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r ' * * K- r- **- . A -. * ',*?-' & ^ < - 4dfi ?. .-, ?#-.>/? .,/ . e - v * - ' '"*??' ' -*,* r 1 $2 PER ANNUM. w:V",;V*?":TrV,u'V^?r^"?a^ ...c w.r- IN ADVANCE J . NEUTRAL IN POLITICS?DEVOTED TO LTERAUY, COMMERCIAL, AGRICULTURAL, SCIENTIFIC, GENERAL AND LOCAL INTELLIGENCE. _ . V PLUME IV LANCASTER. C. H? SOUTH CAROLINA. WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST <22, 1855 NUMBER 28 ADDRESS I licnn liberty, and lliat it is a patriotic du- I (I think cr*?ntpr.Y if t!.?>? >? ' ? ! ! * * * ' Of Hon. 7- S- Brook* to the People of \ the Fourth Congte?ionat District. 1 Felloit-Ciiixent: I have been induced to send you this Address in consequence of having received a number of letters from gentlemen in various parts of my District, in which they say that " many of your (my,) friends and supporters are anxious to learn your (my,) views of the Know-Nothing Order." Other gentlemen have written that " if the parly is not shortly checked, it will control Lexington Districtand that * many of yonr (my,l best friends have joined the j Order, and 'ire doing ail they can for its , nmmie inn " That 8 few impulsive spirits should have l>e?m led estray by the Native American feature of the Order, was to have been expected ; but Unit they should be *o numetou* us to foim a I'ariy, ar.d that party so strong in any part of South Carolina as to dream of " control" in very truth amazes me. 1 have upon this, as upon all political questions of the day, decided opinions, * which are regulated by fixed principles. Mv correspondents have, as has the humblest voter in my District, the right to know what those opinions are; and I would l*? unworthy of my position as your Representative in Congress, did I desire to dissemble or suppress (hem. Before I proceed to express my views, which nr.* in oppi?*ilioti to the Order, candor constrains ine to admit that M Americatiisnt n is a natural sentiment with our people. I deprecate myself the appointment of men of foreign birth to represent our country abroad, or to preside over our Colleges; and if all of the Slates would, hv common consent, withhold the elective franchise from immigrant* for ten years, the agreement would receive my entire approval. Uut because I approve, in a degree, of one tenet of a parly, it is no more unreasonable to ex|*ct me to adopt all of ita principles, than it would ^ be to require a man to eat all of everv k dish upon a bill of fare, because be fancied one. Yet this single festuro has caused ^ thousands to attach themselves to the Know-Nothing Order. without considering it* other feature*; anil Mill*, for one nwcet drop, they gulp down a whole gallon of bitter stuff. According to the Know X rthing doctrines, the birth-place of a man in a grave political consideration. In my judgment, the birth place of a |>olitic:?l principle i* infinitely morn'important; and to tbe Know-Nothing Order we will apply the Know-Nothing teat. Where <*?< it horn f In the State of New York. When ! Very shortly after tho parage of the Nel?ru?k-i and Kansas hill, which restored to the State* of the Soii'h their lost right of equality iu the coiuiiiou territory. What lias been tho effect at the North I To alefeat every Democrat who voted for this hill of justice to the South, and to put in lii* place an Abolition Know-Nothing, who stand* pledged to repeal the bill, and to give hi* vote and influence to the enactment of othemof greater injustice and injury than the Act kuowii as the Mi*aouri Compromise. I might here appropiiately comment upon tho impolicy and ingratitude of countenancing the enemies of our friend*, but tlii* it sufficiently obvious. 1'orwil me, however, to direct your attention for an-instant, to the tergivesation* of the Know-Nothings, who, at the North, jare out-and-out Free Boiler*, and everywhere aro opposed to the repeal of the \f(Mntlri PjimnvontluA ai. la eltrttsm Ltr llio fact, among other*, tlint every Southern man but one, (Mr. Millsnn. of Virginia, who rot d against the bill for the opposite reason that it ?ra<* not strong enough for the South,) who voted against the bill, is now.* member of the Know-Nothing Order. At the National Free-Soil Con mention held in Pittsburg, in 1862, and which nominated the Know Nothing AIh>Ktionist, J no. P. Uale,for the Presidency, H 44 Rt*>lo*As That the doctrine that ssr Notts a law is a duality, and not subject to modification or repeal, is not in accordance with the creed of the founder* of our government, ami t* dangerous to the liberties of our people." This resolution had reference to the "Compromise Meeauree of 1861, which Ami FnefWIen desired to repeal. They eoouted (he 4dc* that those measwrea were a u finality," and contamled that tbev 0 could and should be mndtted or repodod, like any other law of Congrewt. Tbe r Missouri Compromise was no more a "fl Tiality," than the Compromise of 1861. Yet the Free Bail Know-Nothing* now r* " " Aim to iUn<) fo the ponitMn Ink m by the 6 iNttAhwrf Convention, end rtpadinte their * wwtt ereed simI fckufy their own ?|*clem- N hjr emerting *hai ihe M'tMouri Com- T protnino ?m en irrepenUhle conjpnct. ' Again : By the ut-ne Convention, it | * fiwlprd, That r.MtOAAjrre and Bit- j ilkb from the Otd World, ritonld find a : < onpt At wbi.com* to hem n of comfort end tei?U of enterprise in the New ; ami every attempt t.? *bridge their privilege* 1 ^rf horoeemg citixeM *e?i owner* of tli? j * nail among w*. ought to he reeUted with ' infhubU determination.* r N90 the Know-Nothing maintain* ? tfc* lb? M|tw b dengero*. to ftapnb- i r v. ? ^ y to exclude him from every right i iritilege of an American cilixeu. W ian produced so extraordinary and ra i change of social and -political soi ncnt f If I was in conversation, at this poir vould be told that my remarks do ipply to the Southern division of i Jrder, because of the split at Pliila* >hia, which was solely on account lavcry, and when the Order ceased to t national organization. And this wo >e a mistake. The Order is still a i ional organization, as the next electior i President will developc; when {now-Nothing South and the Km Nothing North will vote for the sa nan?particularly if the election is thro nto the lower House of Congress, wb he temptations of office would Ik? tn I flicult to resist. The Order is still a ional organization, for its members Is STorlb and South concur upon alt |ioi ?f their creed as originally framed, i liflfer only upon the incidental question ilavurv. Their hatred of foreigner v Catholic, is equally intense, and my nnrks do apply, for the President, mtnigranl and the Catholic have tnu 'cry much, to do with slavery?a qt ion which, bemuse of its being of tlhers the most vital to us, (insepura liter woven as it is with the political, co uereial, and social prosperity and Iia|> less of the people of the South,) and icing the touch-stone which is applied very political issue by the peopte of iforth, is, after all, the sum and substm if American politics. The Know-No ng Order is either national, or it is iin cut. It proposes to extend the pro ionary term of naturalization, fbv wh is meuilter* mean to withhold tin- rij o veto, fur tlicir complaint in only of ilical evils.) l*? twrutv-viie yeiin, ami li?<pialify both (J*I holies ami man of I lign birth, forever for office. No onej end* lit at this can bcjegallv done bul wo way*?by the action of Congress ?y tins jhiojiIo of tl?e separate St.* Should the Order have tho requisite t ority to effect their purposes in ett wav, then surely it is as national (I his word for convenience,) at any pa :?ii tiecoiue. I hold that neither plan can be exo< hI. Not by the States, each acting ts sovereign character: for if all States, save one, were to adopt tho prii ilea of the party, that State would ^unstrained, by the moat cogent of > on*, to refuse to a*lopt them. T!i essotia are to be found in the value spallation, and in the |a>litical pnwei lumbers. The younger of the West Mates wonM lake up the sword bel hey would submit to have their gro\ ind political power chucked by a restra ijmhi immigration. They want the signer to fell their forests and to swell iUtnlier of their representatives. If c -y State iu the Union were to proh mmigration bul Wi-*cousin, the etl would l?e to make her, in a very sli iine, the Empire State. Wisconsin, w he population of New Vork, would In he same political power, and the two, 'omhining witli Pennsylvania, or 01 mild and would rule ihe Oovernmi t'ou surely have not forgotten the Alia egeney. It is true that the Con*titul ?f the United Slates read* that l ' Rules of Naturalisation shall lie unifo u all llie Statesbut it is clear that mlilical right to vote was not herein c eiuplnted; but that reference was li o the right of property ; for wo kn hat the laws of the several States lot uniform on the subject of voting. STew York and South Carolina, a forcij >r is re?iuired to wait five }ears, after luring his intention to become a citix adore he is admitted to the full fruit if all the rights of citizenship. In Mi< pin and Illinois, but six months are piired ; while in the Territories of K as and Nebratka, actual residence i lualify every white male adult to vote lie first elm-Lion. Hut ilia Pmlprul (\ titution hUo declare* that "* the cilia ?l each State shall be entitled to all i rivilegra and immunities of citizen* lie several States." No* if one of th lew fledged citizens of Michigan wax o?n? into the Fourth CongneMonal 1 rid, and in compliance with your St JonetitiHtou, remain two year*, could y mder either Constitution, refuse him i ilective fraiichiite f You could not, un' 'our owu Constitution ha I been previa I' altered?a mode of procedure wh i* Know-Nothing* seem sedulous^ echew. And yet that inan n??v In cen within the limit* of the United Sta Hit iittle more than half the lime reqj ?d hy our State law to invest him w he political right* of a citizen of Soi Jarolin*. The effect of citizenship is emove alienage; and when a man of ecomes a citizen of a sovereign Stall hi* Unicn, hi* right h a* perfect, un he Federal Constitution. toto all milegee *wl immumtiee of cttiwiM he several 8utee^ae though It a bud tx torn on the aoft. I bare assumed, And it sewn* to tpott tenable grounds, that the Wert lutes will never consent to a further AAsint upon (mmigrHttoe ; and it hi < lent that the # He ?bkb the Know-No Rip BeOriUo |? ?fwT?dssft) of fomigt tad to ?|i9i4irii%ilfe,tHlihi ?sgn W " "'*/ ' i ^ f+ 11 * H ? - r y j -- ?.?v^ ?IV WU^IU^aiVtl | II iii oue or h few Stales, as if diffused wl through all the plates. Nor could the tin j>id Know Nothing Order legally disqualify ca liti- tlie Catholic foreigner, who had been le lb gaily naturalized in a different State, from In ,t | voting for or holding of Federal office, if th not chose to remove irto this Stale, and ri? l|,e ' had complied with the requisitions of the dc |v|. law as it now statids, because of another to of provision of the Federal Constitution, m lie which enjoins that "no religious test shall th uld ever be required ns a qualiiication to any tli ?R. office or public trust under the United ev i of ^ at?.s 1 of I ho I'his plan, then, is utterly insufficient for of )w- the purposes of the Know-Nolhings; and rn nU. the other?by the action of Congress? te wo strikes me as even less cllcclual, as I shall en ere next proceed to show. The remedy by re or,. Congr?*s implies the right of Congress to tal iia- determine who is, and who is not, a eili h* 5tli ?en qt a State. That Congress, with the qi nl* consent of three fourths of the Slates, al ind may expunge the clause of the Constitu- lit ! 0f ti< ii which refers to religious faith, or to in m,| the privileges of the citizens of the Stales, In r0. is admitted. Hut has Congress'the light la tHe now, or will they ever have the right, to oj eh, giant or refuse the privilege of voting to he im- tlie citizens of a sovereign State I If they ot H|| have, then the days of litieriy, and tho cii hiv happiness of the |?eople of the Southern th in- States, are few and bitter. Will the wl Know-Nothings admit? will they dare to gr I of establish this piinciple ? And if they do, | to how long will it l>e before an abolition of the majority, in pursuance of the precedent, ?|, lice will declare that your negro slave is a f,r ?L fititAn mt<l ** !! .?i.:?. ?- ?* ...... ..... umiuuiuo nun iu unc ai ^|, po- your elections f Aud wlml then Wxiies Mc l,;l. of our favorite doctrines of Slate Rights 0|' iclt ?*nd Srato Sovereignty I Mv conviction w ;ht i*, that the right to vote in derivable from M, p<i the-sovereign power of the Stale, anil V4j | t(, that the contusion of llie r?^lit to Cmi j(l for- g'C** is fatal to Southern liberty. Con- p, ,ru. gre** tnay prohibit foreigner* from enter- lH L in '*'J 'he territory of the United State*, for \j , or it is their peculiar province to regulate tea. ?ttr foreign intercourse; but when a for t|| na- eignci is ouee located in u Stale, with a j,( Jier view to remain, whatever of political ^ u*c privilege he is to enjoy, must Ixj derived fly from the sovereign |?o*ver ot that Stale. /u For the sake of argument, let us sup- K Hit- l?'So that Congress had this jKjwer, and *c r in that at the next session they should pass w llu a law withholding all political rights in vt nei- future from men of foreign birth ; w hat t,| U- would lie its effect f An intelligent and hi ea- accomplished gentleman, like J no. Mitciiel, ot end (who has embalmed himself in mv atVeu i of lions by sighing for a platitalii n and tie u( r of grot* in Alahama.) would indeed avoid a CJ era coun'.ry \ hich denied him the most valu _ rore oil ami yet the most ordinary right of a U( ivth free citizen ; but how would it l?e with y, lint the ;ax>r aud the famished, who come to j? for- our shores for bread I with the resiles* s;( the and intractable I or with the criminal and V( ,ve- fugitive, who swell the tide of immigra vN ibii lion f What care they for |M>litical privi ;u feet leges or rights, whose European heritage p( lorl is ignorance of ci'Uer ! The operation of ^ rit)i itch a law would bo to exclude all iliu ,ve intellig' nl and good of every cliinc, and by to 'cave tbe door wide ojien to the vicious .M iio, and debated. Iu nt. Tbe Order has gono too far, or not far p< tny enough. Too far in provoking the hos- hi ion tilitv of the immigrant population, with- tli die out achieving an equivalent benefit; and K >rm not far enough for their purjioses, which cc the can only he attained by the absolute pro- er on- hibilion of imiiiigration. A feehlo blow at iad recoils an J brings injury with it return ; ot ow ? vigorous one may demolish or correct di are In common with many of my fellow-cili- w In zens, I experience some discontent l>ecaus? m gn- of the influence and impudence exerted cr do- and displayed by a few uieii who have te en, become Americans by a sort of hot liottse cli ion process ; yet I will not disguise my Miff I ?a hi- that we of the South have but little in- gr re- terest or concern in the tingle issue of m an- Native Amerieanum. lit The institution of negro slavery pro* tu at (ects us from the evils attributed to the Fi f,n" foreign population. The State* of the an l'us North, by manumission?by incessant and o* the hypocritical cant about the horror* and iui !n degradation of slavery?by their greater us wealth, which they have filched from the }? pockets of Southern planters by means of lit protective tariffs?-hy their inordinate de- en sire for the political t ower of numliers, by ou? and which has caused them lo hold out N< inducements of employment ami herito- ha fore higlrer wages?have succeeded in di- *b us verting the tide of iinmigrnlion from the pi Ufefcfcve to the free negro States. They are ju, 9 reaping the fruits of the seed sown I lie * 9^ themselves; and that It is bitter fruit, w., i(?t occasions me no manner of Jistrees. Oor wi ,,r* potiey is to view this Kilkenny cat tight i*, itli j in serene silence ami composed equaninti- kri *th iy. if we don't interfere, we ar* sure to to \ to lifl I'g illA Gtiuwl ttfi'I ssf frve^L-w -*?? * - 1 ?- m-? wi <Hi m nce ?nd if the belligerent* eat each ot'.rr up, c? ? ?* why, I don't know then thnt we ritouM to (1?r *>fu?e to be comforted. ? t|, I here Mid that the Provident, tlie iin to migrant, end 'he Catholic, bed much to 'if " do with the slavery heue. Many of you va wlit) have pawed the meridian of life, he m* will live to vee the tlay when tlie aboli- CI Bfn tioui?t W held off from trie prey only by da * the veto of a Provident. The connection in of Uie foreigner U not mi percepdhlo or *( *h- aveMfte; yet he Indirectly exevta *ato- to er"i tary influence upon it with the ooee*rva- m w*t, live fOrtfos of th? Northern people.' fin I . tw I r - " it*re is in every society, save tliat in nicli the institution of slavery obtains a itural and unavoidable contest between pita! and labor; or, which is virtually e same, between property and persons, the States where there are 110 slaves, is natural struggle developes itself in >ls, iio'*.-6 burnings, blood-shed and inurir. The influx of foreigners, (estimated be nnmiidly about a half million, the ost of whom are laborers,) aggravates is contest to such a degree that upon e immigrant, is erroneously charged ils which are natural to their condition society. At the North, the low prict labor, (whieh is incident to every com ercial pressure?which piessures at in rvals of about ten years, pervade oui urtj country, uecauseoi nn liiuaieu curncy, provoking wild speculation,) is by Ise philosophy attributed solely to the ivy foreign population, and tlie conscience is, that collisions and riots are ol most daily occurrence ; which endangei e and property. Now, while they art turmoil, strife and confhaion, we art ing in quietude and peace. These els must have an influence upon public anion ; for their thinking muii will not i long at fault in discovering the cause this difference of condition to be the nservutistn of negro slavery, nor ?-will eir capitalists be long ill detcimining here to make their investments with llit vatest security. You will readily appreciate the v due li e conuccliou of the Catholic with ivcry, when I recall to your reuiciuauce the very striking historical fuel at every slave Stale which has been hied to the Confederacy, and formed oui leriitory acquired since the involution, us originally Catholic territory. Louisiih, Aikatisas and Missouri, were acquirI from Catholic France; Florida was irehased from Catholic Spain; rfud iXa* was stolen, through the iustrumenlity of Sam Houston, from Catholn exico. If ail these Stales are not no* utholic in religion,4 it only shows thai >e sect is not so dangerous as it is re resented. At the projier time, and ii e proper way of getting it, we of tin jiilh will want, and must have, and toiL ur, Cuba. Now, if the doclriues of lh? now Nothings prevail, si.e herself woulc om ail alliance, the considerations o hicli would he Iliu exchange of the mosl tillable territory of its size in the iiahita e world on the one hand, for luiserablt id contemptible rear-vassalage on tin her. When wo reflect upon tho character o ir Government?observe its couliuuouj tpansiun in the cold regions of tlie Nortl -remember that the admission of every jw Stale adds instantly two votes in tin mate and one in the House to the ma riiy already against us?when we con Jer the fact that natural laws will pre lit the expunsiou of our institution1, cry where throughout our domain, savt Texas and m Kansas, and that tin errilories of Oregon, Washington, Ne aaka, Utah and Minnesota, are rapidly rowing into States, the ultimate acq.iisi ?u of Cuba is presented to us as an im rrative political necessity. Cuba would >t ailogetlier restore and perpetuate tin )!itical power between t..e two sections it I desire to direct your alteiilion u ii.t point: that if the principles of tin now-Nothiiig Order prevail, it then ho unes absolutely iin|H>saible tba? th< |tiilibriuni can ever be restore*! ; for w* id our institutions can expand but ir >0 direction, arid that is i.i the Calholi< rcetion. Are the poople of the Soutli illing to live forever at the mercy of r ajority which is daily and hourly in easing in strength and fanaticism i Hutr, far better, would it be for lis and oui lildren, to give to every Catholic upor rlh, a homestead, and stock it with ue oes, at our own expense. In 44 ( lough ail's phrase*," the Northern fanatic hat long end of the s.ngto tree, and if w< rn our backs upon the Catholic, the ee-Soiler will keep it forever. With nple power in his hand, and lawless fa iliciam in his heart, what injustice, what mil, what injury, will lie not inilict upon ? I hare never vet seen a Catholic Abo ionist, and of the th ee thousand preachi of religion who insulted the Senate ' an impertinent protest against the t'hraska bill, not one was a Catholic. 1 ive never read or heard of an anti iverv sermon written by a Catholic iest in America, and it is my deliberate ilginent that Northern hostility toCathoisin la hostility to slavery. I have ob* rved that tbe Know-Nothing presses ask, t)> much earnestness and apparent puree. 44 if toy Catholic priest was evei lown to take the oath of allegiance, or rote, in America f' Admitting that y lr*ve not, I can see no gieat aignifinee in the faet. Naturalisation would nfer upon tliein but two rights which ev do not uoasc?e without it?the rii/bi fiokl and* devise real estate, and ilia (hi to vole?neither of which does h? lu*. His Church provides him with a uric, which ia the piopBfty of tb? mrch, am) supplies all hi? wants ebonntly. Hi* Church la his estate; and view of bis celibacy, any other vet Ms Ktld he aw encumbrance. In hi* refusal vote, hw it supported by the habit ol any Protestant clergymen, who ttni imly dedioe the bwllwVtas Attp i* up ' " ? 1?? I i prehension that even this Might onnec. tion with party polities may impair their influence in w the care of souls." The Protestant or Catholic minister who re. fuses to vote, hut conforms to the spirit of , our State Constitution, w! ich disqualifies i them both for political office, because I they are, " by their profession, dedicated I to the service of God." i I leave the religious faith of the Catho > lie to his Maker and himself. Wisdom i and her twin, humility, suggest that, while 1 we avoid his faults, we should imitate his i virtues, and not be thanking God at the > market that " we are not as other men are." James Palmes, a Catalonian priest, high in authority with his Church, and " an emancipationist, when defending his sect, before the Abolition jury of Europe, ' against the charge preferred by M. Gui> sot, that the Catholic Church had con sented to the continuance of slavery, gave f utterance to the following language: " In a colony where black slaves ' abound, who would venture to set them ' at liberty all at once? Their intellectual ' and mora! condition rendered them in: pap ?hle of turning such an advantage to their own benefit and that of society; in ! their debasement, urged 011 by their ha ' tred, and the desire of vengance, which ' ill-treatment had excited in their minds, ' they would have repeats!, 011 a large 1 scale, the bloody scenes with which they had already, in former times, stained the 1 pages ol history. And what then would i have happened I Society, thus endanger ed, would hafce been put on its guard . against principles favoring I'berty ; heneei forth it would have regarded tlicm with I prejudice and suspicion, and the chains of i servitude, instead of being loosened, would have been the more (irmly riveled. Out of tbis immense mass of rude, savage > men, set at liberty without preparation, I it was impossible for social organization to ' arise, for social organization is not the J creation of a moment, t?|?ecia!ly with i such elements as these ; and in this case, t since it would have been necessary to choose between slavery and tho annihilai lion of social order, the instinct of preJ servation, w Inch animates society as well I as all being.?, would undv ubtedly have s brought about a continuation of slavery I where it stiil existed, and its re establishf ment where it had been destroyed. Hap L pilv, the Catholic Church was wiser than philosophers; she knew how to confer i upon humanity the benefit of emancipaJ tion without injustice or revolution. She knew how to regenerate society, hut nut f by rivers of bl?>od." i Let it bo borne in mind that these rei marks were made in rcfercuce to white r slaves captured in war?to slavery as it ) existed at the time when the master had the right of life and death over his slave, which light was exercised by Quiutus Fiainiuius, who slew his slavo in the i midst of a festival; when Vedius Pollio ) threw one of his to the fishes, because he j broke a tumbler; when the Spartans in a stampede assembled all of theirs, at the ' temple of Jupiter, and put litem to death ; - when, at Rome, should a master he as snssinuted, every slave that lie had, the I innocent and the guilty, had to die, at > when Pedonins Socundus was killed, four ; hundred of his slaves were executed. > Let it be remembered also that the ini flueuces of benign religion were tho instruments to 4i regenerate society," to ) which Palmes referred, ami not to ruths less assaults upon a sacred constitutional I compact. How mild and liberal the sen: tiiaents of Ibis dangerous (!) Catholic i upon an institution which, as it then ext istcd, was a crime and a curse, compared with tlu>so of the Altolitionists Sumner and Giddings, and the Know-Nolhings r Hale and Wilson, upon an institution uni condemned by Christ, and a blessing to the negro ? Put the political relations which the 1 Catholic does or may hear to tho people 5 I have the honor to represent, it has be1 come my duty to discuss. And if in this 1 land, famed for the plentitude of its civil lil>erty and libertv of conscience, a chris > tinn denomination U to be disfranchised 1 and persecuted, by nn irresponsible and inquisitorial secret organization, what security, let me asic, has the next wenk'-st denomination that the same fate is not ? held in reserve for it ? and so to progros*, i until the contest is narrowed down to the [ two largest denominations, when, in the struggle f<>r supremacy, charity and fori giveness shall give place to violence and i wrath, ami the religion of our Saviour to the scourge of the sworJ ? when some - devout chronicler of the pious deed* of , one of these moat christian armies, in a dozological parody, might sing, at the close of some eventful battle? " How Ood be praised! the day U ours: Lutheran baa turned bis reign }.' Methodist has cried for quart* r; the Kptseope| lien is slain; ) . And as we looked on them, we thought of Seine's enporpled flood, And good Ooiigny's boery hair ail dabbled in Ids blood: > And then we thought on sen^rcaer, and all l along our van, ' Remember 8t Bartholomew,' was paaed frean man to mas.* I And in remembering tbo atrocities of i aonw aecono W, BiinimloTlWw mnwmrrc, I may not men, transported by the frenrol f MWnnit of diaUvrijptfvd muni*, forget that it U written, "Vengeance it mine, aaith ihtUrir * Hibfa r {*>. ?* < > ' ** - ?. * ? . .r- * liear with me a little time upon the secret feature of this new Order?a feature [i which they prof?-r.s to have ahandoned. u That it was originally a secret organiza- r lion, no one can truthfully deny. Now, c in the name of all that is sincere, what y more does any man kno.v of the Order I at this moment than he did before the veil of secrecy was removed ? Like all ' show-men, they pull down the canvass f alter the monkeys have been seen. It is < the first aslicle of faith in our republican > creed that all political power is derived t from the people. A majority of the peo i pie of a State are the State, for they con i trol its political acti n. If the designs of t the Know-Nothings are virtuous and po- t liticaliy orthodox, what occasion is there I for, or propriety in, secrecy in those States t where the party is in the ascendant? t Why should a State keep a secret from I itself? If the party is in a minority,and s endeavors, by secret combinations, to de- S feat the will of the majority, their efforts 1 must work a corruption of public morals, I and are logically anti-republican and fac- t limn to ooo... ..vtw. * uunvnj 10 vo^villhll VV 111*3 JM1IIIV V of a representative government, and ar- < cana imjH-rii are the attiibutes of des- t potisiu. i I have so far, treated this subject as a < national organization, and 1 repeat that | it is such, or it is helpless to accomplish I what it has undertaken. I have no faith i in the success of their plans, nor do I be- I lieve that the Order will continue to exist f after the next Presidential election. The J repeated thrusts which their organs make t at the present Administration, (the very j best for tho South thus far, since that of ? Washington,) and the Democratic party, I (the most Constitutional party wo have ever had.) satisfy ir.c that its cohesive at- I traction is office, and that they are not ? insensible to its emoluments ami spoils, t Again, the fact that not a single Demo- 1 crat in position. North or South, unless 1 he is an Abolitionist, is connected with ' the Order, speaks volumes in support of < this opinion. 4 Was I here to conclude, you would be 1 warranted in supposing that 1 regard tbe I Know Nothing movement as a humbug, < which can do us no good or harm. Ex- I cept in its calamitous consequences of pro- t ilucing division among the people df the i South, I do so regard if. But in that as- 1 peot it is formidable in the extreme. We of the South have no politics but tbe negro; and upon this question the language of the glorious old Troup should be the language of tbe South?'"The argument is exhausted, we will stand to our arms."? There can in future exist hut two great partes in tho Union?the Pro-slavery and tho Anti-slavoly parties. All others will be ephemeral. If we are united wo are ?afe; if we split up into subdivisions, on any question, wo are undone. Party divisions have heretofore been our curse, and now, for the first time in half a Century, when there was a bright prospect of unanimity; when the pleadings were nmde up and issue joined between the North and the South on the only question which can dissolve the Government?the great question whether the Slave States are as equals, to remain in the Union, or j as equals, to destroy it; this hybrid of Wbiggerv and Abolition interposes to cast us, and squeaks out, in plaintive notes, that ''the Union is the paramount political good." This sentiment will surprise no man, when ho is informed that Mr. llartlett, of Kentucky, the President of the Southern branch of tho Order, avowed his hostility to the Nebraska bill, (which simply restored to the South Iter lost rights in the common territory.) as nlso did Mr. Pilcher of the same State, Mr. n _ * or* ?? ? i>ro?vn oi lennessee, Mr. ltougtiton. and Mr. Kenneth Rnyncr of North Carolina? tho latter of whom denounced the hill as "an outrage upon the North." Will you trust your d stinies in the hand* of these men, who are the heads and leading spirits of the Order, even in the Slnveholding South! The very circumstance of the Order having taken root for a time at he South will do ua injury at th > North. Our friends who, like Touccy and tho younger L>odge, have fallen before if, for no other cause than that they were true to the Constitution, and therefore true to the South, will ! ? mortified and discouraged, when they find Southern men affiliating w th their enemies. But worse than this, every Know nothing victory at the South ( will be claimed at the North as an Alan | lition victory. The Abolition teachers tell , the people of the North thnt there is a ( strong anti-slavery feeling ?t tho South ( with the poorer white population, and say it is because tltyj are jealous of die comp -tion of the negro. They then reason in ' this w?y: " Ymi know whni Knot* nothixm it here; Knott nnthinr/itm it the aamt ! everywhere.'' And tliue men are converted imo active partisans against an inrtitntiou which, if they Mieved was universal- 1 ly approved and universally sustained by ! those who had better opportunities of witnessing its practical operation than them selves, would at least be quiet. The only argument of Know nothings 1 South which addresses itrelf with much ' force to the Southern mind is, that the immigrant population ootbe to oar eoadtry' j prejudiced against the Institution of slavery; that 1hev hasten the settlement and ' admission of New States, and thus increase ] I the political j>owcr of the Frowmil and l! ! AMtou f?rlf I, ft. IUK?.) j It is but just utrl fair to .".droit ibattho uejndicos of the Kuropcan immigrant are [enerally averse to slavery; but there is a eply to this specious fuguinent which ounterbalnticea its force, and invites as jrave consideration as any aspect in which liave been able to present the question. 1 think I have shown that the Know N'othing organization, even if it cou'.d efeet an extension of the probationary peri>?l now required before naturalization, would not prevent immigration. The tide would continue to flow into the free States, where the Abolition party is now predominant. In whatever State ninety-two liousand of these emigrants may locate, o that State will be secured an additional Representative in Congress. Observe the bird clause of the second section, first nr icle of the Constitution, which is as fob ows: "Representatives and direct taxes iball be apportioned among the several states which may be included within iliis Jnion according to their rw;jcr/iW ntimwrs, which shall be determined by adding o the whole number of free persous, in:luding those hound to service for a term >? years, and excluding Indians not taxed, hree-fiflhs of all other persons." The imnigrant being ineligible to office, could rive us neither benefit or aid. let his svm Datliy be ever so strongly with us or in bclalf of our institutions. Having no voico n the elections, tliey would Iks represented >y a native Abolitionists; and thus the remit will be to augment the power of a >arty which is deadly hostile to us, and o make that power more availably dangerous by concentrating it into the hands fa few of their abkst, aud therefore most brmidable men. I have addressed you earnestly, and I icpe convincingly. I regret that somo >f my friends have departed from the (run state Kiuhts Democratic faith, but J will >e mortified if they continue in error. I enow they are sincere, but 1 believe tbcv ire deluded. I believe that many of tho *>rder are patriotic, but I know that the Order itself is dangerous ; and T also know thst its characteristics have heretofore been intolerance of opinion as well as of religion. As I believe, so have I written; and if (as it may be that) I too a it to fall before this modern inquisition, which no man knows when or where he encounters, I shall have the satisfactiou to feel better contented in retirement, with my principles, than to be re-eleeted for life as the representative of the Know Nothing Order. Respectfully your obedient servant, 1>. S. B HOOKS. Leasidf., Aug. 2, 1855. Letter from Hon. W. W. Boyce on Know Nothmgism. Wixnsbouo, July, 1855 Dear Sir : It is apparent to tho most casual observer that liie South lias, most unexpectedly, becomo violently distracted , upon issues, which few, if any of us, a year ago could have anticipated. Your course as a public Representative, lias, I know, enlisted tho entire confidence of your constituents, both by the soundness of your views, and the integrity of your devotion to Southern interests.? Your opinions, if generally known would challenge consideration; and might open tho eyes of all to tho true point, whence d inger is tliroatning us I have therefore taken the liberty of soliciting an expression of thein, on the claims of the Party introducing these untimely issues, to the sympathy aud support of the South. I am most respectfully, Yours, Sic. F. (i AIM. AUD. Hon. W. W. lioyce. ? Foxrti Kloiia, Fairfield Dial., S. C., ) August 3<1, 1855. \ Dear Sir: 1 proceed to give you my view* upon the Know N Jthing Party.? This party rests on two ideas, opositiou to foreigner*, and to Catholic* ; and it* maoi inery is secret. There is no doubt but that the vast accession to the population of the North by foreign immigration is injurious to the South, it strengthens the North, and cdttleqnentl. weakens the South* ft is not our po'icy to encourage this immigration, on the contrary it is our policy to discourage it. lint the mode of doing this is is iuestiou, the remedy may be worse than o di e.we. and in ibis light 1 consider the Know Nothing Parly. Its Northern wing is anti-slavery, and ?c cannot, without au infatuation bordering on rondnes*, oalesce with ft. The Southern Know Nothings,howover, lo not stopnt hostility to foreigner# at the North, they extend opj?o#ition to foreigners *t the South, I entirely differ from them * n (hie regard : I think our policy is lo harmonise every clase at the 9euh, so lhat the South may lw a unit. Tbffctsign element at the South is a mare trifle, lea* than two per cent of ibe eutlre population ; se far from proscribing them. I would ex fend to tfitm every aympnthy, I >r they arc a merilorioiM rites of our jitixeot, and ?H n mast true to their section. At regard the C Imkolioa, 1 do not see * ihnt we hn\ t<? fear * ' 3 At** " . * * vt