 1 which it can be done, as a permanent ar' rangement, is by converting the laborer into ) capital; that is, by giving the employer a 3 right of property in the labor employed; 3 in other words, by slavery. The master 7 must always find work for his slave, as well as food and raiment. The capital of the > country, under this system, must always r feed and clothe the country. There can r be no pauperism, and no temptations to 3 agrarianism." That this representation is true to life, is ' clearly illustrated by a comparison of all the countries which have adopted free or slave labor, and this comparison the reader can make. p 1 4. This argument, from the structure and developement of society, gains additional > power from the acknowledged incompeten> cy of certain classes in the community to 3 assume all the relations and discharge the ' duties of free citizenship. The political 3 features of this subject we do not now dis7 cuss, but simply touch its social aspects.? 3 This incompetency may consist in mental 5 or moral inequality, or may result from nat3 ural causes, and accidental endowment and 2 peculiarities; but it may be and is often 3 construed as affecting the social status of r the individuals, to such a degree, as to pree elude the possibility of their being put upon a level with those who are otherwise r gifted. Without expanding this topic, we 2 may remark that the most casual observer r can see that this description eminently ape plies to the African wherever found. To t regard him as competent in all respects for ^ complete citizenship is what no theorist admits; to speak of lifting him to cpmpanion1 ship with the white man is contrary to the practice of even freedom shriekers. Hence 3 slavery comes in to relieve the incompetent ' class, as the Africans are admitted to be, 9 and puts them in that condition which, if 9 not abused, will most surely promote their 1 welfare and besides contribute to the strength r of the social organization; they being no longer the anomalous, unassimilable, and disintegrating element, which as freemen 3 they ever -continue to be, when associated e with the Japhetic and even Shemitic races. 3 5. The practice of the world is also con3 firmatory of the argument we are now expanding. Everywhere and in all ages there e has been a class who were compelled to do menial service. And in most countries, e there has been some organized system of s servitude, with features varying little from 1 the system of African slavery. Those r countries, which have not adhered to an or^ ganized system of slavery, have still had the reality of slavery, and have encountered e all the evils named to-day by J- PHILEMON. )- Independence.?The Flag of Georgia 2- was yesterday hoisted on the staff over the te Custom House in this city, by Major Me 3- Intosh, late of the United States Army.? The Major regretted to part with the standard under which he had served so many years, but felt a thrill of pleasure, since necessity required it, in substituting in its place the flag of his own, his native Georgia. The Flag is a very neat design, bearing the coat of arms of the State surmounted by stars, one for each seceding State, now numbering six?a place between each star is left to be filled in as fast as the Southern States secede, which, when the fifteen are out of the Union, will complete the circle. Over the whole is the All-seeing Eye. The Flag is of white ground, all the stars are deep red, save that representing Georgia, which is sky blue, and in the ascendant ?Savannah Republican, 2nd instant. $ imlku03ti@ Jprtifte. DIXIE'S LAND. In order to gratify the friends of the popular air, "Dixie," we have the pleasure of giving the original words of that song : I wish I was In the land of cotton, Old times dar are not forgotten; Look away! look away! look away! Dixie Land, In Dixie land, where I was horn in, Early on one frosty morning, Look away! look away! look away! Dixie Land. Chorus.?Den I wish I was in Dixie, hooray, hooray! In Dixie land I'll take my stand, To lib and die in Dixie. Away! away! away! down South in Dixie! Away! away! away! down South in Dixie! Old Missus marry "Will, de Weaker William was a gay deceaber ; Look away! &c. But when lie put his arm around 'or, He smiled as fierce as a "forty pounder," Look away! &c. Chorus?Den I wish I was in Dixie, kc. His face was as sharp as a butcher's eleaber, But dat did not seem to greab 'er; Look away! &c. Old missus act de foolish part, And died for a man dat broke her heart, i A.i, i Chorus.?Don I wish, &c. N'ow hero's a hoaltli to the next old missus, And all dc galls dat want to kiss us; Look away! &e. But If you want to drive 'way sorrow, Conic and hear dis song to-morrow, Look away! ike. Ciiori's.?Den I wish, &.o. Dars buckwheat cakes an' "Ingen batter," Makes you fat or a little fatter; Look away! &c. Den hoc it down and scratch your grabble, To Dixie land I'm bound to trabble; Look away! 8cc. Chorus.?Den I wish I was in Dixie, &o. From the Charleston Mercury. The Southern Congress?Free Trade. One of the most important, if Dot the greatest, of all questions to be brought before the Southern Congress, will be the question of taxation. Shall the Treasury of the new confederacy be filled by direct or indirect taxation ? As a measure of taxation alone, the latter method, whose practical application is by a tariff of duties od imports, recommends itself by the consideration that the tax is included in the price of the imported commodity when it is sold, and eluding observation, is more willingly t i _ iL 1 _ Tr *.1. _ i* l ^c ? Dorne oy rue peopie. jli rue uujeuiui governments was to raise money, the scheme that would enable them to extort the most out of the people ought perhaps to obtain the preference over all others. But since it is or ought to be the object of every people to have the public business of the country transacted as cheaply as may be consistent with the respectability and dignity of their government, the method of taxation that reveals to them most faithfully and promptly the true cost of the government, and the real source from whence the taxes are drawn, should certainly command their preference. If it i3 concealed from the view of the mass of the people that the twenty millions or fifty millions of revenue that flow annually into the public treasury are actually drawn from their pockets, the effect is that you have no class of conscious tax-payers; and as a necessary consequence, you will have, as iu the Congress of the linked States, no representatives of that class ?no champions of economy and low duties ?no advocates for a simple and cheap government. On the contrary, the representative men like those in the Congress of the United States, will be the representatives of monopolists, of dependents upon government bounties, of contractors, candidates for profitable jobs, and eager hunters after places of pecuniary value. By direct taxation, on the contrary, the great majority of voters are bound together by the ties of a common interest; and actuated alike by considerations of self-inter est, they will elect as their representatives, the advocates of simplicity and frugality iD the government. Nor is this all. In a confederation such as the late one, and such as we are about again to form, the industrial pursuits will differ in different States; and as it has so often been clearly demonstrated, the agricultural and exporting industry of one State is taxed to give a bounty to the manufacturing industry of another. This is a great inpquality. But what is more odious still, is the inequality that this mode of taxation produces between the rich and the poor. Duties on imported goods are a tax on income, because the taxed goods are all consumed. Hence it follows that the poor man, with an estate valued at S1000, if he spend 3200 annually in imported goods, bought chiefly with the wages of his labor, under a tariff of 20 per cent, duty, romild nnv 40 ner oent. taxes, or 4 ner cent. " ? I? / -- - r on the value of this property; while a man of large wealth, with an estate of the value of S300,000 for example, even if he spend the large sum of 310,000 in taxed goods, would pay but 32,000, or about 70 cents per cent, on the value of his property. The obvious impossibility, then, of establishing anything like equality iu this method ol taxation is, of itself, sufficient to condemn it in the estimation of all honest legislators ?those who sincerely desire the equal dis. tribution of the burtheus and benefits of government amongst the people. In the case of the new Southern Confed eracy, the principle of perfect free trade with all the world, and of direct taxes foi the support of governmeut, recommendi itself by new and peculiar considerations o: the greatest weight. By offering to England, France and oth i er European powers the extraordinary priv ilege of introducing their manufactures a mong us free of all duty, you hold out the strongest possible inducement for our imme diate recognition ; much stronger than the supposed embarrassment to arise from any ] interruption to the export of cotton ; for this interruption will not be so great, as may at q first be supposed. The facilities for send- 1 ing the cotton to any part of the continent p on the Atlantic, even into Canada, by means b of railroads and steamboats are so vast, that Q the stream of exports will readily be turned d in the direction of any port that may afford ii facilities for exportation. ii If we adopt the system of perfect free c trade, the Northern States will be oompell- ? - -? ? ^ 11 ed to adopt tne same pouoy; ana dj a hoti. of retributive justice, our very enemies shall thus contribute 'inducements to foreign na- a tions to recognise our separate nationality. D Tbeir manufactures, too, will be kept in u check by the competition of foreign fabrics, ? and the truth made to appear that they have 1 prospered on the bounty extorted from the 1 South through the instrumentality of their protective tariffs, and not by the superior a economy and virtue of white slavery over c blaok, as they have falsely professed to the 8 world. Nor will any ingenuity of theirs ? then suffice to make the South contribute to c the support of tbeir government. If our ^ people even adhere to their present course k of business, and permit New York to con- f tinue the importation of the foreign goods ' we consume, ths goods will not come to us c charged with a tax that has already been 8 paid into the treasury of a Northern Gov- ' eminent. It has been argued that a mode- J rate duty on all goods from abroad would give protection to our commerce, by subjecting goods coming from New York, and j that have already paid duty there, to a Becloud duty here. We have no confidence in the efficacy of this suggestion. Some goods will be warehoused and exported to the South in unbroken packages, as gunny bagging, for example; and the great bulk of the foreign imports, certainly all the fine goods that are sold almost in retail quantities will pay the duties in New York, and be sent to the South by a thousand channels of railroads, rivers, Ac., and be introduced free of duty. It would take half the revenue to protect our widely extended frontier on the North from smuggling. And if goods can come by land free of duty, but not by sea, it will be easily perceived that the trade of our seaports must be entirely i *t i. j a _ j :r a.1. _ xt xt j i anoiniiaiea. adq 11 uiu uuriueru uuuibu- ? eracy are prevented from filling their treas ' ury by indirect taxation, and forced by our free trade policy to resort to direct taxes, their treasury will be meagre enough, and we shall be in no danger of the extensive armaments by sea and land, of the present or any future military dictator. Instead of the spoilsmen being alone represented in their Congress, and combining all over the country to possess themselves of the rich prize of a redundant treasury, the tax-payers' voice would almost alone bo heard; there would be a lean treasury, a stinted expenditure, a frugal government, and a hor ror of standing armies and floating navies. In our own Government the greatest simplicity and the most prudent economy would prevail. This economy would go far to attach our people to their new government; and simplicity in our intercourse with foreign nations, and still more with the States ? ? tttAiil/I nnn n Iap/va an/in , U1 tUU 11 UllUj VTUUtU UUUIU UO ? iUlgV DUUUrity against the occurrence of irritating ] questions, daDgerous to the peace and pros- | perity of the country. All nations would < desire to trade with a country that admitted , its products fiee of duty, and acts of hostility on the pcirt of any, resulting as they , would in the interruption of their trade, would fall with most severity on themselves; and other nations, profiting by their exclusion, would have new inducements to maintain their friendly relations. In considering this question, too, we should carefully reflect on the altered relations to be established with the riparian States of the upper Mississippi, and its great tributaries, whose commerce finds its ohief outlet at New Orleans. Shall it be said to them, you may come with your teeming productions ?,nd export them without restwinf h\ oil innrta nf tlin urnrlrl huf1. whfin ...... ..V v? ?... ?- > you briDg back the return in foreign goods, we will tax them twenty per cent., or ten or one per cent? Will these great States consent to this ? For let it be observed, that no matter who imports the goods, if duties are paid upon them in New Orleans, the money goes into our treasury ; and when sold to the people of the Northwest, the tax is paid by them. Shall we, who protested against, the inequality of such a system while yet. members of the confederacy, expect it to be borne by States who are not members of the Government that would impose this tax upon them ? Whether we expect or 'not, nothing can be more certain than the certainty that they would not bear it. How could all these complications be adjusted ? And what good end is answered by creating them ? These States, if members of the Northern Confederacy, would of course, in such a case, import through the Northern ports, and put the duties into their own treasury. We shall then lose their trade altogether. If they form a Northwestern Confederacy, England would compete with the North and South for their commerce, and they could obtain free trade through Canada if they had the wisdom to 1 seek it. There is no iugenuity or device then by which this tariff can be made to collect taxes from any but our own people.? Why not then at once dismiss all these complications and levy the taxes directly upon the property of the country ? If the associated States determine to raise 820,000,000 1 of revenue, what difference can it make to the people from whose pockets it must be ! drawn, by what method it is raised, so that K/% arttto 11T7 ? Wo Vintrfl flhnwn til V/VJ UUI J JT UlOVtll/UVUU (f V UMT w WMVft ' that an indirect tax cannot be equally laid. 1 A direct tax can be. If the confederated States export the value of 8200,000,000 of their own productions, we may safely assume the value of their real and personal . property at 83,000,000,000 at least. Then > S20,00(J,000 revenue would be equal to 10 per cent, import duty, or 68 cents per ceni turn direct tax. Who would hesitato to f choose between these two propositions, when the last would emancipate our commerce . from all restraints, give equal taxation to . our people, disembarrass our relations with . other States from every complication, and > force upon aggressive neighbors an econom. ical government and a pacific policy ? From the Southern Ounrdlfln. Republican Consistency?The Forts, ob The Republicans say that a State can- St ot secede from the Union. Very well.? bu 'hen South Carolina is, to all intents and of urposes, in the Union. Let her ordinance UP e regarded as a nullity, and all that her f01 rovernor and people have done be regar- 10 ed as done by a State in the Union, hav- Y< Dg never attempted to get out of it. She bu 3 no more responsible for the acts of her an itizens than Maryland would be for hers, nder like circumstances. This follows, an rresistibly, from the premises. Suppose a ' i'ort MoHenry deserted, her guns spiked fcb' nd gun-carriages burnt, and one hundred bu ion from Baltimore take possession of it, be nsputp tne guns, rent tne carnages, ana ccupy it: would they be guilty of any of- aD snce 1 The fort having been placed there ? or the protection of Baltimore, and the ? Jnited States being bonnd to keep it gunned dc nd garrisoned, I should say they had Pr ommitted no offence at all. But, as I de- po ire to leave open no debatable ground, I nli rill admit the most that any lawyer could *01 ontend for, to wit: that they had commited the very mildest kind of a trespass.? an Suppose the officer in charge of it demands lossesuion of it, and the occupants refuse w< o give it up: how is ho to get possession if it ? Bring a Btrong body of armed men 10 ,nd force them out at the cost or peril of ta ife '( By no means; he is to get them out g1 ust as I would have to get them out, if ar ny house were occupied by them, in like uanner; i. c. by suit at law. Jc Once more : suppose the fort garrisoned lt ?that Governor Hicks orders five hundred nen to go and take it at all hazards. They jo, storm the fort, put et cry man of the jarrison to death, repair the gnns, and proilaim that thev will surrender it onlv with heir lives?the Governor, meantime, en- jy louraging them, and promising them any ^ imount of succor they might require.? ^ iVould the United States be justified in at- g( acting the fort with an overwhelming irmament, battering it to pieces and killing heoocupants? Answer the question, Mr. kVinter Davis. It is the strongest case hat I can conceive of Answer it, any ,j? awyer in the Union who values his reputa- ? ion. Answer it in the aflirmative if you jonscientiously can, and come out, and let rj? is by calm discussion fortify or reform pubic opinion at the North, upon these war neasures which the President is pursuing igainst the occupants of the Southern forts. fl( [ have been away from the law books for ,wenty years, but I boldly assert that, even n the startling case put, the President (Q vould have no authority of his own mere Q, vill to attacfc tne tort, ino, not even arter g awful demand of it, and refusal of the oc- ra jupants to deliver it up. No force could awfully attack them, but a force aoting, ^ jnder the Marshal of the District?himself icting under a legal warrant; and then only g] ;o the extent necessary to arrest the culprits, in order to bring them to trial for nurder. On the trial they would plead the Gov- ft jrnor's order in justification of their con- ai iuct. The Court would tell them that the w jovernor'8 order was a nullity, and that at ibey were not bound to obey it. They would be condemned to death. And now let mo add a few new features to the case, q to show the crying injustice of the Presi- tl dent's mode of "protecting thepublio property." ei The culprits are condemned?the citizens of Baltimore by thousands petition the u President to pardon them, setting forth tl that the garrison were a nest of land-pirates, forgers, robbers, incendiaries and insurrec- u tionists. These things could not be given tl in evidenoe on the trial; but has there ever been a President, who, upon reasonable n proof of them, would not pardon the convicts without a second thought ? When a: the Convention clothed him with the par- t< doning power, did they over dream that he a would ever render that power nugatory, by f( assuming all the powers of the judiciary tl and its ministers, under the plea of seeing the laws faithfully executed, and protect- w ing the public property? In the case put, tl who would think of holding the State of Maryland responsible for the acts of her Governor and his murderous agents ?? Who, out of bedlam, would think of making war upon Maryland for this matter? fc' would talk of blockading her ports, deny- S ing her postal prvileges, bringing hostile E troops within gun-shot of Baltimore, closing her port as a port of entry, exhausting the a vocabulary of abuse upon her, and annoy- ^ iner her in every conceivable way ? il Now, compare the case supposed with C: South Carolina's operations. Supposing e herself out of the Union, she is uneasy a- n bout the garrisoned forts in her harbor; she is quieted by the pledges of the Executive. P Her commissioners visit him for the pur- 0 pose of negotiation. Just as the confer- b ence is about to begin, under the President's a special limitations, the officer in charge of c the forts abandons the weak one, spikes t( the guns, burns the carriages and concen- C trates all his forces in the strongest fort in b the harbor. An altercation ensues, which e it is unnecessary to rehearse. With or 91 without the Governor's order (I know not C which) South Carolina troops take posses sion of the fort and refit it No demand has ever been made for it. The change of c forts by the garrison was a hostile move- t< ment. War is denounced against her by * President, Congressmen, Generals, Gover- ii nors, and thousands upon thousands more q Troops, unsolicited and un-needed, are sent ii to strengthen the already strong fort. A ft portion of her troops fire into her. Now, I b demand, in the name of God and of jus- b tice, why, if she is still in the Union, she n has not extended to her the benefit of all a the laws of the Union '( Why is it not legal ii process taken out against the ocoupants of tl the forts, and the men who fired into the fi Star of the West ? Do you say there are b no Federal officers to serve process or try t! causes in South Carolina ? Why do you t! not put them there, if her ordinance is a b nullity. Do you answer, to avoid strife, ii Why, then, this getting up a Collector for t Charleston, and keeping armed men in her b harbor ? How can you declare war against d South Carolina, if you believe that she is in the Union ? "We do not declare war." t Yes, you do; and in the most offensive, ir- c ritating, self-condemning way t.unt war ever v ic declared by any people claiming to b( rilized. You cannot make war upon i ate; but you mean to make her pay tri ite. What is that but war in the stenct covetousness 1 You cannot declare wai ion a State; but you must usurp her de ices, and arm them against her. What that but war, defiled by a breach of trust I )U cannot declare war against a State, t you can call her "Farewell" treason, d punish treason. What is this but wai lelped in the adulterous bed of falsehood d bate ? You cannot declare war againsl State, nor can you recognise her as out ol e Union, or as possessing a single attri ite of independence; but you oan seiz< r arms, as "contraband of war!" Yoc n tnrmant Vinw fnr rn^rtilinrr frnm VAtll U UUAUiOUV UUi tut i^VUIIlUg i*WU4 J VWI aconda embrace, and your foetid breatl for enduring what you entailed upon hei for not performing impossibilities?foi nying your right to punish her sins?foi otesting against your usurpation of tb< wers of the Almighty?for resisting mid ght invaders, robbers and incendiaries? r denouncing your ten thousand slanderi her, scattered through the world, by li] d pen. Democrats, who have stood by us througl ;al and through woe, take none of that U ursolves. Repentant Republicans, wbi the last hour, are ready to do us justice ke none of that to yourselves. We for ve you. Republican compromisers, whi e willing to concede anything- to a slave )lder, take only the mildest part of it t mrselves. All other Republicans, tak all to yourselves, and reduplicate it, an< iu will have half your deserts. A. B. LONGSTREET. Hardee's Tactics. As this manual of military drill has su srseded all others, the following can om Col. J. H. Rion, an aocomplisbei Ecer, will at this time be interesting t e volunteer companies throughout th :ate: At the request of some of my brothe E _1? it _ __! A. _ T !_! 1 ncers 01 ine volunteer service, i puousi y general rules for Hardee's faoing hether from a halt or while marching.? hese rules are without exceptions, and ap y to the eight different facings and flank gs, (throe right, three left, two frontshat thej are correct in their result ma ; proven by a reference to Hardee, Not 32, 360, 365 and 366, school of the so! er, and Nos. 136 and 140, school of th impany. Iu these rules, by 'the head of the oon iny,' is meant that end composed of th iller men j and by 'the foot of the compj y,' that end composed of the shorter mer y the rear rank, is meant, of course, thi ink whioh is behind the other, aocordin i the company is faced to the frc^t or t le rear. Rules for doubling, [after facing to eitt r flank.] 1st The rear rank takes a aide step fro\ ie front rank. 2d. If the head of the company is i ont, Nos. 1 stand fast, and Nos. 2 tafc a oblique step in the same direction i hich the rear rank has taken the sic ;ep. But if the foot of the company is in froi (os. 2 stand fast, and Nos. 1 take an obi ue step in the same direction in whic ie rear rank has taken the side step. Rules for undoubling, [after facing I ither flank.] 1st. If Nos. 1 are behind Nos. 2, Nos. ndouble by taking an oblique step towarc ie head of the company. But if Nos. 2 are behind Nos. 1, Nos. ndouble by taking an oblique step towart ie foot of the oompany. 2d. The rear rank closes up on the froi ink. By the rules above given all perplexil ?? ?? oftma AJab V rt ni n Ct fn riBlUg UULU buc oauic livo< uaTiug w u?v ) the right at one time, and to the left i other, is obviated. By experience I hai )und that the men readily oomprehec lese rules. In forming fours, the fours should a rays dress by the man on the side whei ie last front was. J. II. RION. The Contemplated Assault on Fori Sumter. The Charleston correspondent of the Ba more American thinks an attack on Fo umter at an early day a certain thing.Ie says: There is no doubt of the fact that raf m Koint* nnnstrnntpd fnr the assault. and ,v "v'"b vv " ~~~ / avo seen one of them in progress, thoug ; is a portion of the secret work of tt ampaign that cannot bo too closely inqni d into. They will be constructed of Pa letto logs, and cotton bales nsed as a pr jction for the assaulting party whilst a| roaching the fort. There is no flaggic n the part of the military in view of tt avoc of life that must be the result of tt ssault, and the anxiety from day to day i ommence operations is increasing. Tt jmporizing policy of the Governor and h Council meets with much harsh oriticis y the inconsiderate, but it is evident tha ven should the attack ultimately be madi d far as preparations are concerned, Sout larolina has obtained more by the dels aan Major Anderson. The military are anxious for the fight i ommence, as having come to Charlestc ) fight they are indisposed to go hoc rithont smelling powder. They are mo npatient at the delay, and the stormy an npleasant weather has rendered their mi ;ary duties very severe and irksome. 1 lorris' Island three large Colambiads hai een mounted, and entrenched in sam ags, with a 42 pounder and a formidab lortar. The batteries at Fort Johnson a: lso becoming quite formidable, and it atended to keep up a fire on Sumter fro bese three forts for twenty four hours b are an attempt is made to assault thestron old of Uncle Sam. The impression bat a breach can be made in the walls, ar bat Major Anderson's limited garrison wi e so worn out by the severe labors of wor! ng the guns incessantly for so long a tim bat the storming party on rafts will be ile to accomplish the escalade without mu< lifficulty or loss of life. Fort Moultrie, under the skillful dire ion of Major Ripley, with his black briga< if picks and shovels, has thrown up breai yorks and mounted heavy guns to saoh i i extent that the whole appearance of the t fort has changed, and has almost attained - its utmost state of efficienenoy. Huge i heaps of sand-bags surmount the ramparts, r faced with Palmetto logs and covered with - hides, from the embrazures of whioh the t grim dogs of war protrude their muzzles, ' nine of them levelled direct at Fort Sum, ter. What is conceived to be the weak, est point in the granite mass has been selecr ted as the mark at which all these cannon [ are pointed, and they will give the work of b the mason a severe test. The interior of f the fort also presents a most warlike aspect. The oven for hot shot is in readiness, like : your steam ore wugiueo, iur uruig up *u aujr i moment, and all the equipments for carr nage piled up around the gun-carriages.? i The magazino has been buried in a cavern r of sand bags, and is believed to be beyotod r the reach of shot or shell. Every arranger ment has been made, not only for the pro: tection of the men, but for reoeiving the balls of Sumter with the least possible - damage. 3 5 t&- The following list of prices for cannon, shot and shell, submitted by Messrs. i John R. Anderson & Co., of Richmond, 3 Va., may be interesting. In the "Price" 3 column, the figures mean so many eents per ; pound. Of course, the cost of each kind . and size of gun may be ascertained by mul3 tiplying the weight in pounds by the price . in cents. Thus, a nine-inoh Dahigren gun, 0 weighing 9000 pounds, at 7J cents per e pound, will cost 8645: 1 wnorrr caluri 3 IN LBV. 1XCHKB. fKICE. Iron Guns?Dahlgren'? 9,000 9 ~Xc. Colurablads, w'tabout..8,500 8 Columblada, w't about.. 16,000 10 6#c. impounders o,uw .. ? c. 32 pounders.. {.. 6 c. 12 poundera 3^500 .. 5 c. i. 18 pounders 4,750 .. 6 c. 24 pounders 5,600 .. 6 c. d Flank defence, how'tzni.l,480 .. 9 c j Iron Howitzeri?Seacoast 9,500 10 6^c 2 Seacoast 8,800 8 6^c Siege 2,650 8 6*c 0 Bran Guns?Anny puttern,6 pdrs.... 880 46 c e Army pattern, 12 " ....1,800 .. 46 c Dalilgren " 12 " .... (Light) 430 .. 60 c Dalilgren " 12 " .... f (Medium) 760 .. 50 c 1 Dnhlgren pat. 24 " ....1,310 .. 46 e Dahlgren pat. mountain ? 12 pounder howitzers. 220 .. 75 c " Shell, according to weight 5 to 6 c, - Shot, according to weight 3Jfto4 c. Pensacola. A correspondent of the Columbus Timet writing from Fort Barrancas, January 30, , gives the following description of this city, || towards which so many eyes are turned at e this moment: Pensacola is an ancient town, having been t founded at an early period by the Spaniards. 0 The houses are built in the olden style, t with low narrow windows and projecting ! roofs, which in some cases run into a shellt ter across the sidewalk. The old and din? gy shops, kept by oreoles in the same man q oer they were ao hundred years ago, are very Baggeative of the past, and around } them more old Spanish legends oling thai ivy berries on the wall. The plan is regu n Iar and the streets qnite wide, although nar row when compared with the streets of Co lnmbns. It contains several churches, s ' market house, three newspaper offices and i j custom house. This latter is new and de lc cidedly the best in the city. It is a por of entry, the Capital of Esoambia County Jt and situated upon the Gulf of Mexico -m sixty-four miles from Mobile in an easterly direction, and one hundred and eight] miles in a direct line West from Tallahas see. Pensacola bay has rare properties ai a harbor, and cannot be excelled on th< 2 gulf, if by any in this country. It is acces j8 sible to frigates of large size, there beinj twenty-one feet of water on the bar, anc 2 when once inside, all the ships of our navi jg could ride in safety. The channel rum near the coast across the bar, which is shor and easily passed. The harbor is complete ly land-looked, the roadstead capaoious. The bay is twenty-seven miles in length , and in its broadest part twelve miles ii width. It lies immediately at the mouth o Escambia river. Running along the fron [(j of the bay for fourteen leagues, nearly Eas and West, is a long line of sandy shore j narrow, barren, and so low that in a severi re gale the mad waves dash over it. This ii Santa Rosa's Island, upon the extremi western end of which is the solid fortrea I; Pickens, towards which our eyes are dail; 1 ? J AMil/llfMltlAII or\m I tUrUQU ill auAiuuo aubtvij/auuu ui ovw J. stormy scenes. Santa Rosa stretches outti rt the Chattahoochee river. The westen -u point, which is one mile in width, is at th< mouth of the bay, and from this point th< la land grows more narrow. On an averagi j it is not above a fourth of a mile in width although in some places it exceeds this con ie siderably. At high water there are man; r. places where the waves run over the land J. as I have previously stated Near Picbeni o- it is barren for a mile or thereabouts, anc p. then commences a low growth of shrubbe ig ry, scraggy pine, live-oak bushes and smal ie trees of different varieties. It is too sand; ie for cultivation, and is of no manner of use to except to proteot Pensacola from the sea ie and to form a reliable roadstead. The up is per arm of Pensacola Bay receives the Yel m low-water or Pea river, Middle river ant t, Escambia river, eleven miles from the Gul 0, of Mexico. The outer shore of Santi ih Rosa's Island is sometimes dangerous U ,y incoming vessels. The peculiar position of Pensacola Ba; t0 makes it desirable as a naval station, as ex m oellent positions for dook-yards can be founc ... ,rr?, .1 ? -1 J ie in the harbor, w nen me ranruau uuu at Montgomery is oompleted, the facilities foi 1(j reaching it will be so much increased thai j. it will present qnite another appearance.? ^ New stores will be erected, warehouses buili 7Q and other wharves and docks'for the ao. j. commodation of shipping. Capital will g( je wherever there is a chance for investment re and if I may claim indulgence for prophe j8 cy, here will be an El Dorado for financiers m It is true that there is no rioh back countr] e. to bring in its products to enrich the city g. but this is hardly necessary in this case, al js though desirable in any. The imports o: 1(j suoh a port as this cannot fail to be hear j] when the goods oan be easily and oheapl; [j distributed through the country. e, As a summer residenoe, too, Pensacoli a- must be delightful; for the town is pleap jh ant, the drives good, the scenery romantic the water excellent, and I am told there i c- a fine breeze from the sea in the hottest da; ie of summer. The sunset scenes are as bean it- tiful to me as any I have witnessed iu th in I Bay of Naples, and every night when th evening gun is fired, I lean upon (he pun* pet overlooking "old Sad Curio de Bsrran* cas," and gaze far down the beach and a* cross the water, until the dusk; shadows of night fall upon the sea. Theu the light* house lamps are lit, and its beacon light flashes over the restless waves for miles up the bay. To one fond of romance aud his- t{ tory, or one who can commune with his in* ner self, it is no hardship to stand as sentinel at night upon the ramparts aud listen to the musio of the ocean waves as they play upon the beach in the same mournful cadence they did upon the Euxine shore in the days of good old Homer. Business in Hew York* We clip the following from the New York Day Book, of the 1st instant: "The only business done for the past few days has been by the shorts, in attempting to make good their contracts.? Commission houses are idle. The public are thinking of anything else rather than stock investments. "We hear to-day of new and startling failures up town?prominent oonoerns. "We know of houses by the dozen, which have done a business of half a million or more per year, that are now idle, and paying nothing, letting every note go to protest, discharging their clerks, and utterly unable to shape out any course for the future. Stagnation is greater daily in all departments of trade and commerce; over twenty-five thousand honest and industrious' men are without work, men. of all trades and occupations. The great tide of business, the ebb and Sow of wealth North and South, has ceased Capital has taken alarm and retired. Credit is perishing;^ distress and the horrors of civil war are slowly but steadily stealing upon every man, woman ana onua ixortn ana soutn, while the besotted and fanatical mob, led by the Abolitionists, are, in their ignorance, blind to it all, and their leaders, Seward, Greeky & Co., laughing, fiendlike, at the terrible desolation they are slowly hot surely producing. "Southern orders are on the books of the merchants of this city to a heavy extent, but in the face of >uoh a picture of (Be fixture, as any man not blind can see, they r. , 1 cannot be filled. Stay laws are .threatened* by some of the insulted Southern States, even should war be avoided, whioh will ; operate badly upon Northern creditors, and look which way we will, commercial min seems as inevitable as political. "The figures of the stock market, at the final transaction yesterday, were tending ' downward. , ..mi v s * . ' "I tie business m roreign exonange u too insignificant to comment upon to-day. ? "Freights are fairly active, and present a 1 strong contrast to other branches of oom' meroial matters." England.?The Toronto (Canada) Lea der repeats its assertion that England will * recognize the Southern Confederacy when 1 formed, and in reply to a contradiction of 1 that statement by the New York Timet, * and to the intimation of the Timet that the t sympathy and support of Canada wonld be > with the North, says: , "The Timet makes us a present of the 1 information that Canada would take up the~ 1 cause of the Northern States, and show her* self ready to assist in redressing their gr/ev3 ances, if England should reoognize the 3 Southern Confederacy r an assertion of the - value of whioh everyone in this quartet ig ' well capable of judging, and it is not DeI cessary to offer any comments. The pre- , J tence that the recognition of the Southern-., i Hnnffldflranv wonld amount to foreign inter 1 ference is a feeble and clumsy attempt to ' trade od one of the weaknesses of the American character. Bnt it will deceive no> body. Tbe truth is, that it is the non-iu> ^ 1 terveutiou principle that requires foreign f powers to reoogoize tbe government de fac- , t to of any State or Confederacy. While the t revolution is going on in tbe United States, > neither England nor any other power has 8 the right nor the desire to interfere. Per3 haps there is no people possessing a con stitutional government who do not deplore 8 the event; and in England it nas oeen am* r versally regretted. Bat foreign States 3 could not prevent this revolution; and when 5 the fact is accomplished, they have no right 1 to refuse to recognize it. To do so woold 3 be to interfere for the purpose of denying 3 to a people the right of governing them* i*. 3 selves in the way that they think proper. > The Southern States may possibly be lo* < * sers by the movement they have initiated* 1 ?for our part we think they will?but f that is their own affair; and, like every 3 other people, they must be the best judges I of the sort of government that is suited to j their genius and their situation. P The Citadel Cadets.?The gallant > cadets of the Citadel Academy, under the > command of Major Stevens, who have ren* " dered such efficient and oreditable service ' to the State, at Morris' Island, arrived from 1 that place on Monday afternoon, in the 5 * o'clock boat. They were received and es1 corted to the Citadel by the home reserve. } Their active servioe seems to have set lightly on them, as they all appeared well and f hdhrty, and when marching through the ' street, made a very fine appearance. It will 1 be remembered that the cadets had the first 1 honor of saluting the Star of the West? r We learn, also, that the cadets who have ^ been on Sullivan's Island and Mount Pleasant, drilling the recruits at those plaoes, will also arrive home to-day. Their Aca' demio course of studies will be immediatily ' resumed. The cadets are very justly re' garded as the pride of the State. Long may this noble institution flourish, and prove a blessing to our Palmetto State. 1 Charleston Courier. > * Affection in men and women.? Women are said to have stronger' attaoh. ? meats than men. It is not so. Strength 1 of attachment is evinced in little things. A man is often attached to an old hat; bat a did joa ever know of a woman having an * attachment for an old bonnet f?Punch. '# f s A gentleman who was asked what he y intended to do with his girls, said he meant - to "apprentice them to their mother/' It c is not every woman who can be safely ens trusted with her own daughters.