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Cnnimttiiirntinns. [For the Ledger. Mr. Editor:?In a lato number of tlic Lancaster Ledger, I observed a call from "Many Voters" of the District, upon tire soveral candidates for a scat in the next Legislature, to submit to the people, through its columns, their distinctive views in relation to the following subjects: to wit, the approaching Presidential election, the 13ank of tho State, and the Free School system as it now operates in this Wlillf# Those, fellow citizens, are subjects in themselves of the most commanding im? portanco. and I fully concur with those of you, who have thus manifested, an interest in them, in believing you can never attach too much importance to them. Indeed, the first step towards misrule and the abuse of power in all governments, originates in the neglect of the people, consequent to a blind attachment to the Constitution, and a willingness on their part, to suffer the evils of corrupt administrations as long as they are sutferahle, rather than, in a restive spirit, which prompts them to l ight themselves l>v an opposition to the government, which might threaten and endanger its overthrow. Delighted with the idea of having a wise constitution, the people (particularly in a Republic) arc too apt to lose sight of the manner in which it is sought to be administered and enforced* And it is certainly a sense of just pride to me, to know that the circumstances which induce mo to offer the following brief exposition of my views upon those subjects, furnish no low evidence of the intelligence and virtue of our people. I have always been a firm believer in the general good sense and virtue of communities and States (in a country like ours, where the freedom of speech and the liberty of the press are allowed) as furnishing the only enduring and solid foundation for the daily increasing superstructure of a free government. And I am persuaded that so long as we are permitted to en joy these capital advantages of a free people, but little danger need be apprehended to the permanency of our institutions, hv acknowledging the right of in- 1 struction. The doctrine of instruction, with- 1 in the limits and restrictions of the Con- 1 stitution, has always been as clear to my 1 mind as light itself. To my understanding, the term Representative as clearly 1 implies its existence and force, as does the 1 term agent, the existence of principal, or subject the existence of mafristrnfe. o "" Entertaining these views as to the right of the people to instruct their representatives, the new relations which I am seeking to aasumc towards you, render it necessary that I should satisfy you as to my jK)litieal views and sentiments. This I shall always be glad to do, not only upon 1 the subjects on which you now ask my ' opinions, but also upon any other in which you may manifest an equal interest. The first in order, then?for I shall take them as they come?is the subject of the approaching Presidential election. The present method of electing Electors in this State, renders this a subject of peculiar concern to you, in electing Itepresenlatives < to your State Legislature. In most if not * all of the other States in tho Union, tlio Presidential Election, involving as it does, ' questions of great national importance, is . kept separate from the state government, J in giving the election of electors to tho people. In this respect, the other States nave unuouoieaiy nctea more in accord- | ance with the true meaning and spirit r onr Federal Constitution. According to 8 our system of government, the States are 1 free to legislate for themselves, within tho restrictions of tho federal constitution? ' local legislation is kept separate from fedc- ' ral legislation ; and the two should never ' become so mixed as to destroy the identity * of the States or impair in any degree their ^ rights aud privileges as such. State government is one thing, Federal government is another, and this distinction should not ho lost sight of, because it is indispensable to a correct understanding of the relative rights of the States. To my mind, this is an objection to our mode of electing Electors; it forces upon tho people the consideration of a national juestion (the Presidential Election) in electing representatives to serve them in their local Legislature. Besides this objection to electing electors by the Legislature, there is still another of no small weight', the' unnecessary expense to which the State is now every four years subject, ^ in order to cast her vote. Before the State can vote, the Governor of the State ( must call an extra session of the Legislature, in order to elect electors who shall cast the vote of the State. This costs the ! State no trilling amount Could not the money thus spent evory foui' years, be more beneficially expended ? I ain no : i l ..? t >Lut :* ij H7. ..U 1 iiiiiuvviurt ui?v 1 i*iiink it uuuiu. n uuiu il not be better to apply the sum thus thrown away to the education of the poor, ' and give the election of electors to the 4 people? ! lliese, fellow-citizens, are questions < which more properly belong to you, and i with you I ah&U leave them, and proceed 1 at onoe to the consideration of the main I question before ^ me, namely, the pending < Presidential election. If I could regard your call as simply in- ' tended to ascertain from me which of the < candidates I would sirppoit, in the event I should bo honored with a scat in the next Legislature, I might respond in a word, that T would support General Pierce. But I do not so regard it; and in expressing my preference for Gen. Pierce, the Democratic nominee, I shall give you very briefly my reasons why I would support him in preference to Gen. Scott, the nominee of tho Whig party. I regret extremely that the country could not have been presented with a man in whom the South could have reposed greater confidence, reasonably and consistently with Southern principles, than she possibly can in Gon.Piercc. Avowing tho principles which wo do in uus fttate; .lul knowing that both "Whigs and Democrat* at tlic North are opposed, bitterly opjMwed to onr institutions, can we reasonably look with that hope, which inspires conficnccd to any Northern man f I think not. Nay, more, so far from being caught by Northern chicane, 1 regard with suspicion any Northern man who oouies recommended to us by the North, and receives the support of Northern men. So far as the question of slavery is concerned, and this I consider the great ques- i tion (or the consideration of the Southern States?so far as this question is concerned, I have as little confidence in the soundness of the Northern Democrats as I bavo in the Northern Whigs. Upon this\itally inq>ortaut question to us, 1 fully believe all parties at the North arc unsound.? Only let a Southern man pursue his fugitive slave beyond Mason and Dixon's line, and he immediately enters Denmark, where all is rottenness. And in this belief 1 am neither alone nor unsupported by reason. The very measures themselves, which constitute the platform of both the AVhig and Democratic parties are elearlv without tho warm support of Southern men. I mean the Compromise measures. These measures I am sure never met with the warm approval of this State ; so far from it, South Carolina ever condemned them as being exnctingnnd ruinous to the South, because they wrested from her much, without offering her in exchange any thing more than she rightfully claimed under the Constitution. For my own part, I neter hfld the least confidence in the Compromise; and I plainly foresee, that the measures which it contains c in | never bring to the South a peace that is honorable, nor results to the country lasting and benifieial. Can any Southern man believe for a moment, that the country will continue quiet because of the Compromise? To hope even, for such a result, would bo. to hope against fact. What means tho opposition to the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave law, the only thing in that series of measures which the North conceded (if it may be called concession) to tho South worth having ? That this opposition to the execution of the Fugitive Slave law will not cense, but be continued, we have every reason to believe, from the fact that the North has already gained all that alio possibly can by the Compromise. All those features of the so-called Compromise, to which we objected, and !br which the North insisted, have nlreadv 5cen carried into effect. Has not Calibrnia been admitted into the Union as a state ? lias not the boundary of Texas jeen settled ? Have not tentorial governments been established for Utah and Sew Mexico ? Has not the slave trade n the District of Columbia been abolished? Have not these several measures been icquiesced in and carried into effect? The North has, therefore, gained aleady all that she can by the Compromise; md her policy in future, will be, to rei>eal, nodify, or render inoperative the Fugitive Mavo law, the only feature in it, which be Southern friends of the Compromise xmstnntly refer to as the equivalent given oy the North, in exchange for the mons:rous concessions made by the South. The Fugitive Slave law is tbo only feature in ,*jia ov/i ivo ui nigaoui w nuu ll'lllillliS I'AU" mtory, from its very nature?all the rest which were intended to enrich and benefit he North, hnvo been executed and placed brever beyond the j>ower of repeal. And [ firmly believe the Fugitive Slave law, 10 far from affording us |>eace, will only :ontinue to be the bone of contention lavween the two sections of the Union. In sonfirmation of this opinion, I will insert i portion of Mr. Clinginan's remarks on his subject, in tho late Whig Congreslional Caucus at Washington. With a viow to strengthen the platform >f the Whig party, and render it inore lafe and steady for Southern inen, Mr. Jlingman insisted upon the members to ;onie out on this point. The following is what he says upon tho Fugitive Slave law: "There are not only f>owcrful and organized efforts in the kT .t e . ? ? - nonn ior lis repeal or mnuincauon, but oven its execution, while standing on the statute book, has in many places been successfully resisted. " At Boston, a mob entered the court liouse, and while the Judge was sitting on the bench, and in presence of the aatemblod multitude, by force liberated and Arriod off a fugitive slave. At Syracuse, i similar mob rescued another fugitive from the United States' Marshal, though be struggled against them till he was overpowered, and his arm was broken.? At Christiana the fugitives were aided, and the master murdered, by a like concourse of violators of the law. In the gnat % State# of Massachusetts, New York and Pennsylvania, theso tilings wero done ir open day, and in tlio presence of hundreds and yet no one of the wrong-doers liaj been convicted of any offence. After re peated attempts to prosecute, by a part o the government officers, they have beer obliged to consent to the discharge of tin criminals, Tins fact, Detter than an hun dred witnesses, proves tlio state of feeling which pervades the popular mind in thes< localities. If there was not a stroeg auc general sympathy for the criminals, soun one of them would have been convicted I might refer to similar manifestation! elsewhere, but they are sufficiently knowi already. Why more than a year ago, tin Legislature of the State of Vermont pas sed an act utterly nullifying all the provi sions of the Fugitive Slave law. This pro ceeding was loudly complained of at tin time, and it was said, to quiet the publi< mind, as I remember by the papers ii Washington? as well as elsewhere, thai the act had been passed hastily, did noi meet the views of the people of tlio State and would be repealed by the next Legis lature. Hut unfortunately for the proplic sies, when last winter the Legislature re j assembled the projKxution to repeal this act of nullification was rejected by a vote of ncr.rly three to one?making it niani fest that the settled action of the State was against the execution of the laws ol Congress. A similar nullifying law,a few weeks since, according to the statement* published in the pai?ers, passed the Senate of Massachusetts, and only failed in the House by a vote of one hundred and sixty-two, to one hundred and seventy-eight Such things when they occur in the Northern States now, do not even excite tlie comment of some e?f the national paperc here at the seat of government. But il the State of South Carolina, which without actually carrying it out, has threatened to nullify in former times; if this State, I say, were to nullify any act of Congress of as much importance as the one under consideration, the whole country from this point to Canada, and such portions of the Southern people as sympathize mainly with Northern movements, would at once be throw n into a state of ferment, and the Executive would be compelled by the force of public opinion, to send as many troops as were at his disposal to Sullivan's Island or other points on the coast of that State, to endeavor to overawe her. But it is not necessary for nit: 10 argue luriner, 10 snow that there arc serious obstacles in the way of the execution of the Fugitive Slave law of 1850, or of any legislative provision to carry out that fcatuio of the Compromise. The expense alone of recovering a fugitive is sufficient to defeat the object of the law. That expense would not be necessary were it not for the resistance made hy the mobs to its execution." If this be a correct history of the feeling of Northern men of all parties towards the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, what, I ask, has tho South gained hy the Compromise? If she has gained nothing, as facts plainly indicate, and time will show, why should we throw up our hats at the nomination of (Jen. Pierce, a Northern man, simply because the Convention which nominated him, assumed the Compromise measures as its platform? I should much perfor a Northern man, if we must hav? a Northern man, who stands, (where I believe no Northern man does stand) upon tho third clauso of tho second section of the fourth article of tho Constitution; which clause of the Constitution provides A a%f - mat, ~i.>o person ncia to service or labor in one State, under tho laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or lalior may be due." This clause of the Constitution gives us all that the Fugitive slave law could, if it were fully carried out; and yet this is tho only feature of the Compromise, that is worth a farthing to the South, and which, in fact, has gained for that series of measures of which it is a part, the singular misnomer of Compromise at the South. Can it be, that an act of Congress, will provo more effectual in reaching the consciences of men, whoso hearts are fully set in them to do evil. I think not. I have always regarded tho constitution n a l.A II/tf AitM awIM nit ? A/ a isvmg uui viiijf civj in loiugv ill nit; storms of party and sectional strife; and as the North by chicane has decoyed us off, from it, She will still endeavor to drive us to the house of bondage. We have but to sing hozannas to the Union, and follow after Northern men to insure our ruin. But to come more directly to the point, what is Gen. Pierces own language in reference to the Fugitive Slave law! No longer than January last, in a speoch al New Boston he used the following lan guage in regard to thia law. On being asked if he considered the Fugitive Slav* law as consistAntwith common law, he immediately replied?" If I must answer th< question, I say no, I do not. I have beer asked if I liked this Fugitive Slave law I answered no, I loathed it I have i most revolting feeling at the giving up oi a slave, the law is opposed to humanity." On being asked if it were not oppoeec to right as well as humanity? Gen. Piera replied: "ves it is opposed to moral rightf L If tliesc voluntary declarations of Lis are i admissible in evidonce against him, he , stands before us condemned out of hit ? own mouth. Why, it may be asked, with theso def clarations, and entertaining the above 1 views in regard to Northern men of ali 5 Parties, will I support Oen. Pierce at all I answer, simply because he is a DemoI crat, and the only man of that party, thai 3 is, or} can be placed before us. I perfei 1 Gen. Pierco to Gen. Scott, because I re3 gard Scott as unsound on this question a> . Pierce, and because he is a Whig. in.:, i ! :*i. :* A. ? xiiis uriiips wiui it iiuw vujixiiuii? u i Gen. Scott whicch turns tlio scales ol 3 judgement against him completely. 1 - havo always been opposed to the latitu dinarian construction of the Whig party - and I believe if the principles of this Par3 ty prevail in the administration of tin : Government, the Constitution must even' i tually be undermined, and the strength and t vigor of the Government completely, and t forever sapped. , In supporting Gen. Pierce, I shall alsc as a matter of courso support Mr. King for the Vice Presidency. As it would greatly add to the length of thio communication, to accompany it with my views or the Bank and the Free School System, 1 shall give you my views on these subject? in the next papei, simply adding tlint 1 will vote for re-chartering the Bank nndei existing circumstances?and that I am in favor of a wise provision for the educational wants of the State. That the wants of the people in this respect will eventually bo met, we have reason to hope, from the fact that the State has manifested a laudablo spirit by continuing the present Free School System, notwithstanding it is generally admitted to bo defective, and radically so. With sentiments of the profoundest respect, I am M. P. CRAWFORD. [For tiie Ledger. .i/r. n<ii(or.?in the ledger, ot tlic 4th inst., I notice a communication signed "many voters," requesting tlio candidates . for the Legislature, to give their respective views, on the following questions. The Presidential Election, the Free School System, and tho Bank Question. As I have no disposition to keep my views concealod, I will define my position upon these questions, as briefly as I can. With respect to the Presidential election; I will only repeat what I have said publicly, on several occasions?that in my opinion, it would bo highly improper, and altogether out of place, for South Carolina 4o take any thing like an active part in tho pending Presidential election. But under existing circiunstanoes, and with the lights before us, I l>elieve South Carolina ought, and will cast the electoral vote, for the Democratic nominees. As to the Free School System of South Carolina, I must say that in my humble opinion, it is very defective?not only defective, but almost use-less, as far as some of the upper niul less wealthy 1 >i*tricts arc concerned. All are aware, I presume, that the Legislature appropriate* annually 137,000 for the purpose of educating the poor children of the State, and that tho distribution of this appropriation, is based upon representation. Now, as taxation forms a part of the basis of representation, and as representation is made tho basis for tho distribution of this Freo School fund, 'taxation in effect, is made partly the basis of distribution; here I believe, is w here the present system is most defective, for I cannot be pursuadod, that taxation ought to have anything to do in forming the basis for the distribution ol this Free School appropriation, I believe the poor children of the State, is the only proper basis of distribution?giving to each District in proportion to the number ol its poor Children. With regard to the ltank question, I will say that in 1850, when this question was so wannly discussed, in our District, my opinion was that tho Legislature should have the affairs of the Hank thoroughly investigated, and if found to be in that unsafe condition, as represented by some, 1 and if the abuses could not be corrected, it would l>? bettor to discontinue the Bank, 1 But on the other hand, if found in a safe condition, it should be continued. Since that time, a pretty thorough investigation 1 has been made, and so far as I am able to 1 understand the reports, the Bank has fully sustained itself. I am, therefore, in > favor of its being re-chartered. 1 I have tried to bo brief, still I hope I have been sufficiently plain, to be under1 stood by all. ' Respectfully, W. C. CAUTIIEN. > Hanging Rock, Aug. 11th, 1062. [Fob the Lcdokb. Mr. Editor:?In your paper of the 4tk ' inst., I observe a call upon the candidate* \ for the Legislator* in this District, for ai > expression of their sentiments upon th? - Presidential Election, the Free School Sys i tern, and the Bank of the State of South , Carolina. In rasposaa to which, m ou o the candidates for the Bannta. I submit Um following: ' The state of parties In the United States ( with the authoritative SMinifestoe of thelffeon entiona, mske It seeeessry that thia Stab I shall either rots for Planes sad King, Um > Democratic nominees, or for Beott am ' Graham, the Whig candidates, or giro at i isolated vote for some individuals whose ! names are not before the country. This 1st I ter proposition, tinder existing circumstances, would have the effect of casting away the vote of the State. What good would be gained, and where' fore cast away the vote of the State! 1 know of no possible good that would resull * from such a course; but, on the contrary ,th? ' weight of the electoral vote of tho StaU t would be lost, and her political influence lear s^ncd. Then, if the State casts her voU . for either of the nominees of the two great , parties, it should be in favor of that part) whose principles and feelings are more in ( accordance with our own. rhe Democratic principles accord more with mine, and if piivileged, I should vote for electors to suppoii the Democratic nomination of General Franklin Pierce and the Hon. Willinni R. King.* t In this connection, I would here remark that the election of electors by the people j would accord more with the true principle? . of our government, and the provision of the | Constitution of the United States, in the I election of electors of President and Vice President,?would save the inconvenience and expense of an extra session of the Legislature every four years?and would morcovoi > afford a more substantial evidence of Demo' cratic rule, and a confidence in the ability oi the people to govern themselves; and foi i these reasons should be given to the people, When in the legislature in 1849, and n ( member of the House, I submitted a report [ in behalf of the minority of the Committee . on Privileges and Elections, recommending the passage of "a Bill to provide for the election of Electors of President and VicePresident of the United States by the peopie of South Carolina." This report has bccli ! published, and contains more fully my view? ! unon this subiccL > The Free School system I regard as defective, and radically so, and this defect ex| tends mainly to the dietrihuliim of the fuml. The system, although detective in this regard, still, it has done much good. It has enabled many children in the State to read and write, who, without the aid of the Free School fund would have remained ignorant of even these first principles. To'thia extent the system has done good, and fully justify*! the annual appropriation. Hut something is necessary to be done, to remedy tt e evils af the distribution. The ^present mode ol i distribution violates the principles of justice, i equality and wise state policy. Under the i act of 1811 the fund is apportioned among , the several Parishes and Districts in the State according to rrpretentaliim in thelloust of Reprr rental ix-et, allowing $300 for each and every member thereof. This, in effect, distributes the fund according to Tnxation and Population, (for representation in the House is based upon taxation and population,) and it makes taxation as well as population the occasion of the necessity for the application of the fund; or in other words, it makes the application of the Free School fund to depend upon these, when in fact the want of education among the people strictly originates the fund. Where is the reason for this * The object of the Free 8chool fund, most unquestionably, is to educate the people, and from its insufficiency to educate all, it virtually enures only to the benefit ol the most indigent, and to the poor; what i men has taxation to Uo with education ? II . stand* in no other relation than ns meant , to an end. Taxntion alone furnishes the ( means. Then why make the distributior of nn educational fund to depend upon tax. ation. It certainly does not form one of the subjects of celucntion! It is incongruous the end ignore* the means. In the distribu. tion of the free school fund, regard should he had to the true purposes of the institution, and the fund be so applied an to reach and r.ttuin the object. Any other distribu. tion i* tounded in error, aud is a misappli. cation in its use and purposes. The Free School system is a State institution, designed to benefit the State as * whole, and every citizen of the State in thic connection stands in tho same relative position, and is alike interested in its results and benefits, notwithstanding the circumstance ol r their contiguity or particular locality In a i Parish or District. As the object of the Free School system is, virtually, to educate the poor, the fund ' should be so aoDlied?should be distributed according to the number of the poor in each Pariah and District. But as the number ol such cannot well bo ascertained, for the want of a certain fixed and general rule operating equally and alike in every Parish and District, a distribution of the fund according lo ?chile population will furnish the only prac; ticahlo basis. For where population is, then ( the subjects of the fund are to be found, and it ia believed, that in any given population the proportion of the poor will be very near ly the same, sufficiently so at least to form i general rulo in the absence of one more cor rect. To distribute the fund according tc ' white population instead of representation ' is more just and equal, and when Soutl ' Carolina adopts that mode, then the suceesi i of Free Schools will depend upon her citi zer.s. 'This change in the mode of the di? [ tribution of the fund is demanded as an act o , justice, and ia absolutely necessary, in ordei to gain the anpport of the people and U give satisfaction. It is a consideration firs to be determined upon before uy forwart movement can be made in the whole ache mi of Free Schools. Under any true system of Free School the education of the people forms the objtci \ the people are the tubfocit, and the /end th< i meant of attaining the object, and reoehin| i the subjects. Seek e mode of distribntioi > ae will legitimately effect this perpoee i . alone correct. i That I may not make my repiy upon thii f point too long, I will only state in a soecin i way, wherein the present mode of distributioi is wrong, without enlarging upon the view , taken. It is wqong. Because it miaappUea th t fond, inasmuch te the distribution of th ? hnid is not made to depend upon, or te fclloi I strictly the sitbjocu of the had, the peoph i bat makes taxation also necessary for it % > application, and therefore it ie unwise legislation. It discriminates between the Psrishee and i Districts, and is sectional in its benefits. It gives to the more wealthy Parishes and Dis tricts where there is always to be found a [ fewer number of white persons, a much t larger share of the free school fund in pro> portion to their white population; and to i the poorer Pnrishcs and Districts, where there is always a larger white population a > leu* share in proportion to their white popuI Intion. It operates partially upon the citizens of the State, either as individuals the rocipicants of the fund, or as tax payers, and citizens residing in the different Parishcfe and Districts, and is therefore unjust ai d unequal.? It operates partially upon the indigent, the recipients of the fund, inasmuch as they are benefitted or injured in proportion as taxation or population contributes to membership in their Parish or District; and for the same reason it operates unequally nud unjustly upon tl e tax-payers or other citizens of the State, who arc interested in the fund as a means to advance the cause of education in the State, nnd from its advantages to them, both socially and politically considered. liut it is urged that as the Parishes and Districts pay tho taxes, therefore the present mode of distribution is just. Ilcre the whole difficulty arises, viz.: in regarding the free school system as a mere Parish or District institution, nnd not strictly n State institution. If the State were a federal head, consisting of separate sovereignties and independencies, then the reasoning might apply ; but the State of South Carolinn is a government, integral vnd consolidated in its chnracter. It is a trho/e, it is one government. The Stato has its boundnjics, and within the boundary every individual stands to tho Stato in un individual relation, nnd equal in that relation. In considering the mode of the distribution of the fund, we arc not to look to tho source from which the fund comes; nor where, or from whom tho fund is derived.? i nai is enureiy a ainercni mailer. To raise and collect taxes is one thing, and to appropriate money from the treasury nn1 other. There are certain great and lending matters of concern to the State, (among . which education is most certainly one.) to provide for which, taxation becomes neces' aary. The State, therefore, annually collects so much as may be necessary to defray its expenses, and to provide for its wants nnd necessities, and a tax is assessed upon property ; this tax is but the price paid for ' the defence of property, and whon it(is paid ' nnd goes into the treasury of the State, the Lax payer has no further claim upon it more than any other citizen of the State. It belongs to the State, nnd in the appropriation of money from the treasury,the State'should so apply it as to reach the object nnd accomplish the purpose. For these reasons, I believe the present mode of distribution to bo wrong, and that a change should be made so as to distribute I the fund according to white population. If , this latter mode were adopted it would give , to our District $755204, instead of $600 00, p now allowed under the present distribution ; [ and if the fund l>e increased to $50,000, nnd t distributed according to white population, it i would give to our District about $1000, in> stead of $000, and which it is Indieved would ( tie sufficient to answer the educationnl wants of the DlstricL As regards the Bank of the State, my vote while I was a member of the House of i Representatives in 1848 nnd '49, define my poition upon that subject During the ses( sion of 1848 the following resolutions wero reported by the committee of the whole for adoption by the House, viz.: Retrtlrrd, That it ia unwise nnd inevpedi, ent for a State to engage in Banking, or to t Kor rouAiiaeau I a I ? ? f * MV1 IVOVMM OO W IIIU VilUB.lI llt'? Ul I Banking Institution*. Renolcctl, That the Bank of the State in founded on thia erroneous j>olicy, tnid exposes the public faith to the hnznnls incident to Banks. Rrndrtd, Tliat it is inexpedient to re. charter the Bunk of the Htntc. The 3d Resolution was an ended by adding, "and it in declared that this General Assembly docs not regard such a declaration of opinion us calculated or intended to violate the faith of the State, or the security . f the foreign creditor." The 1st and 2d Resolutions I voted for, as abstract propositions; the 3d Resolution I voted against. All three of the Resolutions, however, passed the House. In the sesison of 1849, Mr. Metninger introduced MS bill to Drovide for the nnnrmo-h. t ing expiration of the Bank charter," upon the question of indefinite poatponement of the bill, report*, resolution and amendment eonneeted with the bill, I voted in the affirmative. This is frequently styled a bill to li| quidate the Bank of the State. During the same session, the Senate sent to the House for concurrence the following Resolution : f R'toired, That it become* the duty of the r Bank of the State of South Carolina, iu view , of the determination of the General AaaemI My, at its last sasaion, that it was inexpedi1 cut to renew the charter of the said Bank, I so to shape its policy as to (wepare for the approaching termination of said charter, i Upon the question of concurrence in this ; resolution from the Senate, I voted in the i affirmative. My votes upon these various | propositions define my position; ? from i which it will be seen that the first and seei ond resolutions of IMI were abstract propositions, inactive. in themselves, and as i such I voted for them; the third resolution t was active in its character, threatening the I destruction of ths Bank, and involving its existence, and on that account I voted against it. The three resolutions, however, passed the House, end expressed the deters mination of the General Asaombly of the r Stats. In view of this expraaaioo of ths deS terminatlsa of the General Assembly in the s session of IMS, I regarded the resolution I ? i from the Senate in 1849, for concurrence, to L bo peculiarly proper and necessary, its a pro- f cautionary measure. For, if tho Bank wna not to bo ro-chartcred, it was certainly proper that the Bank should so shape its policy as to prepare for tho approaching termination of its charter, and to be rvady for any event at the time. The third resolution, although I have voted against it, still having passed, it was tho declarative opinion of tho ? General Assembly, and stood forth as a wnnunjj unnnsumnoic. lie who noes not provide against danger when it is made known to hiiu, is either reckless or stupid.? Everything whick was necessary ton full understanding, and a thorough examination of the nflhirs of the Bank I voted for, whilst at the same time I voted against all unnecessary attacks upon it* The charter of the Bank expires in 1856. The question now arises, shall the Bank bo ro-chartcrod! If entitled ton vote, I shall / vote for a ro-chnrtcr of the Bnuk. The ques- W tion of tho connection of the Bank and the State" is now a question ol expediency. Tho J policy of the measure is no longer nn open question. It must now be regarded as nn '1 existing institution, and as such, to sever tho connection demands tho same considerations, whieh should influence a legislative body to enact a new law. The fact that the Bank is nn existing institution is n reason in favor of re-charter, unless there was a strong nnd do- i cidcd public opinion in favor of the severance. That public opinion is wanting, nnd n recharter must be the consequence. The prieo of liberty is eternal vigilance?tho evils of the connection mny bo avoided by constant care nnd attention, nnd a jealous watching of the peoples interest. The old law maxim that the King of England can do no wrong, may suit tho English nation, but such blind confldentc will not protect tho people from tlift nnrrnntiana nf n *>??? ?? ,, . - K^T.V?. In conclusion, I must express to you, Mr. Editor, my thnnks for the use of your valuable paj?cr. I have mnde my reply something U longer than I expected; but" Many Voters" J have asked for "our views" upon the foregoing matters, and of course these cannot be expressed in a satisfactory manner, without writing at some length. I have, however, endeavored to condense my ideas ns much as possible. I am glad that " Many Voters" have also given tne an opportunity of expressing my views upon theso subjects in writing. Writing is more cortaiu, and it may serve to stay the hand of misrepresentation, if not of detraction. . I have thus formally submitted my views upon the various subjects proposed by "Many Voters." 1 have no political opinions which I wish to conceal; but, on the con- i trary, I am always willing, and shall ever hold myself ready to express my opinions . whenever my fellow-citizens may desire tlieni. \ Very respectfully, yours, &c., GEORGE McC. WITHERSPOON."" \ The Barnwell Palmetto Sent I mil says that Messrs. J. and R. McCrcnry, of White | Bonds, cut at their steam saw mill, ou H the fith inst., 60 loga, averaging from 10 y to 10 inches each, making over 15,000 feet of lumber, for which they received 10 per m. at the mill. They have snwe?l in four mouths over 800,000 feet, for which ft./,.- 1- -1- '?*! . \iiv> iuuiiu it mnuy sine. 1 lieir SlCaill engine is 2 a fiorac power, manufactured by McLeish, Charleston, S. C., with Pago ?k Co's. circular saw, of 52 inches, Balti- '' more. . Laborers Wasted in the Vineyard. ?Episcopal ministers aro much wanted in that diocese. Some of these nro said to be.among the most desirable parishes in the State. The Rochester Board of llcnlth report eleven cases and eight deaths, for the twenty-four hours ending at four P. M. 8th inst.?among them I. J. Treat, a phvsican of that city. Nortii Carolina.?The lion. David 8. Reid has been elected Clovernor of North Carolina. Tho Senate is Demo- ? cratic, and tho House of Caramons will probably show a Whig majority. Cait. Mabcy's Command.?The Littlo Rock (Ark.) Banntr, of the 27th ult., says that letters have boon received in that city from Fort Washita, which confirm the rejxirt of the massacre of Copt. Mar cy itnu nut meu. Une of the letters says: "I have this moment heanl the melancholy news of the late of our friends, I Capt. Marcy and Ca|>L Strain. Wo shall I never see them more. An express from Fort Arkuckle, with letters from the commanding officer there, says beyond n 1 doubt Marcy's train of eighteen wagons and 100 men has been attacked by the combined forces of nine bands oi Camancltoa and all murdered. Not one escaped. The news was brought in by several .of theCaddocs, Kicknpoesand IMawaw, who state that the iJamanches told them tliat they stam|teded their horses in a place where they could not use their guns, ami ' ? by some means or other the Indians ascertained the fact that the command had j but three percussion caps apiece. There wore thousands of the common size caps, t - - nui none wuoid lit tbeir muskets. Hencu die kws of 100 men and eighteen teams. The conflict took place above Cash Creek, between Red River and Arkansas. There it no doubt of the murder of the command who went among the Mwell fed by our Government to treat and feed them again." " , , Trbasvox m Nkw Jrrst.?The kit. Holly Mirror tells an almost incredible story, that some of Capt Kidd's treasure has been found among the Pines, and that the occupants of that region are in a state 1 of intense excitement. A man dreamed J for several nights successively that ho J should And this treasure, the place to he indicated by k?ur iron bars projecting from the earth. He weaft and found hie dream realised. Two hundred and forty thousand dollars had been discovered opto the 3d instant, barfed in Iron chests, and the people have turned out with their pickaxes I ni further search for the treasure. I 1