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Mm^ 1 ^ 8 | / VOL. X-NK. SEB.es: UNION C. ZWH CAROLINA, JANUARY 81, 1 SPECIAL TRADE Inducements! NEW FlijTOCK!! WE have on hand and to arrive the moBt complete Stock of general Merchandise we have ever offered to the trade. Consisting of UoincMtlcM. Dress Goods, KhawlM, G'ussi meres, Dlankets and Flannels, Kid Gloves, Hosiery, White Goods, Hand Kerchiefs. v NEW FALL UNDERWEAR. GROCERIES AND HARDWARE, BOOTS AND SHOES. SPECIALTIES Lade's and Gent's custom Made Shoes Gent's Hand-Hade Shoes. THE CELEBRATED OTin omnTO iun nm i ano omn amnio nnu uuLLHno Also our No. 50 Shirt, 2100 Linen Bosom and 1 Cuffs, at $12 00 per dozen. Coin# and see us before purchasing elsewhere I as we are determined not to be undersold. lIlgliCMt market prices paid Tor Cotton iu Settlement of At counts. GEE A HUMPHRIES. Oct 11 41 tf C. D. Pagk. W. W. Forkackk. i C. D. PAGE & CO., ? MANUFACTURHHe OF . A CHEMICAL WATER FLUME, WOOD UURNED LIME. rpiIE Undersigned having leased the Lime 1 JL Works and Kiln, known as the 1 LIMESTONE SPRINGS LIMK KILNS, are manufacturing a superior quality of Limo for Agricultural and Building purposes, which they offer to the Farmers and uuuuers ui union uoumy, ut me louowing. i VERY LOW PRICES : J Agricultural Lime, (at Kiln) 10 cents pc bushel. Building Lime, on board cars, 75 cents per barrel. 1 Properly used for Agricultural purposes, this Lime would save the Farmers of Union thousands of dollars annually. Address, C. 1>. PAGE it CO., Limestone Springs, S. C. Nov 1 44 8m* t NEW ARRIVALS! FALL AND WINTER GOODS! :o: Stylish ! Attractive! ! Cheap ! !! Rice & McLure AltE now ready to display to their Patrons the most complete and Seasonable Stock of DRY GOODS! BOOTS AND SHOES! CLOTHING! HARDWARE! GROCERIES, &C-, &c., they ever brought to this Market ami invite an inspection of them. WE DELIGHT IN SHOWING OlTll GOODS CALL ON US IV YOU WANT HARGATNS. RICE A MtLllRE. Oct If, 41 tf FAMILY GROCERIES. HAMS AND MIDDLINGS, M ACK HI! KL, HICK, FLOUR, LARD. CORN MEAL AND MOLASSES. Hold t'lit'tiptT llittii over, l?v It. F. It AWLS, at No. 1, En?t Union. Nov lr? 4') If FLAIR TALK FROM HAMPTON. Correspondent : "Governor, what have you to say touching the lilaiuc-Teller investigation V' THE BOTTOM FACTS WANTED. Governor : "I have no earthly objection to the investigation itself, if the right to make it is couccdcd. Of course, uuder the present circumstances, we could not lodge an objection touchiug the unwarrantable espionage involved iu this measure without bciug misconstrued, and I thiuk Thurman, Lamar, liutlcr and others with thorn received this measure with most bccouiiug spirit. Now that it has been uudertakcu, 1 wish toscc it go to the bottom. Whatever wo bore have douo uiuiss^lot it bq sUowa. Ilowcfcr it may dxpose any possttSlo <fcrelictiou of ours, it must do us good iu the ftlid. Nt> nnnif. n'fisrn iinir/wni.ni nnml ? , ... www patriot can afford to cloak and cover up fraud'or corruption in elections. It goes to the root of our iustitutious, and it destroys the fruition of liberty itself, Rut we have aright to ask that the Teller committee shall tell the whole story and not the half of it. Whatever comfort there is in it, aud I confess it is a very poor oue, duo, au honest investigation will discover as much irregularity on the Republican side of our household as th3 Democratic. And this much I may say, that so far as iutiuiidation is concerned there was literally none whatever on our side, whilst 011 the Republican side there aro the most unquestionable evidences of UUOSS INTIMIDATION. Two eases of this kind happened with two of the employees of my sou-in-law Col. Haskell. Two of his '"hands" were sadly beaten for voting the Democratic ticket.? So, too, there were instances of unquestionable iutiuiidation on the part of the Republicans all over the State. This was more or less to be looked for. We had all the surrounding influences of superior wealth, social and political power, ou our side, which, uatuially, without actual or undue coustraiut, exercises a great control over the average votes of the country. When, then, the Republican party saw power slipping from their hands like water from the broken vessels at the well, they first denied it and then put the thumb-screws ou their colored partisaus to hold theui to their old political reckonings whether or no. Every scusible uiau, North or South, will at once recognize ilns condition ot tilings, aud the Quvarnished truth of the relation thereof. Hence, though 1 have not been permitted to exercise the executive functions of my office since the election, owing to the uuhappy accident which befell me, the Executive of the State, in the worthy hands into which it has fallen, will be fouud, I doubt not, recognizing facts as they arc, and opposed to lending itself to useless and unworthy rccriuiiuatious on the colored Republicans in this matter. Our courts arc fully open, to all parties, and our State lairs wit/ be found amply provident and sufficiently penal touching this icnolc matter. Our judges arc gcutlemcu above reproach, and will know neither Republicans nor Democrats in the discharge of their duties, and whatever fault might be found with juries on the score of partisan bias, either on ouc side or the other, there would bo the evidence taken under the control of unpartisau judges and sent to the jury under charges which could not and would not spuint at fraud or iutiuiidation. How happens it, tlicu, that no complaint touching the elections are lodged with our courts? Why, plainly bceausc the Republicans know that 'those who live in glass houses should not throw stones." Correspondent: '-Governor, do you frankly acknowledge, then, that there were irrejju laritics in our Democratic household ?" UF..M OC It AT 1C 1 It It E? U LA It IT IKS. Governor: "/ do, unquestionably. It seemed impossible to prevent it in view of the terrible moral obliquy visited ou our people by tho Radical rule under which they have lived siucc the war. This is a far greater curse to us than all the thefts that have been perpetrated ou us, a bare catalogue of which filled columns of our newspapers. No one can regret this more than 1 do, and no one could have striven harder to impress its wrongfulness and absolute impolicy upon our people than I have. And L now hold as ever its utter impolicy." TIIE DEMOCRATS IN FULL CONTROL OF THE j STATE. Correspondent: "Governor, what have you to say as to the actual Democratic strength of the State ?" Governor : "It is unquestionably and overwhemingly in the control of the State. Hence, even the poor excuse of briny necessary to the preservation of civilized rule is wanting to any irregularities put afoot on our side. I have no disposition to shirk the investigation, and 1 want it, as 1 ??:.i ~ .1-- L-.x f.i unit om<j, IU U1U UO.lOUl OI IIIC nUlllCr. if \vc can have such an honest investigation as shall keep its eyes wide open to election irregularities, in all parties, iu all parts of the Union, it is well and more than well ? Ho far as the practicability of such an investigation is concerned is another question. Vet, without this, what of the fairness of an investigation in a corner when the hustings everywhere else are 'full of dead men's bones?' Why investigate elections in the .Southern States,where irregularities have sprung like thistles from Radical sowing, wheu the Government departments at Washington and Federal officials nil over the Uuiou arc openly aud shamelessly taxed for Republican campaign funds ? If the amount taxed on these officials is not necessary to their support, theu it is so much of the people's uiouoy taxed for the maintenance of party rule, which could oA be otherwise maintained, aud if it could bo otherwise maintained, thin it is so much squandered to satisfy partisan greed. All we want is a fair and 6quare effort before the couutry to purify ihe political atmosphere, and wc arc coutcnt aud more than content to tako all tho ill consequcuces arising to country, which is no less our country because wc arc Southerners and Democrats." UUEENHACKS OH 1IAKD MONEY. Correspoudcut: "Governor, I presume we will have to set you down as a bard moucv man ?" Governor : "Of the strictest school. I do not comprehend the greeuback philosophy at all. if I had bccu in Cougress at the time I should have voted aguiust the resumption measure, not because 1 would have been opposed to resumption. I have always recoguizcd resumption as necessary to honest money and the actual payment of the public obligations, which must be met dollar for dollar in constitutional money, and iu good faith to the letter and spirit of the law, as well as necessary to tho houcst payment of all debts. Rut yet I would, to use Mr. Tilden's phrase, "have got ready to resumo," and more or less invited into co-operation with the government the wise providence of the business circles of the country, nud permitted the business necessities of the country, with it% shaping hand, to disentangle tho iiuancial web which Republican statesmanship had wouud round and round the groat industries of the country until it stood liko the lion in the meshes.? The small operations of daily life, gradually cutting uicsh after mesh, would in due time aud with wise providence and patience, have relieved the distress of the country, naturally and permanently. Sudden resumption, in-nij/ view, cost the people of the country too much to be advocated. 1 should have preferred more of what the doctors call the tentative process than the enormous physicking through which the country has been put. No one can tell the vOuntless loss and sorrow through which the people of this country have passed iu this rapid resumption measure, which can bo compared to nothing else than the Egyptian order to the Israelites, to make BRICKS WITHOUT STRAW. Yet, when the hard pan has been reached, painful though the process may have been, it docs seem to me to be unwise to go back aud, perchance, have uuwiscly to travel over the same ground again. I do not think it wise for the Democracy at this stage to set back the wheels of resumption. Let us rather now take advautagc of whatever good may be found iu it. Tho past, with all its sorrows, it might be as well with all our might aud uiaiu to put bravely behind us, and look out to the wide future before us. Tho truth is, resumption will prove a partial success or failure before 1880. We, in our own interests, whether Democrats or otherwise, should wisely endeavor to make the most of it, aud the country bus a right to expect this much at our hands." TUB JACKSON DEMOCRACY. Correspondent: "Ibelieve,Governor,you have always stood on the platform of the Jackson Democracy?" (Jovenor: "Ever, ami \ stand thcro today. To my view, we should get back there as last as possible. The true Jacksou policy, as 1 apprehend it, is to disentangle the business transactions of the country from the legitimate financial conduct of government affairs. To mix the two things is unwarranted by the Coustitutbnand dangerous to the last degree.? Why, does not everybody see, from what ha* transpired before us, that the moment that the government becomes involved in its finnuyal operations with those of the country at large, the moneyed men of the country and the great industrial classes become involved in 'an irrepressible conflict,' even more terrible than that which the great New York politician of a former day pressed upon the attention of the country! The moneyed men in their own interest endeavor to shape and control the financial policy of the country, more or hss, as the necessities of the case or the nni'vit nw 'nut.' M/v*f....... V..UU.U v/r 1 nn .iiU.WilfilJ .MG?i mi^ht demand. The industrial classes, at first unconscious of control, or patient under it so long as business prospers with them, as soon as reverses conic?cither arising from the exigencies of the times or the misshapen policy of the government, it matters not?begin to hotel a gain ft the undue control of the moneyed classes, who in turn cry repudiation, until there is a lost confidence, a general lock-up of current notes, and consequently universal stagnation in business. Thus, in attempting to join that together which the Constitution has left apart, we erect a dangerous propinquity of interests, which must lead in the cud to auatchy, actual repudiation, if not bloody revolution. Tho .Jackson Democracy, on the contrary, puts tho couduct of the financial affair* ot tho busiu^ss and industries of the country at large in ito own hands to expand and contract according to its own necessities and the uncontrollable laws of trade, uiore or less variant iu different sections, and hence moro or less adapted to the wauts aud iutercsts of each section. The State Legislatures incorporated the baukiug institutions of the country, which, iu the enlightenment of the times, will ouly permit such variations from the common staudard of chartered privileges and requirements as the spcoiul industries aud necessities of tho case may demand aud justify." TIIE CAMPAIGN OF 18S0. uSo far I as can see," coutiuucd the uovernor, "1 do uot rccognizo the necessity just now of the Democratic party taking on its back the responsibility of the financial question. Tlio Republicans as a whole have shaped out the financial problem which they now claim is a success. Let us not meddle with it. but give it a fair chance of success. If they have brought the country to death's door in achieving it let us at least strive not to make it an actual funeral, whereas it will in such an emergency become our fuueral no less than theirs. Let us look to the permanent iuterest of the whole country, and endeavor, whether we wiu or loose, to deserve well of the whole country. "I am convinced we can wiu iu 1880, if the Democratic party of tho Uuion will have done with men of expediency aud learn to toe the mark squarely and fairly on estaolishcd principles, and I know no better school than the old-line Jackson Democracy. Then let us put good trusty men in nomination, fearlessly avow our principles, and show ourselves worthy of trust bv being willing to take defeat at the hands of the people should they disapprove of our policy, A Constitutional rule, sc1f-<jovcrnmcut ami no sectionalism should be the sum and substacnc of our platform, tilted to good, honorable trusted aud tried standard-bearers, it matters not whether they be from the East or West. I have no patient with an Eastern Democracy, aud Western Democracy, a Northern Democracy and Soutlu-ru Democracy.? It is no Democracy at all that is not as wide as the whole, country. Uutil wo cau find an Eastern constitution and a Western constitution, or Northern or Southern cousti-| tution of the United States, let us have douc with this sectional Democracy, which means ami ought to mean cettaiu defeat.? Let us trust the people with the matter, and 1 believe the sober second thought of the people of this great country will go back to the Constitution of our fathers with one con-eat and liud in its wide bosom what we all want, with the exception of a class of wicked u.*.oohicf-uiakcrs-''y?occ, blessed.hcavcn-born peace !" 110NKSTV THE BEST l'OLICV. The Governor then, of his owu accord, turned to a consideration of the Slate debt and its being met squarely, lie said lie beguu his administration advising and advocating tho broadest generosity to the publie creditor in the interest of the people of the State themselves. Nothing could make him believe that tho people ol South Carolina, if lot alone, would do wrong in this matter. "The whole dolt, just as it is, could be carried by the people, and the// would find it mure to their interest in the end to carry the last dollar of it as if stood than to repudiate or seem to repudiate one. dollar of it. Even if there was no other consideration, no hinher one. we were tnn poor not to protect our credit cveu from scandal. Still further, the political attitude of 1880 demanded that we should not add to our troubles the influence of commercial men against us in our final struggle for righteous government and homo rule. " ' When I first went to Washington to see Mr. Hayes," said the Governor, "the commercial men of the North sent a delegation ahead of me urging the President to recognize uiy government in the interest of intelligent and honest rule. I found their good word had proven, as it ought to have done, potent with the Chief Executive. It seems to me to come in bad yrac-c from our people now to turn their backs flatly against this same class which, whether our bonds were issued regularly or irregularly, is iu possessiou of them, shorn down in amount by an accommodation, adopted during the Radical rule, between the .State aud her creditors, so as to leave the State two millions Ijss debt than her unquestioned obligations foot up. This is a fact we can't get away from, and should we bravely go forward and show our determination to meet the last dollar, 1 am convinced that arrangements cau be made, through the old English financial agents of the State, to cash all our obligations for 85,000,000 and fund the same at a low rate of interest? thus proving an actual, instant pecuniary relief to our people, and saving our good name without a blot on it at the same time." "As I hare said," he continued, "T shall ?0 to Charleston on the 22d of February, and I suppose they will expect me to tull: to them. If I am strong cuough I shall do so. As this will narrowly approach the aM.J.i' IS J J. - 1.. .L -.IB?BJLJBLL. J time when I must retiro from the Executive chair, iu which I have honestly and faithfully endeavored to serve the beloved peoplo of my beloved State, I shall conclude my trusts with tho same advico that I undertook them, and that is for our people to uicet this obligation to the full extent of the lettor of tho law as woll as its spirit."?Columbia Itugislcr. ? INTERESTING INTERVIEW OF GOVERNOR SIMPSON BY THE CORRESPONDENT OF THE CINCINNATI ENQUIRER. Correspondent?Governor in view of the fixed political couiplexiou iu South Carolina, which may as woll bo accopted as a political fact, and in view of tho possible influence arising horcwith, it has become important to know the policies and political preferences finding acceptance with your people. I have, therefore, called to kuow your Excellency's views touching certain questions of interest to the public. Governor?I am quite williug that you should know my individual views touching matters of public poliev. nnd thmmU . j 7? o" "vw elected to office with particular reference to my opinions touching such matters, I think the views I cutertaiu aud hold arc in common with my fellow-citizens generally in the South. Cor?Who do you prefer for President, and ought he to conic from the East or tho West? Gov.?I prefer Seuator Bayard for President over any mao in the United States, lie is pure iu character?which is the first nnd mem I impoi taut quulidcation?exalted in intellect and sound in politics. I think ho ha) the best conception of the true theory of our system of government of auy of our public uicu, and his integrity of char^ actor would not allow him to deviato from that theory for any purpose whatever. 'Tia strange that people of the United States dou't see this, and breaking through party trammels, don't put him at tho head of tho government. Next to Bayard I would prefer Hendricks or Thuruiau. Not because they arc from the West?I don't think that the question of locality should have auything to do with this matter.? That idea implies that a large number of electors could be iuduccd to vote for a man simply ou accouut of his locality, without regard to his political views or character. 1 have a higher opiuiou of the masses than this, aud 1 don't think we should pani itor la llii* iiton tf 1 _ .i DUhlU ncuultu IU UO nny chance for llaucock I would prefer him next to Bayard. I dou't know any man in the East suitable for the place. Cor.?What are your views about hard money ? Clov.?As a citizcu I am a hard monoy man, but in the election of President, I think every question of mere legislation oui:ht to be subordinated to the higher question of coufiuiug the general government to its constitutional orbit. That is the vital qucstiou of the day with us?in fact, the very cxistenc of the government of our fathers depends on it?and where n man is sound ou that, this covers a multitude of faults on matters of mere legislation. We had better decide the qucstiou whether we shall have the right to legislate before we fall out about what measures wo shall adopt. Cor.?What do you say as to the solid South ? (lov.?As to the solid South '( That matter is perverted. The South is not solid as a section against the North as a section. The pjoplo of the several Southern States arc solid in the belief that we in the South have been most unjustly dealt with by the Republican party, since tho war, in overthrowing our governments, and" putting us under tho heel of ignorance, corruption and incapacity. They are solid in tho holiof tli.it tlio ni.lu ? - state of things is the restoration in each State of integrity with competency, aud as these qualities were found*alonc in tho Democratic party of these States, that that party ehould bo placed in power ; and inasmuch as tho danger to this cauic from tho general government transcending its cou? stitutional powers and interfering with the internal attains of the State, they are solid, too, iu the belief that that government ought to be coutincd to its constitutional boundary ; and they are surprised that the people of the Northern States arc not solid 011 the same line, because this is no sectional question, but it is a qucstiou which lies among the foundation stones of thq Government. Cor.?Do you think that the Democratic party South ought to demand a place on the national ticket in 1880? Gov.? I don't think tho Southern Democrats ought to demand a place on tho ua tional ticket as a sine que non?certainly not on the ground of locality. No; what wo want is good government; and what I mean by good government is, as already stated,constitutional government. We don't care anything about office. No doubt the Suoth could furnish men eminently qualified, but office is a small matter to us com* pared to the great question of getting the national government back to its old moorings. Bayard and Hendricks would start this government right for the second century. Why is dancing like milk ? Because it strengthens the calves