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/. my : ;' ' /> _ , . ; . . . . ffff?^jggfjjmgmfi?_; ??BjWBSjBC? ffTM^^?." J. "2j|?"^...J_L.ll^J?n.-1.1''?^"J Jit- >?????-m?yii- i-ijrii r - - mmmi r ' J "tf'T-^ '?'?"?-' ' -ir-rr r ijilgr-, i- , j j- II IJ .im i_ ..j'UJ 1 L 1 * '1 ."****g****B?i?"y " ' " ' ' 'f*'" """i??'.-?*1""1*. >*I!!^W*!*****^^,*''* " Tn (ni tic own self bc (ruc, and it mu ^ ^^^^^ us r/ns night thc dug, thou can'tt nat then be JaUe to uny man." M ROBT A, THOMPSON & CO. P1CKKNS COURT HOUSE, S, C, SATUB|AY, SEPTEMBER 21,1867. VOL, ll,.NO. 52. m." . . --.??- ?? tmmmmmtmimmmHmtmmmmmm*. i ni WM*.?^^IIM>.?W>IIII L^WIUIIHIUH-, - ? ? ? - ? -^, ?"M>MM^_ - . . ^ . .?i^iwini M ???.??? MIMHIW ???- ? ? - - - - . _. - - . _ PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. iFclloW-Oi'tiZCnt nf thc ?Se?ale and House oj Jiept'csoHtutiocH : Thc continued disorganisation of thc Un ion, to wliicli thc President luis so often call ed thc Attention of Congress, is yet n subject t>f profound and patriotic, concern. Wc moy, however, find some relief from that anxiety in thc reflection that the painful political sit uation, although before untried by ourselves, is not new in thc experience of nations. Political science, perhaps as highly perfected in our own time and country as in any ether, has not yet disclosed any means by which civil wars can be absolutely prevented. An enlighten ed nation, however, with ii wise and benefi cent Constitution of free (jnvcrnment, may diminish their frequency and mit?gala their severity hy directing all ils proceedings in ac cordance with its fundamental law. When a civil war has been brought to a close, it is manifestly the first interest ami du ly of the State to repair the injuries which the war has inflicted, ami to secure the benefit j of the lessons it teaches as fully and as speed- l ?ly ns possible. This duly was, upon the ter mination of the rebellion, promptly accepted, j not only by the Executive Department, but hy thc insurrectionary States themselves, and res- j (oration, in tim first moment ol' peuce, was be- | lie.ved to boas easy and certain as it was in- 1 dispensable. The expectations, however, then so reasonably and confidently entertained, were disappointed by legislation from which 1 h it constraintd. hy my obligations to the Constitution, to withhold my assent. It. is. therefore, a source of profound re gret, thal in complying with thc obligation j imposed upon flu1 I'resident by the. Const i tn- \ lion, to give to Congress from time to time in formation of the state of the (Inion, I am unable to communicate any definite adjust? incut, satisfactory to the American people, of thc questions which, since the close of the re bellion, have agitated thc public mind. On thc. contrary, candor compels me to declare that ot this time there is no Union as our "others understood tho term, and as they meant it to bo understood hy us. Thc Un ion which they established eau exist only where all the States ore represented in holli 1* ....... ',>-R_,-, -U?A nnA'lA&|itC is as free ns another to regulate its, li?Termil con cerns according lo \[* own will, and where tim Jaws of the Central Cnvcrnmouf, strictly con fined to matters of national jurisdiction, ap ply with equal force to all the people of every h- clion. Timi, such is not the present ;< state of tho Union is a melancholy fact, and wo ail mutt acknowledge that the restoration of the ?States lo (heir pieper legal relations with the Ked oral Cavern mont and with one another, nccordiiii: to tin? terms of thc original com pact, would h.- t?o? <_'rea?t"st temporil hlessir??; which Qod, in His kindest providence, could bestow upon this nation. It becomes our im perativa duty to consider whether or not. it is impjssiblo to effect this most desirable comm inution. Thc Union and thc Constitution aro insep arable. As long'as fine is obeyed hy all par ties, thc other will be preserved ; and if ono is destroyed, both must perish together The destruction of tho Constitution will bo follow ed by other and still greater calamities, ft was ordained not only to form a more perfect union between thc States, but to "establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for thc common defence, promote thc. ponera! welfare, and secure thc blessings of liberty to ourselves and OK; jiosivsiiy." Nothing but implicit obedience to if requirmonts in aii parts of tho country "'iii accomplish these gre<?t ends. Without that obedience, wc can look forward only to continual outrages upon individual rights, incessant breaches of thc Sublic peuce, national weakness, financial dis onor, thc total loss of our prosperity, thc general corruption of morals, and the final ex tinction of popular freedom. To savo our country from evils, so apolling as (hese, we tdiotild renew our efforts again and again". Tome, the process of restoration seems per fectly plain and simple. Il consists merely in a faithful application of tin Constitution ?nd laws. Thc execution of tho laws ig not now obstructed or opposed by physical force. (There is no military or other necessity, reid or jvreivTd'""!- which can prevent obedience to the Coi)8fit??;on, either North or South. All tho rights and m.' fho obligations of States and individuals can bc p.steeled and enforced by means perfectly consistent with tho funda mental law. Tho courts Ty he everywhere open, and, if open, their prom..WMlld bo un impeded. Crimes against tho UnuOi" States cnn ho prevented or punished by thc propo." judicial authorities, inn manner entirely prac ticable and legal. There is, therefore^no rca * ?Oil why tho Constitution should not. bo obeyed, unless those who exercise its powers have de termined that it shall be. disregarded ami vio lated. Thc mero naked will ol' this Govern ment; or of some one or moro of its branches, ,1? thc only obstacle that can exist to a perfect union of all thc States. On this momentous quef'ion, and some of tho measure* growing out of it, I have had tho misfortune (o differ from Congress, and have oxpresscd my convictions without re gcrvo, though with becoming deference to thc op'.nion of tho legislative department, Those convictions aro not only unohntigod but Strengthened by subsequent events mid fur ther reflection. Thc transcendent importance of tho subject will bo a sufficient excuso for calling your attention to some of tho ronsons which have so strongly influenced my own judgment. Tho hopo that wo may all fi. nally concur in a mode of settlement, consis tent at onco with our true interest and with our sworn duties to the Constitution, is too jiatural and too just to bc cosily roliimuishod. It. ls clear to my npprohension that tho #tftt?8 lately in rebellion aro still incuibcrfi of ? lie national Onion. Whoo did they censo to bc so ? Thc - ordinance of secession," adop ted by a portion (in most of thom a very small portion) of their citizens, were mere nullities. If we admit now that, they were valid and ef fectuai for thc purpose intended by their nu thois, we sweep from under our feet the whole ground upon which WO justified thc war. Wore those Slates afterwards expelled from the Union hy thc war ? 'J he. direct contrary was averred by this Government tobe ils pur pose, and was so understood by all those who gave their blood and treasure, to aid in its prosecution. ]t cannot bo that a successful war, waged for thc pr?servation of the Union, lind the legal effect of dissolving it. Tho vic tory of the nation's arms was not the disgrace cd' ber policy j the defeat of secession on thc. battlefield WftH not the triumph ol' its lawless principle. Nor could Contrress, with or with out tho consent of tin; Uxccutive, do any thing which would have I he effect, directly or indirectly, of separating the States from each other. To dissolve the Union is to repeal the constitution which holds it together, and that i is a power which docs no! belong to any de- I partinent ol' this Government, or to all ol' them united. This is so plain that it. has boen acknowl edged by all branches of the Federal Govern ment. The lOxeoutivo (my predecessor as well as myself) ?nd tho heads nf all (he De partments have uniformly neted upon the prin ciple that tho Union is not only not dissolved, but indissoluble. Congress submitted ll tl ninon 'uient of the constitution t<> be rut Hied . by th Uth?rn Slates, and accepted their acts ol i ideation as a necessary and lawful ? exeroiso of their highest function. If they were nol States out of the Union, their con sent to a change in the fundamental law (?I' the j Union would have been nitgntory; and Con-j gross, in asking it, committed a political ab surdity. Thc Judiciary has also given the solemn sanction of its authority to the same view of thc case. Thc Judges ol' tho Su preme Court have included the Southern States in their circuits, and they are constant ly, in Lane mid elsewhere, excrcisinjr juris- 1 diction which docs not bolong to thom, unless those States are States of the Union. If the Southern States are. component parts of the Union, the Constitution is the supreme law for thom, as it is for ?ll the other States. Thc right of the Federal Government, which is clear nnd unquestionable, to enforce (he Constitution upon them, implies the correla tive obligation on our part to observe its lim itations and execute its guaranties. Without the Constitution weare nothing ; hy, through, and under thc Constitution wc arc what it makes us. Wo may doubt, the wisdsm of the law, we may not approve ot its provisions, but I we cannot violate it merely because it seetns I to confino our powers within limits narrower thon wc could wish. lt is not a question of' individual, or class, or sectional interest, much less of party predominance, hut of duty-of high and sacred duty-which we are all sworn j to perform. If wo cannot support the Con- j stitution with thc cheerful alacrity of those who love and believe in it, wc must give lo it nt least tho fidelity of public servants who act under solemn obligationsaud commands which they tia re not disregard. The constitutional duty is not tho only one willoh require:- the States to be restored. There is another consideration which, though of mi- I nor importance, \>. yet of great weight. OM tho 22d day of July, 1861, Congress declared, by an almost unanimous vote of both Houses, thal the war should bc conducted solely for the purpose of preserving thc Union, and maintaining the supremacy of thc hVdcral ! Constitution and laws, without impairing thc dignity, equality, nnd rights of tho States or of individuals; and that when this was done, 'he war should cease. I do not say that this declaration is personally binding on th oso who joined in making it, any more than individual members nf Congress are personally bound to pay a public debt created under the law for which they roted. Hui il was a solemn, pub lic, official pledge of thc national honor, and I cannot imagine upon wlint grounds tho re pudiation of it is to he justified. If it he said that we are not bound to keep faith with reb els, let it bo remembered that this promise wns not made to rebels only. Thousands of true men in the South we're drawn to our stan dard hy it, and hundreds of thousands in thc North gave their lives in thc belief that it would bo (tairied out. lt was tondoon thc day after (he first great battle of tho war had been fought and lost. AH patriotic and in telligent men then saw the necessity of giving such an assurance, and believed that without it tho war would end in disaster to our cause, l'aying given that Assura ll oe in thc extremity of oui'the violation of it, now, in the day ?f ?ur pd!vrV> would be a rude rending of that good faitii vtw'iC^ MW? tho mort?.' world together} our country W?? ' Con*? to have any olaiin upon the. confidence O' nu'n ; 11 would make thc war not only n failure, '?tit a fraud. Hoing sincerely convinced that theso views nro correct, ? would bo unfaithful to my duty if I did not recommend tho repeal of thc Acts of Congress which place ten of thc South rn States under the domination of military mns tors. If culm reflection shall satisfy ? major ity of your honorable bodies that thc Acts re ferred to aro not only a violation of tho na tional faith, but in direct conflict with thc Constitution, 1 dare not permit myself to doubt that you will immediately strike thorn from the statute book. I To domorjBtrato tho unconstitutional char acter of tlioso Aots, I need do no more than rofcr to thoir gonoral provisions. It must bo soon nt once that they arc not authorized. To dictate what alterations shall bp nindo in the Constitutions of tho several States; to control tho elections of State legislators and State of ficers, members of Congress nnd olectora. of President mid Vice-president, by arbitrarily declaring wlio s?mil voto nnd who shnll ho ex cluded from thal privilege; to dissolve Slate Legislatures or prevent thom from assembling; to dismiss judges and other civil functionaries of tho Stale, and appoint others without re gard tri State law ; to organista and operate all tho political machinery ot' tho Slates; to reg ulato the wdiole administration of their domes tic and lucid alfa irs according to the mere will of strange and irresponsible agents, sent among them for that purpose-theso arc powers not granted to the Federal Government, or to any ono of its brandies. Not being granted, wc violate our trust by assuming them as palpa bly as we would by acting in the face of a positive interdict ; for the Constitution for bids us to do whatever it does not aflirmntivc ly authorize cither hy express words or by clear implication. If thc authority wc desire to uso does not come to ns through thc Con stitution, wc can exercise it. only by usurpa tion, and usurpation is the most, dangerous of political crimes, l'y that crime, tho enemies of free government, in all n<j? s have worked .' ut their designs against public liberty and private right, li leads directly ami immedi ately to the establishment of absolute rule j for undelegated power is always unlimited and unrestrained. 'The Acts of Congress in question mc not only objectionable for (heir assumption of tin granted power, but many of their provisions aro in conflict with thc direct prohibitions of tho Constitution. Tho Constitution com mands that a Republican form of government shall he guaranteed to all tho States; that no person shall bo deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law, arrested without a judicial Warrant, or punished with out n lair trial before an impartial jury; that J ho privilege of hakrti* corpus shall not bc denied in time of peace ? and that no bill bf attainder shall bc passed, even against n fin trie individual. Vet tho system of measures established by theso Acts of Congress does to tally subvert ami destroy thc form, oswell ft S the substance of Republican government iii the ten States to which they apply. It binds them hand and foot in absolute slavery, mid subjects them toa strange and hostile power, more unlimited and more likely to bc abused than any other now known muong civilized men. lt tramples down all those rights in which tho essence of liberty <-.?>. f>i?^?, and which a free GoVernmcpi is always most care ful to protect. It denies tho luthean corpin nnd thc trial by jury. Personal freedom, property, ami life, if assailed hy thc passion, t hc prejudico or thc capacity of thc ruler, have no security whatever. It lias thc effect of a bill of attainder, or bill of pains and penalties, not upon a few individuals, but. upon thc whole masses, including thc millions who in habit the subject State., and even their un born children. ThcSO wrongs, being express ly forbidden, cannot be const itlilionally inflict ed upon any portion of our people, nu mattel how they may come within our jurisdiction and no matter whether they live in Slates Territories or Hist rids. I have no desire to save from thc propel and just consequences of their great erinn those who engaged in rebellion against tin Government; but as a mode of punishment tho measures undi r consideration arc the mos unreasonable that could bc invented. Mair of lhotse people arc perfectly innocent; man; kept their fidelity to the [Jilion untainted ti the last j many were incapable of any lega offence; alargo proportion even of thc per sons able to bear arms, were forced into rc hellion against their will ; and of thole win arc guilty with their own consent, thc degree of guilt are ns various as thc shades of thci character and temper. But theso Acts o Congress confound thom all together in on common doom, indiscriminate vengenne upon classes, sects nnd parties, or upon whol communities, for offences committed by a por lion of them against tho governments to whicl they owed obedience, was common in the bal barons ages of tho world, lint Christianit and civilization have made such progress tiwi recourse toa punishment so cruel mid (I lt j US would meet with thc condemnation of nil un prejudiced nnd right-minded men. 'Thc pu nitlVO justice of this tige, nnd especially c this country, does not consist in strippin whole Stales of their liberties, and rcdncin all their people without distinction, to thc coi ditioil of slavery. ll deals separately wit cudi individual, confines itself to tho forms ( law, and vindicates its own purity by on in partial examinat ion of every case before a eon potent, judicial tribunal. If this docs not sa isfy all our desires willi regard to Souther rebels, let us console ourselves hy rclloctin that a free constitution, triumphant in Wi and unbroken in peace, is worth fal" moro i us and our children than tho gratification any present feeling. I am aware it is assumed that this systC of government for tho Southern States is n to bc perpetua), ll is true, this military go cr?ment k' to hr) only provisional, but it through this temporary oyi! ?hat a great ovu !? to be made perpetual, it' ibo gum.* tees ot t?io constitution cali bc broken prov ional ty to servo a (emtoravy purpose, and ii part only of the country, nc can destroy thc everywhere and for nil timo. A rbi trary mci ures often change, but they genor?lly chan d'or thc worse, lt is tho curse of demoti? that it lins no halting place. 'The inform?t exercise of its power brings no sense of soc ri ty to its .Mibjects ; for they oah never km wlitit more they will be called to endure ?rh its red right hand is armed to plague tin again. Nor is it possiblo to conjecture hi or whero power, unrestrained by law, ttl seek its next viotinis. Tho States that ? still free maj' bc enslaved at any moment; if tho constitution docs not. protect all, it p toots none. It is manifestly and avowedly thc object, these laws to confer upon negroes tho pnvih of voting, and to disfranchise such a nymboi !',".--?.' ?.. -i :'" ."' ' white citizens ns will ?rive tho former a clcnr majority at nil elections in thc Southon) States. This, to thc minda of some persons, is so im portant that a violation of the Constitution is justifiable as a means of bringing it about. Tho morality is always false, which excuses a wrong becauso ?'t proposes to accomplish a de sirable end. Wo ore not permitted to do evil that frood inaycoui?. Butin this case thc end itself is evil, ns well ns tho nieass. Thc sub jugation of the States to negro domination would bo worse thau ibo military despotism under which they aro now sufferinc; lt was ? believed beforo-haud thut thc peo-do would enduro soy amount of military oppression, for any length of time, rather than degrado themselves by subjection to the negro race Therefore, they have been loft without a choice. Negro suffrngo was established by act of Congress, and the military officers were commanded to supcrintcd the process of clo thing tho negro race with thc political privi leges torn from white men. Thu blacks in thc South are entitled to bc well and humanely governed, and to have thc protection of just laws for all their rights of person and property, if it wen; practicable at this time to give them a government exclu sively their own, under which they might ma nage their own a fl airs in their own way, it would become a grave question whether we Ought to do so, or whether common humani ty would not requi ro ns to save them from themselves. But, tinder thc circumstances, this is only a speculative point, lt is not pro posed merely that they shall govern them selves, but that they shill) rule the white race, make and administer State laws, elect Presi dents: and members of Congress, and shape to a greater or less extent tho future destiny td the whole country. Would such a trust and power bc safo in such hands? Thc peculiar qualities which should char acterize any people who arc lit to decide upon tho manai'cmont of public affairs fur a great State have seldom been combined. Tt is thc glory of white mon to know that they have had these qualities in sufficient measure to build upon this continent a great political fabric and to preserve its stability for more than nine ty years, while in ev-uy other part of thu world all similar experiments have, failed. But i anything can bo proved by known facts-i ?ill rea? .-niu/'-^.-on evidence is not abandonee -it must bo acknowledged, that in the pro gross of nations negroes have shown less ca pneity for government; than ?ny other race o people. Ko independent government of air form has ever bee? successful in their hands On tho contrary, wherever they have beet left to their own devices they have shown ! constant tendency to relapse into barbarism In tin; Southern States, however, Congres; has undertaken to confer upon them thc priv ?lego of the ballot. Just released from slave ry, it may bo doubted whether, as a class, the; know more than their ancestors how to oigan izo and regulato civil society. Indeed, it i admitted that thc blacks of the. South are nu only regardless of tho rights of property, bu so Utterly ignorant of public affairs that thci voting can consist in nothing moro than cat rying a ballot to tho placo whore they aro di reeled to deposit-it, I need not remind yo that tho exorcise of thc electivo franchise i tho hi ?best attribute of an American eiliz.it! and that, when guided by virtue, intelligence patriotism, and a proper appreciation of ou free institutions, it constitutes the true basi of a democratic form of government, in whio! thc sovereign power is "lodged in the body o thc people. A trust nrtificinlly created, nc for its own sske, but solely as a means of prc motiog tho general welfare its influence ft good must, necessarily depend upon thc eh vated character and true allegiance of th elector. It ought, therefore, to be reposed i none except those who mc lifted morally an mentally to administer it well; for if confc: red upon persons who do not justl)' cst i mal its value, and who nre indifferent as to its ri suits, it will only servo ns a means of placin power i ri the hands of thc unprincipled an ambitious, and must eventuate in tho con plefc destruction of that liberty of which should bc the most powerful conservator. have, therefore, heretofore, urged upon yoi attention tho grout danger " to bo opprehe dod from an untimely extensiou of tho eic tivo franchise to any new eluss in our cou try, especially when tho large majority of th class, in wielding tho power thus placed their hands, cannot bo expected correctly comprehend the duties and rcsponsibiliti which pertain to Snffrngo. Yesterday, ns were, four millions of persons were held ir condition of slavery thnt had existed forge orations; to day they arc freemen, and are i sumed by law to bo citizens, lt cannot presumed, froin their previous condition servitude, that, as a class, they are ns well i formed as to the nature of our government tho intelligent foreigner who makes our In thc homo of his choice. Tn tho case of t latter, neither n residence of five years, a the knowledgo of our institutions which <:ivcs, nor attachment to tho principles of t constiiui'nu' arc the only conditions up which ho cnn be rfwlttcd to citizenship. 1 must provo, in addition, n coot! mora. c...'.r, ter, and thus give rcr.sonr.blc giG"'?u ?ui t belief that ho will be faithful tb the oblipatit which he assumes ns a citizen of tho Kept lie. Whcro a people--tho. source of all liticnl power-speak, by their Suffrages, th tho instrumentality of tho ballot box, it m bc carefully guarded against the control those who arc corrupt in principle and e mies of freo institutions, for it cnn only come to our political and social systom ? f conduotor of healthy popular sentiment, wi kept free from demoralizing influences. C trolled through fraud and usurpation hy designing, nnarohy and despotism must ii itnbly follow. In tho hands of tho patri and worthy, our Government will bc prosi cd upon the principles of tho constitution 1 1 <" ??? ? ? ? "?' NJ jg M I ?? H '?<??'?'? herited from our fathers, lt follows, there fore, (lint in admitting to tho ballot box n new I class of voters liol qualified for the exercise of j tho electivo franchise, we weaken our system j of government,instead of lidding to its strength ! and durability." 141 yield tono ono in at tachment to that rule of poner?) suffrage which distinguishes our policy as a nation. But tliere is a ll Ul it, wisely observed hi tho) to, which makes the ballot a privilege and a trust, mid which requires of some classes a time sui table for probation and preparation. To nive it indiscriminately to anew class, wholly un prepared, by previous habits and opportuni ties, to perform tho trust which it demands, ia to degrade it, and finally to destroy its power; fur it may be safely assumed that no political truth is better established than that Mich in discriminate and all-embracing extension of popular suffrage must end at last in its over throw and destruction." I repeat the expression of my willingness to join in any plan within thc scope of our I constitutional authority which promises to bet ter the condition of tho negroes in the South, i by encouraging .them in industry, enlighten ing their minds, improving their morals, and giving protection to all their just rights as ; freedmen. But, the transfer of our political inheritance to them would, in my opinion, bc an abandonment of a duty which wc owe alike to thc memory of our fathers and thc rights ot' our children. The plan of putting tho Southern States wholly', ami the (jenora) Government partial ly, into the hands of negroes, is proposed at a lim?! peculiarly unpropitious. Thc founda tion of society have been broken up by civil war. Industry must be recognized, justice iv established, and order brought out of con fusion. To accomplish these ends would re quire all the wisdom and virtue of the great men who formed our institutions originally. I confidently bclicvo that, their descendants will be equal to the arduous task before them, hut it is worse than madness to expect that negroes will perform it for us. Certainly we ought not to ask their assistance until wo de spair of our own competency. The great difference between tb? two neos in physical, mental and luoral characteristics will prevcut an amalgamation or fusion ol them together in otic houiogoncous mass, ll j the. inferior obtains tho ascendancy ever thj other it will govern with reference only to it; own interests-for it will recognize no com moo interest-and create such a tyranny a! this continent has never yet witnessed. Already thc negroes arc influenced by protni SCH of confiscation and plunder. They fin taught, to regard as an enemy every white rom who has any respect for the rights (d' h'hlo'wi race. * If thia continues it must hceoTio worst and worse, until all order will .JYibvortod all industry cense, and tho forillo fields of th? South grow up into a wilderness. Of all tin dangers which our nation has yc? encouraged none oro equal to ?hose which must result fron the success of tiro effort now making to Afri Otinizo tho half of o.ir country. I would not put considerations of money ii competition with justice and right T>ut th express iuoident t*i. *\ reconstruction" mule tho system adopted by CongrortS ??ggrnvat what I regard as thc intrinsic wrong of th of tho measure itself. Ti '?as costttnooiintCi millions already, and if pori>?sted in will adi largely to the weight of taxation, already to oppressive to bo born without complaint, an may finally reduce the Treasury nf the nntio to a condition of bankruptcy. Wo must no delude ourselves. It will require a stroll standing army, and probably moro than tw lu>?dred millions of dollars per annum, t maintain tho supremacy of negro government after they arc established. The sum thu thrown away would, if properly used form sinking fund largo enough to pay thc whol national debt in less than fifteen years, lt i vain i hope that negroes will maintain thoi ascendancy themselves. Without militar power they arc wholly incapable of holding i subjection the white people of the South. I submit to thc judgment of Congrci whether the public credit may not be inj m ously Affected by a system of measures lil this. With our debt, and vast private Inte esta which ?re complicated with it, we cnn m bo too cautious of a policy which might, \ possibility, impair tho confidence of the wor in our Government. That confidence cn only bo retained by carefully inculcating tl principles of justice and honour on thc pop lar mind, and by thc most scrupulous ti ldi to nil our engagements of every sort. Ai serious breach of thc organic law, persist? in for a considerable time, cannot but cron fears for tho .stability of our institutions.* Habitual violation of prescribed rules, whit we bind ourselves to observe, must demorali tho people. Our only standard of civil du being set at naught, thc sheet-anchor of fj political morality is lost, thc publie conso\., swings from its moorings, and yiel-.Vs to ov< impulse of passion nod Intercut. If weroi dinfo thc Constitution, Wc will not. bc expi ted to eire much for mero pecuniary obli: tiens. Thc violation of Mich a piedlo ns mnde on tho 22d day of July, 1861, will MIVO?? V diminish the market value of our ol er promises;. Iksides, if wo now acknowledge timi i national debt was created not to held t States in thc Union, ns the tax-payers wi led to suppose, but to expel them from it, ? hand them over to be governed by negro thc moral duty to pay it may scorn imioh 1 clear. I say it may seem so ; for T <!<"> I admit th? this or any other argument in vor of repudiation can ho entertained a* KOUT ! but its influenoeon somo olnsscs of minds n well bo apprehended. Tho financial bono a groat commercial nntion, largely imlcbt and with a republican form of governiVK administered by agents of tho popular oho is a thing of suoh dclicato texture', ?nd destruction of it would bo followed by s -fl iii.ifcMiM-UM?-^ICT^J-mt unspeakable calamity, that every true patriot must desire to avoid whatever might exposa it to the slightest dango*. Th? ftreut interests of thc C?tlWtry require? Inmediate relief from these enactments. Bus iness in the South it paralyzed hy a sense of gmural insecurity, by tho terror ol' confisca tion, and thc dread of m-gro supremacy. The ; Southern trade, from which the North wtvtld have derived so great a profit under a go> "in ment of law, still hmgflirhes, arid can never revive until it ceases to be fettered hy the ar bitrary power which makes all ifs operations unsafe. That rich country-thc richest in natural resources the world Oversaw-is worse than lost if it he not soon placed under tho protection of a free constitution. Instead of being as it ought to be, a source of wealth and power, it will become an intolerable burden upon the rest of the nation. Another rea.sjn for retracing our steps, will doubtless bc seen by Congress in thc lute man ifestations of public opinion upon this subject. We live in a country where thc popular will always enforces obedience to itself, sooner or later* lt is vain to think of opposing it with anything short of legal authority, backed hy overwhelming force, lt cannot, have escaped your attention that from the day on which Congress fairly and formally presented tho proposition to govern tho Southern States hy military force, with a view to thc ultimate es tablishment of a negro supremacy, every ex pression of the general sentiment has been more cr less adver. e to it. Tho affections of this generation cannot be detached from tho institutions of their ancestors. Their deter mination te preserve tho inheritance of freo government in their own hands, and transmit it undivided and unimpaired to their own pos terity, is too strong to bc successfully opposed, livery weaker passion will disappear before that love of liberty and law for which tho American people aro distinguished above all others itt thc world. How far the duty of the President ? to pre serve, protect, and defend thc constitution," requires tim to go in opposing an unconstitu tional act of Congress, is a very serious and important question, on which I have delibera ted much, and felt extremely anxious to reach a proper conclusion. Where an act has been passed according to thc forms of tho constitu tion hy the supreme, legislative authority, and is regularly enrolled amoug tho public statute* ? of the country. Executive resistance to it, especially in times of high party excitement, wuuld lie likely to produce violent collision between tho respective adherents of the two branches of tho Government. This would bo K;JOpl}- civil war } and civil war must bo re ported to only as the last remedy for the worst of evils. Whatever might tend to provoke it slmld be most carefully avoided. A faithful a^il conscientious Magistrate will concedo very much to honest error, and something even to perverse malice, before he will endan ger the public peace ; and ho will not adopt forcible measures, or such as might lead to force, ns long as those whioh are peaceable ro main open to him or to his constituents. It is true that cases may occur in which the Ex ecutive would bo compelled to staud on i' (), rights, and maintain them, regardless of nji consequences. If Congress should pasf au act which is not only in palpable conflict with the constitution, but will certainly, if or .rricd out, produce immediate and irreparable iuhtrv to tho organic structure of thc Gove n nient nnd if there be neither judicial rcr uedy for the wrongs it inflicts, nor power in the people to protect themselves without tho official aid of their elected defender-if, forrest ance, the? bt.vialf.tive flonnrr.nnptit ?dmnld DflSi A..} ...,"" .vrt -.*. " t ? " tl ?ct, tv?Q through all the forms of law, to s.boltsh a co ordinate department of thc Go vcrnment-in such a case the Presidont mus t. take tho high responsibilities of his office, a jd fiavc i)l0 \\?0 of the nation at all hazards. The so-called reconstruction actR, though as plainly uncon stitutional as any that can be imagined woro not believed to bo within th? clo^ last men tioned. Thc people were not wh olly disarmed of. the power of self-defence. J a ftjj the North ern States they still held in their hands tho sacred right of the ballot, ar,d it was safe to believe that in due Urifj they would oomo to the rescue of their om n institutions. It givea me plensurc to add. that tho appeal to our common coassements was not taken in vain, nnd that my c,onfidonco in their wisdom andi virtue s' ems not to have been misplace-1 It ;s welland publicly known ?-hat.0no?m<ras frauds have been perpetrated on 'thc Treasury, and that colossal fortunes baVc boen mndo JJ tue public expense. Tn-" flnPfi?C?< of oornup. Hon has increased, is . "creasing, nnd if not di minished will |)r?ng UH int0 tota] min nnd disgrace. Yh0 pviblio creditors and thc tux payo'a wo alike interested in an honest admin istration ol' the finances, and neither class will mug endure thc large-handed robberies of tho recent past. For this discreditable state of things lhere are several causes. Some of theso tuxes are so laid ns to present an irresistible temptation to evade payment. Tho groat sums which officers may win by connivance nt fraud create a pressure which is more than the vir tue of many can withstand ; and there can bo no doubt that the open disrogavd of constitu tional obligations avowed by some of tho high est and most influent! tl men in the country has greatly weakened the moral sense of thoso who serve in subordinate places. Tho expen ses of the United States, including interest on tho public debt, are moro than six times ns much as they were seven years ago. To col lect and disburse this vast nmount requires j careful supervision, ns well ns systematic vig ? ilanee. Tho system, never perfected, was much disorganized by the " Tenuro of-ofnco j liill," whioh hns almost destroyeduofrjcial ac countability. Tho president may bo thotnftgli* ly' convinced that an officer is inoBpnhlo,d/8 honest, or unfaithful to. tho constitution, but under tho law whioh 1 havo named, the ut (KKK IOUKTU PACK.]