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r-4 gil ' 2*o i/ttrt? own sf//* ?<! <r??, and! ft m?s? follow, as thc night thc dat/, thou can'st not then be false to any man.'* VY ll. A. THOMPSON & CO.] N x PICKENS C. H., 8. C., SATURDAY, MARCH 24, 18?C. [VOL. I-NO. 2T. Strive-Wait-P ray. Strive-yet I do not promise, Tlio prize you dream of to-day, t Will not fade when you think to grasp if, And melt in your hand away. But. ftn?thor and a holier treasure, You would now perchance disdain, Will come when your toil is over, And pay you for all your pain. "Wait-yet I do not tell you, Tho hour you long for now, Will not come with us radiance vanquished, And a shadow upon its brow. But far through the mi sty Tu ure, With a crown of starry light, Au hour of joy you knew not. Is winging her si.eut Hight. ' 'i PrayT-though the gift you ask for ' May never comfort your ^?ars, May never repay your pleading, Yet pray with hopeful tears. An answer not. that you long for. But diviner, will come one day, Your eyes are too dim to sec it Yet Strive, and Wait, and Pray. MISCELLANY. Secretary Seward's Speech. At a meeting held in New York to endorse the President's Veto Message, Secretary SK WARD made thc following speech : Mr. Seward said, after a few words of intro duction : "What shall I speak of or about ? The call of your meeting specifies thc subject ; but first let me say I am not hero as an alarm ist. I atu not here to say that the nation is in peril or dauger-in peril if you adopt the opin ions, iu peril if you reject them, in peril if you adopt the. views of tho apparent er -peal majority of Congress, or if you reject them ; it is not in peril any way, nor do 1 think the cause of liberty and freedom, thc cause of prog ress, melioration or civilization, thc cause of national aggrandizement, present or future, material or moral, is in any danger of being Jong arrested whether you adopt one set of po litical, forms or anoth?r. The Union-that is to say thc nation-has been rescued from all it? perils. The nobjc ship has passed from the tempests and billows into the verge of a SH?C harbor, and is now securely riding in the ancient mooring without a breaker, spar or a leak; starboard or larboard, fore or aft. There ?re some small reefs yet to pass as she ap proaches those mooringa One pilot says that ah* may safely enter directly through them. The others?ys that she must back, and lower ing sail take time to go around them. That is all thc difference of opinion between the pi lots. I should not,prac tico my habit?a! char ity if .1. did not admit that I think-both sincere and honest. 'But thc vessel will go in safely <?ncway or the other. Thc worst that will happen will he.that by taking thc Wrong in stead of the right passage and avoiding the wrong one, the vessel may roll a little and ?onie honest, capable and -even deserving poli ticians and statesmen, President or Congress men, may get washed overboard* I should be Sorry for..thisvbut if it cannot be helped it can be borne. ; If lam one of the unfortunates let no friend bc concerned on that account. As honest, as good, as capable politicians* statesmen, Con gressmen and Presidents will make their ap pearance hereafter, fastor than needed, to com mand the ship, as well and as wisely as any that have heretofore stalked their hour upon deck in thc alternations of calm and tempest that always attend navigation. Nevertheless, although I do not think that wo are in a crisis, th? question to-day is worthy of deliberate ex amination and consideration. The subject bo ??ore us is a diff?rence of opinion that reveals itself but too clearly between the President ?nd Congress. Tho President, as we all see, is a man of decided convictions Thc legisla tive lenders aro trying not to coincide with him in opinion. They have appealed to us, "outsiders as wc are, to pronounce between them. The speaker thon went on to prove that there was actually no difference of importance between the. Prosidcnt and Congress, however much it might seem otherwise. Ile said both have, got,tho Union restored as originally planned. It should be without slavery, seces sion or compromiso. Not with freedmen and refugees abandoned to suffering and perseou* tiens, but with freedmen cmployod in thc pro. duction of self-sustaining industry-with ref ugees under tho protection of law and order. Tho President aces that it has come out right nt last, and ho accepts the situation. Congress on the other hand, hesitates, delays, debate and agonizes, not because they have not indi vidually had their will? It has not conic ou right because they have not individually hat their own way in bringing it lo that hnppi termination. .1 apprehend no serious difiicul ty from tho convictio i that there never was and never can be, any successful process foi the reconstruction oe the Union and harmon] among the. States except the one with wilier the President has avowed himself satisfied. Grant it, that thc rebellion is dispersed, endec and exhausted, dead, even at the root, thou ii follows necessarily that the States, sooner 01 later, must be organized by loyal men, in ac cordanee with the change in our fundamenta law, and resume their places in Cohgress. Al the rebel States but Texas have done just thai thing, and Texas is doing thc same as fast af possible. Thc President is in harmony wi tl: all thc States that w.ero in rebellion, and thc Executive and Judicial departments are rap idly resuming their functions. Loyal Repre sentatives, more or less, from these States arc now standing at the doors of Congress, and have been standing there for three months, asking to be admitted to scats, which the dis loyal representatives had previously left. In the meanwhile Congress passes law after law, imposes burdens after burdens and .duty.after duty, upon the States, which, against their earnest desire, are left unrepresented. I feel sure that the loyal men Tro ni the now loyal States will sooner or later be admitted into this Congress or the next. When this is done the process of restoration will he complete, for that is all that remains to be done. Tho speaker thought that Territorial gov ernments for seceded States were perfectly impracticable. This was also rejected by Mr. Lincoln. Say what you will, the Stales arc already organized in perfect harmony without amended national constitution, and are in earn est co-operation with the Federal ( Jovernmcnt. It is impossible to reduce the States to a ter ritorial condition. Congress has had a Recon struction Committee compo!?nd of fifteen mem bers, who have stopped the wheels of Legisla tion three months to enable them to submit a plan different from tlnyt which is now on thc eve of n happy consummation-and what have they (riven us? One proposed amendment to thc Constitution is to compel the excluded States to eqUoljxfsutTrngo upon tho penalty of abridgement of representation. This was no plan of reconstruction, but an-.obstruction. Thc resolution which plissed the House on Tuesday last directly declares that loyal repre sentatives shall not bo admitted from loyal States until Congress shall pass a law fer that purpose ; which law cannot be enacted with out the President's approval, and which can not hr consistently given in view of thc opin I ions he is known to entertain. The r?solu j lion, then, is not a |>lan for reconstruction, but j indefinite postponement and dela}'. When ! the rebellion began wo determined to humble j the rebels. Wo have humbled them and j Brought them back with humiliation and re pentance, suing for restoration. The popular I voice was that all members of a family, how j ever prodigal they had bren, they would be j received at the Roa rd. These charts at ob j structiou, then, are as much impracticable as . I think they are vicious. No State can keep ? itself out of the Union, or l?cep itself in Ter I ritorial condition, under the Union. Thc j States which arc in the Union cannot bc taken j or kept out of its limits. States that are in tho Union cannu/ keep any Stares that arc out side from coming in. Congress is habitually inclined to this experiment. It hesitated about Michigan and Missouri; reeled and staggered over Texas and California, and convulsed thc nation about Kansas, yet they aro all in tho Union,-all happy, all loyal. How many com mittees of conference did we have ? ,How many joint resolutions denying that Congress ever I would consent to the admission of such un ? welcome intruders? How many crompromi ? ses securing guaranties for free loni and for ! slavery were broken and'scattered when one ! after thc other of these States came in as if by j a headlong thrust, and hurled by the Almigh : ty Providence, who has determined the peojilo J of this continent shall not be many discordant ? nations, but. one united nation ? A joint com j niittee of fifteen in 1840 succeeded in oxolir I diug California for eight months until tho j majority of the nation should compromise and silence forever tho debate upon slavery; that j compromiso was, by \ts terms, to be perpetual. Thc compromis? of .1.850 lingered 'just four yours and thcn^ perished, giving p%aco to tl now happily consummated adjustment of tl slavery question by the complete abroga tie of that institution. When I left Congress in 18G1, comm ?tte and conventions domundod stipulations th tho fetters bo put on New Mexico, Ncvet and Colorado. You can noyer keep States 01 of this Union. Present distrusts of futui States, or of bxistiug States, have no substai tial grouuds ; they arc begotten of miscrab fears and factions. If ever this thing of kee] iug-out States by joint resolution of Congre could havo a chance of permanent success th time has passed away. No State has ever bei hindered in coming into thc Union except c questious of African bondage, which has no gone to the dogs, and surely perished. JS State will ever, hereafter bc hindered in con ing into the Union on tho ground of slaver A territory wants to be a State because it is pleasant and great thing to possess privileg< of a State. I would not keep a State in a te ritorial condition any longer than compeli?* in thc beginning, practically, every State lm slavery. We abolished it in some States witl out disorder, and when slavery raised itself i opposition to the government we destroyed altogether. We have done all this in numc ous oases without imperial government or 'pn consular, or territorial system, but by equi States presided over by a federal or restricto government. They aro getting thc whole eas of tho Airican in thc West Indies just as w are. Thc conflict of opinion between th President and Congress in reference to th Freedmen's Bureau is in* its consequence comping ti voly unimportant and would excit little' interest if it stood alone. Both agre that this Bureau was created for the transitio period between war and peace, and sh oui cease at the qnd of that period. The Pres dent thinks that period nearly passed, and th original provision sufficient, while Congre* thinks thc original provision needs enlarging I agree with the President in the hope th? the extraordinary provision which tho bi ma leos will not be necessary?; but that th whole question may be simplified by simpl reference to tho existing law. . The law c March 3, 18G$, which created the Freedmen' Bureau, provides it shall continue in fore during the war of the, rebellion and one fu year thereafter/ When does that year expire In thc President's judgment, as 1 understan tho matter, the war of the rebellion has beci coming, and is still comiog, to an end, but i uoUyet fully closed. lt is on this ground that ho maintains HI army, continues thc suspension of the writ o habras corpus, and exercises martial law, whet these things are found. necessary, io rebe States. The existence of the rebellion wa legally announced by lixccutivc proelamatioi iu 18C1. ' Thc end of the rebellion ought to bc ant may be expected to be, announced by tho com potent declaration of the President and Con gress, or of both. For all practical purpose; the rebellion Will, in law, como to an end i thc President or Congress, one or both, official ly announce its termiuation. Now suppose this announcement to bc made by thc Presi dent and by Congress, or by either of then to-morrow, in that case thc Freedmen's Bu reou is continued by virtue of the limitatiot proscribed in thc Act of March 8, 1865-ont year after such proclamation has booti mado Thus the Freedmen's Bureau would continue by the original limitation until tho 22d day ol February, 1867, a very proper day on whicl to bring it to an,end. If Congress should find it necessary to pro long its existence, it can at once take ?the nee essary steps, for it will at tlmt date have been in session nearly three months. Ought the Presideutof the United States to be denounced in thc house of his enemies, much moro, ought he to be denounced in thc houso of hie friends for rofusing, in tho absence of any necessity, to occupy or retain and to exercise powers greater than those which were ever ex ercised by any imperial magistrate in thc world ? Judge ye. * I trust this t'?lit of declining imperial pow ers, too hastily tendered hy n too confiding Congress, may bc forgiven by a generous poo pie. It will bo a sad hevur for the Republic when tho refusal of unnecessary powers abel patronage by thc President shall be heid ie he a crime.* Wlion it shall bc so considered the time will have arrived for setting iip at tbe Whito House Ute imperial thron? and ?ur rounding tho Executive with imperial legions. Postmaster General Dennison, Henry J. Raymond, P. 13 Cutting, D. S.,Dickinson and George Opdyke also addressed the meeting, which dispersed at a late hour. HEADQUARTERS, ) ' DEPARTMEMT oy So?T?i CAROLINA*, ' Charleston, S. C., March 4, 1806. ) General Orders AroK 7. I.' In order that the loyal people of. this State may be relieved from aM unnecessary re ! strain ts incident to thc existence of Martial Law, the administration of civil affairs in tho . several Districts, Parishes and Municipalities, respectively, will be remitted by Commanding j Oilicers of Military Districts to thc civil officer? J therein, duly qualified to perform sifch dutrep. j No person shall be deemed eligible to hold I olliec unless he shall have taken the Amnesty Oath last prescribed, and, if he belong to ei ther of the classes excepted from amnesty, shall have received Executive pardon. ' Civil Officers will in all cases respect and obey the Proclamations of the President, the Laws of Congress and all orders relating to the govern ment of this Department, issued by competent Military authority. H. To aid the local functionaries in resu ming their proper duties, it is ordered that hereafter, Without authority from these Head quarters, no military tax, assessment or charge of 4ny kind whatsoever, sholl be levied upon citizens, except fines aud penalties imposed by the Provost Courts or other competent mil itary tribunals, for offences whereof the party shall have been duly convicted ; and with tho further, exception of thc ground rents at tho Post of Hilton I^ead, that being a Military Reservation. III. No prosecution or snit shall bc enter ; taincd in thc Courts of South Carolina against officers or soldiers of the armies of the United States, or persons in any wise'thereto belong ing, subject to military authority, charged with acts done in their military capacity, or pursu ant to orders from proper military authority ; nor against loyal citizens, or persons charged with acts done against the rebel forces, directly or indirectly, during the rebellion; and all persons, their agents or servants, charged ?'ith the occupation of Abandoned Lands and ten I omen tn, or the possession or custody of any i kind of property whatever, in cases where such I occupation, use or possession waa authorized j by the President, or by any of the civil or mil itary Departments of the Government, shall be protecttU from any recoveries, penalties or damages that may have been, or may be im posed, or adjudged therefor, in said Courts,. IV. Superior and Circuit Provost Courts will Continue in operation as heretofore, and shall have, as against any and all Civil Courts, exclusive jurisdiction in all cases where Freed men and other persons of color are directly or indirectly concerned, until such persons shall be admitted to the State Conrtras parties atid witnesses with the same rights and remedies accorded t? all other persons. It shall never theless be competent for a State Court to hear and determine a cause or proceeding wherein j persons of color are parties to the record, when i they shall file a written stipulation to submit ? the cause or proceeding to a State Court. ! By com. of Maj. Gen. D. E. SICKLES. ; j W. L. M. BuitOEll, A. A. General. ! MURDEH.-On Thursday morning last, some negroes in a field in Lexington District, and not far from the Court House, hearing au un ! usual noise, together with the report of a pis- . 1 toi, repaired to the spot, and there discovered f j a dead body, whioh was afterwards identified ! by Mr. JoMio Hair, of Frog Level, then on hi? i way to Columbia, ns that of Captain Chcsley Herbert, of this District, u most cstimablo christian gentleman. The body was vory inuoh , mutilated, apparently from blows inflicted j with a club, while a ball fired nt the back of ? the head had. passed out near the upper lip. j lt appears that on Sunday night, tho 4th, ! Captain H. had a horso stolen from him by n j negro.. On Monday he started in pursuit, and . I overtook ?lie thief on Tuesday. On Thursday . morning while on his way back with tho uo ; gro, ho wa? most foully murdorc^d by hi itt. ' Thc negro has been arrested and Bellt to Co ! luinbia for tri ul.-Nwhern/ Jfcrald, l4M. !. ..-w -. '., * j MEN are like bugles-thc mbro brass they j contain the further y?u cnn hoar them. Wo I men aro like' tulips-*-the moro modest and re* tired they appear th? V>ett*r-you like thorn.