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- ?' "~<jj^" """i ' ' ' ' - *-* 1 1 1 -'"' .i jl_. .-'-.'.'-L. '" -' _!. ^'4L ! '" .. , '. . . ' ". 1 " "' j ')'/ IS r| IV.W ? I? -s A. ip m ni B) j rp [f) Ui ifi ? tw i li I).') r( i < j( J "TO THINK OWN SKI.F I?K TRUE, AND IT MUST FOLLOW, AS TUP. ' . K1GIIT THE DAY, THOU CAN'ST NOT TIIKN BK FALSE TO ANY MAN." jS BY R0BT. A. THOMPSON". PICKENS COURT HOUSE, S. C. SATURDAY, AUGUST 25, 18(H). VOL. XII. NO. 1. SiSLEOYlg!? 1POKTKV. If We Knew. If we know the cnrc.i and crows; Crowding round our neighbor'* way ; If we know the little losses. Sorely grievous day by 'Iny, Would we then so often chide hint For his lack of thrift and gain? J.ottviltg on his henrt a shadow. Leaving on our lives a M.iin ? If wc knew the clouds above us. Held by gentle blessings there. Would we turn nwnv nil t -..?>1.11.. ? ? In our blind ami weak dospnir ? >Vo 111 we shrink from lit lie shadows, l.ying on (lie dewy grass. While 'iis only birds of Kden, Just in mercy Hying past ? If we knew the silent story, Quivering through the henrl of p?in, Would our womanhood dure doom them Ibiok to hnunts of guilt again? l.ifo hath many a tangled crossing, Joy hath many n break of woe, And the cheeks, Icar-wnsUed, are whitest ; This the blessed angels know. JjCt us reach into our bosoms For a key to other lives, And with love toward erring nature, Cherish good that still survives; So that when our disrobed spirits Hoar to realms of light again, Wo may ,?ay, dear Father judge us A* wo judge our fellow men. ' JOA Y* ONiv. t'Oll Til K KKONVKK COU1UE11. Mr. Rhett'o Address. Dear Sir: Will you oblige by giving space in your columns to the enclosed letter ..? ,i... u~.. i? i? i? ' > ' ?.| in\; HUM. IV. A?. IIIIKTI', iiuurcssnu [O Ills constituents in 1833, just twenty-two years ago. It is not often that the nbove-nnmed gentleman lias a fair showing in this Congressiou d District. 1 ask as a favor, for oner, he may bo allowed to speak for himself. His letter, penned 22 years ago, will show whether he wis a wise and far-seeing statesman or the hot-h'*:id('d fanatic it is somewhat the fashion to regard him in this congressional District. If he had been inspired 22 years ago, he could not.'have more eiearly depicted the present aspect of affairs. 1 do not expect to convince liny one not already convinced, or to make any converts to his or my way of thinking, but wish ui no ii single act oi ju-tice to counterbalance injustice. Yours, ito Nil l'ltOlMIK.T. To Eni roit Kkowkk Courusn. Address of Hon- R B Rhett. (iK Ktit'TII CAUOI.1NA, To the citizens of licaufort and Colleton Pis triots, upon the subject uf abolition. Janu-iry <>0. 18H8. Fellow Citizens: In a private anil friendly letter to the ICditor of the Charleston Mercury, amongst other events accompanying the memorable secession uf tlio Southern incmbeih from the llall of the House of Representatives, I stated to him, that 1 had prepared two resolutions, drawn as amendments to the mutton of the member from Veriiiont, whilst he was discussing the institution of slavery in the South, " declaring, that the Constitution liHving failed to protect the South in the pa.tecablc possession and enjoyment of-their rights and peculiar institutions, it was expedient tliat the Union should be dissolved jjmd the other, appointing a committee of two members from each State, to report upon the best means of peaceably dissolving it." Many oi uic ncwspupors in the Union have thought proper to ptmH strictures upon this letter, as you will porceivo, by tin; following extract iiuin tliO tjur.n imj oV?w, of New York, oi' the Oth ilist. : " Ilax the Charleston Mercury any objections to state who was. tho moinbor of Ojngress who wrote the above letter, and who, he declares, was about to propose in Congress to dissolve the Union? Tho people of that State, anil tho fricmls of tho South, mid of the Union, have a right, to know who it is.'' Ah 1 have no private opinions that I am afraid openly to avow; and have ever recognized the right in tho people to know them upon all matters affecting public interest or honor?of course, I could not hesitate promptly acknowledging tho authorship of the letter referred to, and communicating to the public, the resolutions, which I had shown to many of my friends, and was prepared to offer in my seat, ami maintain in the Cougreas of the United States. You will perceive, that writing current cttlamo to a friend, I did not correctly desorlbo their whole purport, such as they jire, however, the public are welcome to them, iu answer to any question or demand touching amy right, roul or imaginary, in tho promises, which any portion of the poo^ie of the United >? ..~..?l. ... 1 - ?>ii?vv<o, uuov, nwi, iiuii/ii, ur bimuii, may UC .supplied to poMos.1. I am, liowowir, moro im..<ivr, itnly responsible to you,|l>d I tfeize tho opportunity their publication oilers, of ttddrc&iitig you, ns your representative, upon tho momentous subjects thoy involvo. Ilnd I presented them iu the IIouso, I should have givon my reaHonsnt largofor presenting thom; ?ncl in submitting them now to your consideration, I trust you will bear with mo, whilst I pubmit to you some of the reasons which caused thrin to exist Before entering upon the merits of the resolutions, however, permit mo to remark (whioli I suppose might be apparent to all,) that I hnd no oxpootation of passing them, or of ovon taking A. vote upon thoin. They were intended as amendments to a motion, to refer with instructions to report, a bill abolishing slavery in the T?iatrict of C^umbia. I expected thorn to sliRro the fate, Which inevitnbly awaited *'ne original motion, so soon as Iho floor could hare been obtained, vis: to bo f laid upon the table. My design in presenting thorn was to placo before Congress and the peopioy what in my opinion wai the true issao upon tliM great and vi'al question; and to point out fclw course of -policy by which it tthould be met by tho Southern States. Tho resolutions are as follows.: 1 and the Constitution of tho United ! State* having proved inadequate to protect I the Southern States in the poaceublo enjoy- , ] mcnt of their rights and property, it isexpc die.nt that the maid Constitution should be amended, or the Union of the States be dissolved. " Ii'solicit, That a committee of two mem- ; hers from each State in the Union he appointed, to report upon tho expediency and practicability of amending the Constitution or the best means of peaceably dissolving tho I II10U." These resolutions contain two propositions : first, n fact?that "the Constitution of tho l*nited States having proved inadequate to protect the Southern States in the peaceable enjoyment of their rights and property;"? second, that it is "expedient that the said Constitution should be amended, or the Cnion of the States be dissolved." The first of these propositions, containing the fact alleged, is, I trust, the only one concerning which, i.i the minds of reflecting men in the North or South, there can bo any difficulty. That tlift Siniili li->? ? vl.rl.f "? fititution, to the peaceable enjoyment of her .slave institutions, no one will deny; ami if the Constitution in perverted from the purposes for which it was made, and proves inadequate to protcet the Southern States from aggression upon this vita! institution?none but an Abolitionist, open or secret, in the North, I or a traitor in the South, eou'.d fail to come to ' the conclusion, that the Constitution ought to ' be amended, or the I'nion be dissolved. To acknowledge the right, or to tolerate the act , of interf.Toncc at all with this institution, is J to give it up?to abandon it entirely; and. as this must 1)0 the consummation of any interference, the sooner it is reached the bettor. The South n.u.'t hold this institution, not amidst (tlnrtn and molestation, but in peace? perfect peace, from the interference or agitation of others; or, 1 repeat it,-she will?she j can?hold it not at all. Let us. then, con- I aider the fact maintained in the lirst proposi- j tion of the resolution. Has the Constitution , proved inadequate tn protect the Southern States in the peaceable enjoyment of their rights and property'! Without going one step further, 1 might appeal to the circumstance under which the assertion w is penned, to .substantiate its truth. In a ball designed for the purposes of deliberation upon (lie. limited subjects contained in j the, Constitution, *tliree hundred thousand petitioners are. allowed to enter for the purpose of assailing the institution of slavery in the South. Day after day, and every day in the j week, \tc are denounced in these petitions, as the most atrocious offenders against (lod and man. But a few days brtfore this juncture, we heard ourselves, and the people we represent, declared to be actuated, as our habitual characteristic, by the spirit of murder and arson. We were taunted with bcinir nfi\iid of truth and light, and trembling for our tottering; institutions. Three yours beforc, upon tlii.s very floor, in the spirit of concession (that no collateral issues should be made an to the right of petition and their consideration ), it has been determined to receive those petitions, consider thtliu immediately, and lay them upon the table; but as in all eases of aggression, the demand rises with the concession, and being endured, becomes sanctified into right; and it waft now contended, that these petitions should not only be received, but bo. treated exactly in the v/ay the jieti tinners thought proper to require?be referred to a co'iimitloo from wltieh slaveholders should be. excluded, and composed of members, n majority ?f whom should lie favorable to their demands; in other words, that their petitions ;!;guU bo ' . ..liiod A;.;! this rcr-oa:,.b!r request is made upon one branch of these petitions, by the whole delegation of a State. Another State had s?crit her memorial into the other end of the Capitol, calling upon Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories, to pio'iibit slaves from p issing from one State to another, and to exclude Texas, on acoount of her slaves, from the I'nioii; and one of the representatives I i?f !.Vll? iiiafAd !?* *!??? I ' A>? - ? ?'* ? A ! I l/I IC uuiinu 1 IISl ! U'LIOMM 1 | to a select committee, which ho required to I Abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. , The occasion is seized, to descant upon slave- j ry in the Southern States, and to prove that i it is inconsistent with all natural and revealed i h'.w, and that those who uphold it are obnoxious to thft wrath and curse of God and man. Now, under these circumstances of wanton | aggression and insult, are the people of the South, in this the common hall of deliberation with their confederates, in the peaceable enjoyment of their rights .jirnl peculiar institutions? llut thoro are other circumstances without j the halls of Congress, under whloh those resolutions were penned. A largo body of citizens, consisting of ono hundred nnd fifty thou' sand, forganizod into ouo thousand five hundred societies, increasing at the rate of ouo u day, with boundless resources, and ably conflllftrflfl nl-KUilf" nr. J " -? * ?J ' ??miiu nriu missionaries and martyrs, who pant for distinction in this holy cause, us tho best proof of thoir virtuo auu sanctity, arc permitted in our sister States to band together, for the openly dcelarcd purpose of destroying our institutions. Tnr<jp years ago, I aui told, these soeietie* were about three hundred; thoir numbers about six thousand ; their petitions about ton thousand.? \r~? <1? L l * - - lwtt, nicy i?ro nunarcufl ot thousands; control two States; increasing in nil ihe nonslaveholding States, and feared by oil. United togethor upon but one principle, they throw their weight into tho acnlo amongst the contending parties of the country, without uniting "With any, so s;> to control tho mnjeri ty, and ndvanco tho great purpose of their organization. In defiance of tho Constitution, vie Governor of Maine, upon tho demand of the Governor of Georgia, haa refused to sur SUle.nent of a Convention of Aboltlionlala in Connecticut. f Stntoment of Mr. Lewia Tappan, in a letter to Mr. C&lhoun. render uj> (wo fugitives from justicc, beeausc the felony committed was currying off slaves from a Southern port. Mnssa^busctts Ii;ih passed a replevin law, giving to fugitive slaves a trial l)j[ jury; and her Supreme Court has determined, that a slave who enters Massachusetts with iiie assent of his master, shall be free. The press?the mightiest instru mcnt of revolution in all enlightened and civilized nations?throughout all the Northern and Middle States, pours forth, unchecked, its abominable libels; and, by the most artful and pussionntc appeals, arouses whole masses ?and, amongst tliern, some of the most con- i Rcicntious spirits in the land?against our in I stitutions. Was the subject of such combination, legislation, and agitation a mere ah ' stract or constitutional right, like the right of taxation, we might be content to exercise our rights, and let others pursue their follies, or entertain their opinions. But here is n subject, in which passion and feeling and religion arc *>11 involved. All the inexperienced emotions of the heart are against us; all the abstractions concerning human riehts can be presei vctl against us ; till the theories of political dreamers, athestical utilitarians, sclf-exalting in id self-righteous religionists, who would reform or expunge the Bible; in short, enthusiasts and fatuities of alt sorts are against us. Ju truth, only those who have had an opportunity of knowing what the negro r.-ce really is, and of being practically acquainted Avith slavery as it exists in the. South, behold it with any charity or approbation.? Throughout the Northern States, throughout the whole civilized world, the feeling of condemnation of this institution may be said to be universal. Even in our sister States, those who forbear interfering upon this subject from a regard to the constitutional compact of the Union, are Abolitionists in principle and feel ing. Although they do not approve of the unprincipled course of the Abolitionists, they desire mid hope to see slavery abolishe 1 ; and ii moy had tin; power, or lay under the responsibility of its existence, tlioy would destroy it in a day. lleneo they stand passively by and permit lis to be assailed, approving of the end, although condemning the means; and the I'nion, which was designed to guarantee, or at least not to affect injuriously our institutions, is perfidiously used for their overthrow. And mark the history of this fanaticism in foreign nations. Horn in atheism, and baptized in the blood of revolutionary I Franco, it accomplished its purnosc there.? | In England it has sprung up under the guise j of religion, and it has Accomplished it-* pur- ' pose there. It has never yet failed, and UCY* | cr will fail, in accomplishing its purpose, where the slaveholder does not control his \ own destinies. It is now flaming in the I'ni icu r>fKC3, nnu extending its numbers, with u rapidity far surpassing the operation of the gospel itself, in bringing converts to its cause. All efforts hitherto made for its suppression, have only fanned, instead of extinguishing the flame. The people in some parts of the country, indignant at their open violation of their constitutional faith, and the principles of tin Union, rise up and crush them. The cry of persecution is raised, and new converts crowd their ranks. Congress, in the spirit of conciliation, in the vain hope of rceoncil- | ing their demands with the powers of the Constitution, instead of rejecting, receive and act upon their petitions. The right of petition is said to be infringed, and a sovereign State | of the Confederacy demands, that Convtli-?11 *...1^- V... 1,1 ...... tuuviuvt v??v> lUIVO UJf >Y II I v" 11 HIUII agitation is attempted to bo suppressed. The spirit of abolition has advanced, and is advancing. It increases by opposition. It triumphs by defeat. Kverv cnncc.<wiofi inviignites it.? powers, and bus increased its capacity for evil. In view of these facts and opinions, am I wrong in supposing that the Constitution has failed in protecting the South in the peaceable enjoyment of their rights und property? Unless systematic inference, agitation, aggression and insult, with respect to our institutions, is p \ace?it will bo difficult to prove that the Southern States are in the poacc.nble enjoyment of their rights and property.? Such a course of deliberate hostility, as lias characterized the conduct of the. citizens of the Northern States towards the South, for the last three years, would justify, by the laws of nations, a declaration of war between i 1 1 ? independent sovereignties. If, then, fellow-citizens, the South is no longer in tlio peaceable enjoyment of her right* and peculiar institutions, under the Constitution of the United States, the cpiestion arises upon the second proposition in the resolution. It is expedient thnt the. Constitution should be amended, or the Union be dissolved. Those, of course, who design using the Union and the Constitution, for the purpoio of destroying the institution of slavery in the South, will recognize no such expediency.? With them, the bonds of the Union constitute tho cords by which thoy propose to bind the victims to the nltar. With suoh designs, next to the atrocity of holding slaves, will be tho least resistance to tho means by which thoy expect to accomplish thoir purpose.? Truitors themselves to tho Constitution, anil every prinoiple of faith or honor which brought us together, they may imagino, that by clamorously accusing others of a want of fidelity to thoir constitutional engagements, they may conceal their own base perfidy towards theiro ; and when thoy supposo that wo oan be frightened into an abandonment of our rights, by the cry of " disunion," they only Eyove how tu on we despise thoso whom we avo wronged. With those, howevor, who navo any resrnra lor tticir own right* or the I Union, the expediency of one ?of those alternative* will be easily understood. The evil must bo arrested. It is vain, uttorly vain, to supposo that tho South will submit to the present state of things. Peace wo must huvo, in or out of tho Union. Our first duty is, to endeavor to obtain it oonsitttently with our alliance with our sistor States iu tho Confederacy. It has beon through tho Constitution, ttudcr the eovcr ?>f the Union, that our seen rity lias bcou threatened :uul our peace distur- I bud. To niiioikI ihc Constitution is the most j obvious remedy. Make tint clear in tho Con- | stitutiou, which they (not the Abolitionist.* only, but the Northern pco| le generally), affeet to consider doubtful. Take uway the ; power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories south of the . j line established by the Missouri compromise, j Shut tho subject of slavery forever out of j i tuc nan* ur t on?iv.si?, where it has been i most faithlessly introduced; and lot our siBlcr i States ajjree to do what tlie laws of nations re- , quire of every friendly people?restrain their j | citizens from combining and plotting the over- j I throw of our institutions. If such amend- | | inents are proposed, and adopted by the eon- j stitutional majority?the South will have re- I pose, and the 1'nion be perpetuated, lhit if they arc rejected, it will conclusively prove to the South that the lrnionou<rht to be dissolved. We can hold no terms of alliance with deliberate open enemies, who seize (or permit J their people to seize) upon the opportunity afI forded by ? f riendly connection with them for i other mirnoso* fn ? i . ?-; ; ? I "? t... _uvv;.i.i.u? I j of our institutionsj and when required lo ilis- j I avow the hostility, and ccaso the aggression? ^ j decline to do cither. l>ut. I have no doubt I such amendments to the Constitution, if pro- j j posed in time before the spirit of abolition ' | lias infected the; public mind, will be adopted. ! j They take nothing from the North, while ; I they arc necessary to the South. And when i ! considered, as undoubtedly they will be, as j presenting the alternative of :i dissolution of j the Puion, 1 cannot believe that fanaticism j I i i- i - ; nas airuauy so lar unnutcued public opinion as j I to induce their rejection. The I'nion with | the South is too valuable to the North, in the j I estimation of all sober moil, to he surrendered | [ for the mere privilege (which e iuuot, in fact, ; I be preserved) of agression upon (he riphts j I of others. The 1 Hi >n i? tlinif mn-w !%.,? j guarantee for the. oontiiiu-incii of their free ! ! institutions. The time is rapidly approach j inp, when, their population becoming douse, j I the competition for broad will be intensely in- ] oroaaicl?and universal suffrage will trive to ! I those who have 110 property, the absolute control of the property and legislation of the 1 j country. Their history may then grow dar- I kcr, and present a new page f'?r the reading j of man. They may then lesm the truth in all its horrors, thnt the despotism of numbers may be the most terrible that can scourge a fallen people. In the South, the laborer does , not contml the destinies of the country.? ! erv white man is a privileged being, fc'clttshncss Mnl honor alike impels him to an alliance with his race, and (whether he possesses property or not) to uphold the institutions in which, in lact, chiefly exists the property of the country ; whilst the very existence of slavery around him rives a loftier tone of independence, and a higher estimate of liberty. Let it be remembered that no Republic has ever yet been long maintained without the institution of slavery. Nor are these I'nited States by any means a clear exception to this great fact. Slavery has not existed, it is true, | m tne .\urtliern states; but those States have I been in intimate alliance with the Southern Slates, through whom its salutary influence lias been experienced. The South has been, from its oritrin, the balance wheel in this Confederacy. That tendency to the absorption and concentration of all power in (lovivnment, which is the natural tendency of their democracies, has been continually pressing upon the Confederacy from the North, and as continually counteracted by the South. Vponwh.it question has the Constitution ever proved any i : t. ? * * uiuiiii in me wisih'.s oi inn people ot the I North ? If their views hail pievailed. what I now would hnve its limitations, with all its special grants construed away into a few gencral absorbing powers? Allen and sedition laws would have placed the Government above the animadversion of the people. 1 ?y protecting tariffs, and systems of internal improvements, the whole property of the country would have been under the control of one mighty, central agency, to be collected and disbursed as a sectional majority should require. All those chccks and balances, which the Mcllishncss of man renders neecssan to I freedom in Government, vmulrl luvn tmnn ?.? I nihilatcd?the Constitution virtually destroyed?and a siiiipic despotism crcctod in i!s stead. The South, 011 ncoeunt of her institutions of slavery, lias been the sentinel over I the Constitution: jiid if the experiment of written constitution* has succeeded amongst us, it has been to her fidelity in guarding the Constitution of the United States, that this success should he mainly ascribed. I5ut these arc speculative benefits, which, however correct, 1 am aware may be disputed or denied. Iil^f lis tlion turn f/% 4 Itiiu iv Viiin^." I imi I.^|)1I l .1 Ult: j the profit and I )ns Hccouilt with the Northern States, under the fifcal operation ofthe Union. Look to the protection given to the shipping interest, belonging almost exclusively to the North, a monopoly of the whole coasting trade, and heavy tonnage duties, by which prodigious advantages over the shippingof foroign nations are given for its cncouragemcnt. I will not rocur to the vexed question under the tariff, whether, producing three fourths of the exports of tho Union, the South does not pay three-fourths of tho revenue of the Government collectcd upon tho imports; but, supposing the different sections of the Union to pay tho rovenue equally, mark tho prodigious benefit resulting to tho Northern and Middle States by the system of indirect, instoad of direct, taxation. If th? latter system of taxation was adopted (unquestionably tho fairest, upon evory principle of justice,) overy citizen would have pay for the support of tho Government iii proportion to his proporty. Tho taxes would not tlion bo Inid and raised upon particular articles, by which thoy aro onhanocd in prioe to tho oonsumor, for tho benefit of tho domestic manufacturer; but the labor of all would be loft to find its natural occupation, ox posed to competition with the capital an^ labor of foreign nations. Wo i-eed uo propheoy to tell us that, under suoh circumstances, the manufacturers of the North would soon have to ccasc their vocation. Hut by the system of indirect taxation?laying duties upon our imports?iv home market is created for j the Northern manufacturer throughout the I nitcd States. Turn, also, to the expenditures of the (Jovernmcnt. For twenty years , prior to 18HG, there were four hundred and j twenty millions of revenue raised from the I people of the United States. Of this, one hundred and thirty millions were paid to our national debt, two hundred and ten millions expended in the Northern and Middle States, and but eighty millions in the Southern and Western Stales of the Union. The consequence of thy Union, in all its operations, has been, that the Northern and Middle States have advanced in wealth and power, unparalleled in the history of nations. The Union has been to them the greatest temporal blessing that (lod ever bestowed upon any people. Suppose them to be so drunk with fanaticism as to dissolve it?what would be their situation at home and abroad'/ The great carrying trade of the South would be lost. The great importing trade for the South would be lost. The chief market for their manufactures, and W'itll it tllO irrp'il. instninionf wStli ? ....v.. wield their commerce, our agricultural staples, would be. lost. They produce nothing that civilized European nations want. In commerce, in manufactures, in navigation, they would be their rivals. Their position, therefore, would be that of opposing interests?of obvious hostility to all those nations; and contention and war would be the natural relation which would spring up between them.? What, 011 the contrary, would be the situation i of the South, if the I'nion was dissolved 'i? | i"ciicc wmi iin tiio civilized nations of tlie | globe; for her agricultural productions are necessary for their manufacturing population, ] whilst their manufactures are necessary for our consumption. A bond of interest, more potent than armies or navies, would secure us 1 peaceful and friendly relations with every 1 civilized and powerful nation in the universe. Our agricultural productions now constitute the hot guarantee to the Union for peace with i foreign nations. The South would then, under the influence of free trade, buy cheapest and sell dearest. Hut I nause in this minfnl I t ( # ? r prospect. When the alternative is presented 1 to the North, of the dissolution of the Virion, or the suppression of all intervention in our domestic institutions, I cannot doubt her determination. 1 nterest, honor, al! the recollections >f the prist, all the prospects of the future, will j plead for the Union and the J-'outh. We have j never wronged them. If we have had power in the Confederacy, it has never been used in a spirit (if sectional selfishness, for the purpose of oppressing others, or advancing our own aggrandizement. Our policy, since the existence of the Union, has been simply defensive. We have insisted upon the Constitution as it is. i All the advantages which it fairly gives to the North, and they are immense, we have cheerfully accorded. To require more, and to insist upon the right of wantonly disturbing our peculiar institutions, is plainly equivalent to a demand that the I n ion shall be dissolved, upon them will be the responsibility of break.,r, ?i.? r..i?~f 1*1 * - ' ??.- ??./ inv> luw.-i ^luuuiii) liiuiiu ui miniy liku ! the genius of man has over invented, and I easting its shattered fragments upon the wide ocean of new and untried experiments. f have thus, fellow-citizens, endeavored to show you your true situation, and the remedy, which in n:y opinion, it requires. If am mistaken in the si.uns of the times, I shall mingle j my joy with yours, in finding my errors con- j niKieiii wmi your security mill peace. I>ut admitting that ( am not mistaken, and that it is expedient, that the Constitution should be amended?in what vrav shall wo best accomplish this end? That it is not easy to amend the Constitution, is obvious from the fact, tlu.t although the most violent differences and contentions concerning it have arisen since it went into operation, all efforts to amend it have hitherio failed. I do not think the separate action of the States will be sufficiently imposing and authoritative to accomplish this end. If the members of Congress from the Southern States would unite in recommending the amendments, they would probably be adopted ; for they would be considered as representing the detetmination of the South; but I have no hope of seeing union amongst them for such a purpose, i t is vain, of course, to look to Congress. The only efficient method of attaining this end, appears to mc to be by a meeting of the Southern States in convention. The voice of such a convention will be heard unci respected, and its rccomiucudutions adopted. Tho very fact of its assemblage would show that we arc united and determined upon this great subject; and this is all that is necessary to give us peace. We have only to will our protection, and it will he secured. But when will such a convention meet? Not until tho Presidential question shall be subordinated to this; and our local party differences shall be absorbed in the one great duty of self-preservation. Until then, "wait!" will bo the cry. " You will bo too rash and precipitate, and may endanger the Union. Stop until wo can all be united. So , long &K people merely petition, morel}' pray, what ocoaaion for alarm '( what need for ?c* i tion ? Wait until something is done; until OongreM acts(that is, I suppose, passes a ( bill to emancipate slaves). It is very difficult tn rAnnnoiln tfiia nnnnnil fnr /-lnlntr a*w1 tion, with the design of ever acting at all. A man who talks in this way may think that lie , will resist somo day or other, hut it will ever , flee before him, liko his shadow. Even, in ] his estimation, the laurel of the victor will hardly bloom for his brow. Who that knows | anj'thing of human affairs, but tnfl?t. h* ?<?*?.?!bio that the subject o * abolition may bo ap- , f>roached in a thousand ways without direct ( egislation ? By perpetual discussion, agitation, and threats, accompanicd with tho real , or imaginary power to perform, there w&J be j need of no other action than words, to anako j tho confidence of men in the safety and continunnco of tho institution of slavery, f.id its value and existence will bdWestroyed. These 1 are all tho weapons the Abolitionist doaires to ( bo allowed to use, to accomplish liis purpose. When Congress moves, it will be the Inst act in the drama; mid it will be prepared to en- I force its legislation. All regard to our rights I and tlie Constitution will then bo gone, and it Bl will boa question of mere naked, unprincipled I power. And we uie io wait until the issue is 8 .... ?~.l >. .< ' ' ' vnuo |in\Tiuvu, UVTIUIU >*U OUI'K 1*1 JHUll'Cl OUV selves. Why, even ihc last poor privilege of the Imlmn liiiiliiniti* of lighting our own fu- I ueral (ires, will then be denied us. i There is no one so weak hut lie must pre- 1 reive, that whilst the spirit of abolition in the I North is increasing, slavery in the South, in I all the frontiei Siau-s i* decreasing. Look at Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky?otieo pow- HH erful slave Slates. With the decline of tho I value of their great staple, tobacco, and tho I immencc demand for slave labor in the rich I cotton fields of the South, their slaves havo I i..r? i i * n-u, iinu arc leaving mcir soil. Jt is true, I that in these States, in common with the I rest of the South, the insolent pretctitions I Olid wicked interference of Abolitionists EN have amused a spirit of resistance, and set- | tied more deeply the dctc nination to main- I tain, as their undoubted right, the institution H of slavery, at cv3iy hazard. With them, | also, as with us, 1 understand, the question I of slavery, in its moral and religious aspects, I has been lately most carefully examined ; H and the result is, amongst the slaveholders, 'tot I least a thorough conviction, that the institu- I tion is sanctioned by Christianity and best H for the race over whom it prevails. But in- I terest may accomplish what neither, con- I science commands, nor power can exort; and, in a few 3'ears, these States may only nominally hold slaves. They may be lukewarm upon this subject. 1 Jut. it is for us?for us, whose climate and oil will permit no other laborer to cultivate our plants;?for us with whom it is a question not for expediency but H i)f existence, personal and national?sternly slid promptly to place this vital matter nt rest. Delay, not only physically but moral- H ly, will weaken every day our capacity to murcss ourscivcs. i no most delicate sensibilities will become dull by liabituul outrage. I The proude.?t spirit be broken by insult long tolerated. The high sense of national boiler ajjd oharactev, which is the strongest bulwark of a people's liberty, may become wast- I cd and lost under the influence of teazing agitation?vain, harassing contention?and insults and contumely continually endured; and that apathy to the public interest and I welfare which is a sure prelude to a nation's downfall, gradually steal over the public mind. Men will then be looking out for ohnnces, and bo filled with vain hopes and I fears. Instead of relying upon themselves, they will be leaning upon others, until the dread catastrophe comes, and sweeps them shrieking down the rapids. The path of I safety and honor is ever the same. To delav I demanding our rights, is generally to abandon them. The Southern .States arc destined to no common fate in the history of nations. They will be amongst the greatest and freest, or the most abject of nations. History presents no such combination for Republican liberty, as that which exists amongst them. The African for the laborer?th. Anglo-Saxon for the master and ruler. Roth races will be exalted and benefitted by the relation. We dare not be passive with the responsibilities which our situation involves. We must, we will awake?if not to glory, to infamy; if not for defence, for destruction most miserable; if not to triumph?to fall, to die, with the epitaph upon our graves (if graves we arc allowed,) written by the hand of philanthropy: "Hero lie the iner.nest, oppressors and cowards who ever polluted the earth with their blood." < , When two or more parties coalesce to beat another, they establish at least one point? that neither of them had any remaining hopo of succeeding separately. When all the odds and ends coalesce against Lincoln they confess that, but for their coalition, he would have beaten them. And when the Douglass men of the slave States bargain with the Dell Yuen of those States to "go snacks" in an effort to take those States away from Breckinridge, they admit that Breckinridge is stronger in those States than either Douglas or Bell.? For, mind you, they arc not conspiring there to beat Lincoln?who.vo strength in that quarter is not feared?but to run Dreckinridgo under. ?!.: - - 1!.! - .1 tv . j>y una coiilllion, 11IC l'OUglaS 111011 OOIltOSS that tlioy arc not the National Democracy.? In the Democratic State.-*, they combine with the anti-Democrats to boat what they thus confess to bo the regular Democratic party.? And they will fail even in thin. Its only result will bo to put Douglas in 1800 where Van Huron brought up in 1848. [iV. Y. Tribune. Hon. P. (). IIkiiueut, ex-Governor of Louisiana, writes to the Now Orleans Courier, quoting a passage of bis message to tho Legislature, in 1850, in which be claimed that disunion was inevitably approaching. Events, he thinks, have verified the opinion lie then advanced, lie concludes as follows : ? " The secession of the Southern delcgares ni * - wnuiiuaiuii linn ifitituiiurc, upon a prjfloinlo sti.vital to us, and tho final nomination1 of Messrs. lJreckinridgo and Lane upon Aie principle, prove tlmt tlio South lion At fast uonio to her senses, and openly deolarod her determination to ticccpt " the responsibilities forced upon her." For once, tlit issue is tnirly and properly made. Let us trust lhat all nre in earnest, and that tho matter will bo earned out. * I r. I iiniro a uu u?u of being blind to it?is right: there is, or loon will bo, " an irrepressible conflict."?-* i When the war of words is over, and things \ some to the worst, ?s most assuredly will happoo. let us hope that no ono will bo absent nrorn roll-call." "Wtrdom often comes to us too late in life :o be of much servico to us, There's no uso >f mustard after meat.