University of South Carolina Libraries
- .1 Unnsrraiic 30rnmotrV to t3t Sodt) jauV Sout tru igt isCat "qt 14,10u z at rtltu & 46We will eling to thae Pillars of thae Tem'Ple of 4u* linerties, and if it must faI~ , ewi ers s iev . - W. IF. DUJRISOE & SON, Proprietors. EDEIED co C., FEBRUARY 20. 86.-4-N-e EDGEIELD ?I fT A LSON IN ITSELF SUEEL . b A lesson in itself sublime, A lesson worth enshrining, p ts this-" I take no heed of time, sl Save when the sun is shining." y These motto words a dial bore, And wisdom never teaches To human hearts a better love Than this short sentence teaches. h As life is sometimes bright and fair, And sometimes dark and lonely, Let us forget its pain and care, A nl note its bright hours only. There is no grove on earth's broad chart I But has some bird to cheer it; So hope sings on in every heart, a Although we may not hear it; And if to-day the heavy wing Of sorrow is oppressing, Perelianee to-inorrow's sunt will bring The weary heart a blessing. For lire is sometimes bright and fair, And sometimes dark and lonely, Then let's forget its toil and care, jU And note its bright hours only. al We bid the joyous moments haste, And then forget their glitter We take the cup of life, and taste No portion but the bitter: But we should teach our hearts to deem b Its sweetest drops the strongest; o And pleasant hours should ever seem to To linger round us longest. to As life is sometimes bright and fair, at And sometimes dark and lonely, st Let us forget its toil and care, p1 And note its bright hours only. h( The darkest shadows of the night r Are just before the morning al Then let us wait the coming light, All boding phamoins scorning; And while we're passing on the tide Of Time's fast ebbing river, Let's pluck the blossonis by its side, And bless the gracious Giver. As life is sometimes bright and fair, , And sometimes dark and lonely, We should forget its pain and care, P And note its bright hours only. _________________--te< A HuxcaY CARPET BAG.-Tle BuIo tel Express relates an amusing incident which It occurred at Erie a few days since. A gen- w; tieman left Cleveland for New York at an thl early hour in the morning, without his break fast, and being very hungry, upon the arrival of the train at Erie, entered the diiiing room, la and placing his carpet bag upon a chuir, sat if down beside it and commenced a valorous ci attack upon the viands placed before him. go By and by the proprietor of the establish- it ment came around to collect fares, and up- m on reaching our friend ejaculated, " Dollar, sir !" " A dollar !" responded the eating I man, " a dollar-thought you only charged fifty cents a meal for one-eli " "That's ra true," said 3leanness, " but i count your carpet bag one, since it occupies a seat." (The table was far frot being crowded.) Our friend expostulated, but the landlord in listed, and the dollar was reluctantly brought forth. The landlord passed otn. Our friend deliberately arose, an opening his carpet bag, full in its wvide mouth discoursed unto it say- I ing, " Carpet bag, it seems you're an indi- th vidua-a human individual, since you eat at least I've paid for you, and now you must eat,"-upon which he seized every thing; a eatable in his reach, nuts, rasins, apples, I ' cakes, pies, and amid the roars of the bystan- an ders, the delight of his brother passenger s, qt and discomfiture of the landlord, phlegmati- thd cally went and took his seat in the cars. He said he had provisions enough to last himn to Ne w York, after a bountiful supply had been served out in the cars. T1here P1 was at least $8 worth in the bag-upon hi which the landlord realized nothing in the -way of profit. So much for meanness. in A H ARD Hrr.-The hardest hit at danc sing that- we have heard of, of late (and wve have heard of some hard ones,) is said tou have occurred with an old brother, who was addressed by a ladyadvocate of dancing. a .in a style something like this. " Well, Mr. 1.--with all your objections to dancing you will be obliged to admit that it is not th half so bad as to be in another room at an de evening party drinking or playing cards, or; perhaps slandering their neighbors."' t "I do candidly confess as you say that it is not half as bad as either of these, and hi if the me~mbers of your church are obliged to drink, gamble, slander their neighbors, or' dance, I say by all means dance, or whieb is still better, stay at home. As for oursh we are not obliged to do either.-S. WV.a Baptist-.a Goo.-A genuine Dowvn Easter, lately b assayed to appropriate a square of exceed ingly tough beef, at dinner in Wisconsin hoteL . His convulsive efforts with a knife hj and fork, attracted the attention and smiles tl of the rest of the company, who wvere in the t same predicament with himself. At last 0r Jonathan's :atience vanished under ill suc- th~ cess, and, laying down his utensils, he burst: l out with- t " Strangers, you needn't laff; if you han't et got no regard for the landlord's feelings, you prier hare some respecti for ihe old cow !" | This sally brought down the house. DRAWINOs oF CoRK.-Jack Bannister, :it prising the hospitality of the Irish after one in of his trips to the sister kingdom, was asked d if he had been in Cork. " No replied the in the wit, " but I saw a great many drawlings at of it." a " MoTHlER, may I have a sled !l' "Yes, ask your father." g: "No, mother, you ask him; you have been acquainted with himt longer thani I inl hae."' til "My soN, what did you bite your brother >r ? Now I have to whip you. Don't you ,member the Golden Rule I taught you I you wouldn't like to have your brother ite you, you should not bite him." . " Ho! mother! get out with your whip. ing. Remember the Golden Rule your lf. If you wouldn't like for me to lick ou, it isn't right for you to lick me." A LITTLE BOY had his first pocket-knife, rid for several days used it himself, and ex mnded the privilege of the occasional use of is treasure to his playmates. One evening a was kneeling at his mother's knee, saying is customary prayer, which he closed up in iese words: " And please God give little immy Bailey a knife of his own, so lie on't want to borrow mine all the time!" ---- --. Tr. foreman of a grand jury in Missouri, "ter administering an oath to a beaatiful 'oman, instead of handing the Bible, presen d his face, and said; "Now kiss the ok, madam !" ie didn't discover his mis. ke untill the whole jury burst into a roar i, laughter. THE VERY LAST.-When a Kentucky dge, some years since, was asked by an torney upon some strange ruling, "le that w your honor ?" lie replied-" If the Court zderstand herself, and she think she do, it C P" UNCOMFORTABLE SITUATION.-The Lynch irg Virginian chronicles the fact, that on ie of the coldest nights last week, the edi r of the Republican, " pulled off," prepara ry to leaping into bed, and upon 'looking his couch, found the bed clothes had been olen. With that resignation for which the ofession is celebrated, he walked off to a >tel. Stealing an editor's bed clothes is a cent development in the annals of crime, d will be put down as one of the remark le occurrences of* this remarkabie winter. "PArA, what does the Editor lick the ices Current with ?" Whip it ? he don't whip it, my child." iThen lie lies, pa." "Hush Tom, that is a very naughty says, "Well, by golly, this ere paper says, ices current carefully corrected, and when gets corrected, I gets licked-hey dont I ?" "Nuf ced my son." THE LAST INVENTIoN.-The New Orleans in tells of a machine which has been inven I " out Soutir," which enables a man to I when he is getting too drunk to walk. is called a fundle-omtcfor, and gives timely irning by hitting a fellow suddenly under short ribs the moment he has got enough. "ii aN I goes a shoppin," said an old y, " I allers asks for what I wants, and they have it, and its suitable, and I feel in- ' ned to buy, it, and its cheap, and can't be t t at any place for less I most allers take f without chappering about it all day as I >st people does." Mni. JoNEs was in the habit of getting casionally, somewhat " balmy," and one ;ht he was discovered by a neighbor in Lher a blue fix leaning against the side a church for support. He hailed him th, "Hello, Jones! you look serious to Alt ; think of joining the church I" " 1 gguess I d.d-does," replied Jones, "I in ine considerably that way at present !" IF you want your neighbors to "know ho you are," give a party and don't invite e folks who "live next door." LITERARY.-" I've three cents left," said loafer, 'so I'll buy a paper 'with them.' lhat paper will you buy 1' asked a friend, xious to learn the literary taste of his ac aintance. 'A paper of tobacco,' repied a loafer. NEVER pay a Printer wvhen hie first pre its his bill to you, for such an unexpected enomenom might cause a rush of blood tor Shead and throwv him into FITs! AVESTY.- Ab, Sam, so yonu ve been trouble, oh ?" "Yes, Jim, yes.". 'Well, well, cheer up~, man ; adversity tries ,and shows our better qualities." "Ah, but adversity didn't try me; it was County Judge, and he showed up my Drst qualities." Jous~ RANDoLPH AND) HENRY CLAY.--In e year next preceding Mr. Randolph's athi, Mr. Clay writes to Judge Brooke: "You ask how amity was restored be. een Mr. Randolph and me. There was >explanation, no intervention. Observing m in the Senate one night, feeble, and oking as if lie were not long for this world, d being myself engaged in a work of' ace, with corresponding feelings I shook ~nds with him. The salutation was cordi on both sides. I afterwards left a card his lodgings, where I understood lie had in confined by sickness." In the last -speech which Mr. Ranholph 'er made-that on th4 hustings at Backing m court hduse-after dwelling on the then reatening danger of disunion, he is repor-1 d to have said: "'Thero is one man, and t man only, who can save this Union at is flenry Clay. I know he has the' iwer; I believe lie will be found to have e patriotism and firmness equal to the oc tsion." AMoNG thle many good things in the varie Lted memoirs of Rev. Syney Smith is the lloing': "V When you meet with neglect, let ronse you to exertion instead of mortify. g our pride. Set about lessening those 'ects which expose you to neglect, and prove those excellencies which command tention and respect." This is excellent lvice. KEEP clear of the law ; for, even if you tn your case, you are geneinfly a loser. Of nil the ills which love brings, jealousy oo forn. wlhich, m..,i.. ,,. te alast synmpan THE IN WITH THE 11ITE HAIR. On the excursion train from Utica to Boon ville, at the opening of the Utica and Black River Railroad, our attention was arrested by the singular appearance of an apparently middle aged man, whose hair and whiskers were perfectly white. We learned, upon inquiry, that he was a native of Oneida County, but was now a resident of Califor nia, where he has resided for several years, engaged principally in mining. The cause of his white hair he explained as IbIlows: He was engaged in mining, and had several men at work in a mine which extended some ways under ground. One day he went to carry the dinner to his men, and when lie had been there but a few minutes, they heard the unmistakable sound of the caving in of the sides at the mouth of the shaft. Four men started at once hoping to escape, but were met by the falling earth and crush ad to death. lie was enclosed in a space rf about six by twelve feet, while three mien below him were cut off from any cuniuni ation with him, and he supposed they were Drushed to death. Ile had a light and )lenty of water and provisions, but his abances of ever seeing daylight were not very flattering, as he was some sixty or seventy-five feet under the surface of the !arth, and he was not cortain that the dis. ister would be discovered in time to nake my attempt to relieve him; and if such ittempt should be made, the prospect was :hat it would prove ineffectual. Fortunately the dissaster was easily dis yovered and a large force was set at work, md after unremitted exertions fbr three lays and nights, he was discovered in an xausted condition. The three men below din were also found alive. When taken mt, his friends declared that for a day or ;wo lie was partially insane. His hair had ulso become nearly white during his con inement. His feelings diring those three lays he said could not be imagined, but hat his whole life passed rapidly in view. Ld that every act was b.1rough1t vividly to nind. In fact those three days appeared a if-time to hiu. le said that the fight of mne of those shafts always caused a sihudder o pass over hiii.-Watertown Journal. THE Hox. NATHANIEL P. BA.NKs, jr., the iew Speaker of the House of Representa ive, is thus described by a writer: " Mr. Banks' personal appearance some vbat resembles that of Senator Seward, hough a more youthful and handsome look- I ng man than that distinguished statesman. -ie is of medium height, and slimly. built, vith a pale face, keen eye, an intellectual rehead, frisky hair of iron grey mixture, tanding erect as an Indian, walking with he measured and courtly air of a prince, nd having withal a stilted stiffness about rim, which some have described as " cleri al," and others as " Puritanical," but which, e it what it may, unmistakably iudicates, o my mind, that with him the intellectual aculties predominate, and that in social life te is cold as an icicle. Judging him by his ppearance, he would very naturally be akon as a sprig of the aristocracy of the o-called Athens of America, instead of a nan bf the people, and a recent workman n the machine shop. " Ho has the air," ays one writer, and he says so with some ruth, "of a New England clergyman pa ing the deck of a steamer which lie expects very minute to be blown up." H is appear. nce, in a word, marks him as a mnani of ote. Though stiff and cold, he is yet not orbidding in his manners, and his personal emeanor resembles much the lofty conde ending dignity, yet ever courteous and rbane manner, of the polished and elegant Winthrop. He is a native of Massachusetts rod represents the seventh Congressional )istrict of that State, being born at Walt ain, in the county of Middlesex, in Janua y, 1816, and is therefore now forty years if age. His habits are excellent, and his rivate character pure and unspotted." DANIEL WEBsTER'S NIRIAGE.-The naner of Daniel Webster's engagement to liss Fletcher, is thus pleasantly discovered >y a letter writer. "He was then a young lawyer in Ports. nouth, N. H. At one of his visits to Miss race Fletcher lie had, probably with a viewv >f utility and enjoyment been holding skeins >f silk threads for her, wvhen suddenly lhe topped, saying, " Grace, we have thius been mgaged in untying knots; let us see if we :an tie a knot, one which will not unite for lifetime." He then took a piece of tape, md, after beginning a knot of a peculiar ink, gave it to her to complete. This was he ceremony and ratification of their en agement. And now in the little box mark >y him with the works "P'recious Docu nents," containing the letters of his early ~ourtshiip, this unique memorial is still to be ound-the knot never unitied. GAME OF DRAUGHTs BY TfELE.GnAT.-A ame of draughts was played on Saturday: vening last, between Mr. Cary, tek~graph >rperator in Jersey City, and Mr. Mernihem, >perator in Philadelphia. Over an hour was -equired to pay the game, and several spec ators witnessed it at the different stations. 'he blocks upon the checker board were iumbered, by which means the moves were irected. The contest was an exciting one, md resulted in favor of Philadelphia. Sux Hr..-Converse not with a liar or iswearer, or a man of obscene or wanton anguage ; for either he will corrupt you, or t least it will hazard your reputationm to be ne of the like making ; and if it dothI neith mr, yet it will fill your memory with such liscourses that will be troublesome to you n after time; and the returmis of the remem irance of passages which you have long: ince heard of this nature, will haunt you when your thoughts should be better em ployed, He who is passionate and hasty, is gener dly honest. It is your cool, dissembling hypocrite of whom you should beware. 'There's no deception in a bull dog." It is .ny the cur that sneaks up andl bitesi yon THE ELECTORAL QUESTION. For the Alvertiser. TO THE PEOPLE OF il)GEFIELD DISTRICT FELLOW CITIZENs:l intended to express my views on the Electoral question in the Legislature at its recent Session, but was unable to do so, because the time for dis cussing this matter wal too short for length ened debate. I cheerfully respond to the call now made upon ne. Before taking up tle subject proper, I propose first to answer the lending objec tions urged against 4ur present mode of electing Presidential Electors. It his been said that the appointment of Electors by the Legislature is anti-rclamii can and an usrmpationgn the rights of tle people. If so, it shoul certainly be aban doned. Anti.Republican ! Then were our Revo. lutionary ancestors false to the republican principles they had labored so severely to establish ; for the very framers of our Gov. ernment, three years itfter they had formed our State Constitution, assisted in passing the act of 1792, whichiregulates our election of Electors; and the mAiode established by this act has received tly sanction of our re. publican fathers for more than sixty years. What tiew light has fallen upon the public mind to convinco us of error in the conclu sions of these wise and experienced men ? At the time of the adoption of our own and of the Federal Constitution, the appoint inent of Electors by the State Legisbitures was deemed highly republican, while the plan now urged by the advocates of change was then stigmatisei-as anti-repnublican, and pregnanL with the worst results of a central, consolidated despotism. hIence, in the Con vention that framed $0e Fedetal Constitu tion, five distinct prO sitionts, muade by the Federal party of tha day (which was styl. ed the anti.republicar: party) to have the presidential Electors pected by the collec tive people of the Unit6d States, were voted down by the republican or State.rights par tv, whose aim was to-jbave the appointment nide by the State ].gishitures, or by the Governors of the dferent States. The result was a compromise between the par. ties, leaving it to the Legislatures . of the various States to det6rnine the manner in which the appointiment should be made. The republican party of that day foresaw what has since taken place under the sys ten they sought to avoid viz: the establish nient of aoeatral, ensolidated despotism at W ashiugton,:swaed;by the iron will of a heartless nunieriealidthrity, who trample under foot the most sacred provisions of the Constitution, and utterly disregard the rights and liberties of the States. lal the origi. nal practice in all the States of appuintiog Electors by the Legislatu re le:t steaidily adhered to, States.rights and State .overeign tv would, doubtless, have been now gener hlly established throughout. the Ii nion, and the despotic party combinations that so ab solutely control the liberties of the country, might vever have becone formidable. Our plan, if generally adopted, would give as cendancy to the late--tereby ailording stronger safeguards fir the protection of the inority interests of the country, against the despotic will of a consolidated iunmeri cal majority. It is therefore to all intent ad purposes, essentially Republican, and well calculated, to furnish more ample pro. ection to the ights and libertier of the South. No :Setter founded is the charge of usur aion. With many who take little pains in stablishintg the data fronm which they reason and draw their conclusions, this charge of surpation by our Legislature is become a avorite topic. What is usurpation ? It is an ujust, illegal seizure of power. It is an ssumptiotn of that, to which the body usur ing htad no previous legal right. With hat propriety, now, can it be urged, that the Legislature of South Carolina, in ap ointing Presidential Electors, has usurped the rights of thte people, when the constitu tiotn of the Untited States expressly declares hat-"'each State shall appoint, in such matner as the Legislature thereof may di ect, a numbe.r of Electors," &c. ; when, moreover, the early Acts of Conmgress refe~r o thte appointtment of Electors, hy the States; indi when, too, it was the unifotrmt prazctice, n the early days of the Itepublic for the Legilatures to appoint! But thtis charge is, in ge'ncral, without neatittg or propriety. W~ere this a G ov mrnent, legally recognizittg distinct castes r privileged orders as in a monarchty or aristocracy, the justice of the charge tmight sometitmes be allowed ; for then pwvers as sued by one class of citizetans ight lie int derogation of the rights of others; but we live in a Rz:nue, where the peopile are the legitimate source of all power-itn whtich only otne class is ktnown to the law-wvhere all are politically free and egual, cnjoying the saime rights and privileges; where Leg. islators thtetmselves are endued only tetmpo rarily, with certain peculiar indeptendent powers, subject to an easy anid speedy re roval from office, aind make Jaws by wvhich they, as well as their fellow-citizens, are to be governed. So far as the rights and in terests of thie citizen are conicerned no just distiction catn be drawvn betweetn Legisla tors and their feliow-citizens generally. The sate laws govern all the same rights at tabt to al. If ite former impose butrdetns by thteir Legislative ettactmnents, do they not impose these burdens as well on thtemselves as upon their fllow- citizens ?If they usurp, do not they usurp their owtt rights?~ Once Legisltors, thtey soon become again private citizenis; and uIpon what pritncip~le of hiunman nature,.or of connmon sense will tmen use power tyrantnically to the prejudlice of their own best interests, or to the overthrow of' their dearest rights and liberties? Thtere can be no ptertmanent usurpationi by our Legishi;~ture, to whlicht a portion of the people do not lend their sanction ; for all conceivabtle coullicts of powe~r in the State, whether in thte Legislature or out of it, whether by factaions or sections, atre but or pluralities of those who claim the righi of citizens. And by the great instrumental ity of the ballot-box no undue exercise c power by that portion of the people in tl< Legislature can be of long continuance, uti less sustained by a portion of the peopli out of the Legislature. How long could representative stand speaking and actin, against the will of his constituents? Ience if the appointment by the Legislature o Presidential Electors were unauthorized bi the Federal Constitution, and wore agains ithe wish of the people generally, still, th, Legislature, in continuing to exercise tha power, would be but giving expression t< the will of the minority, in opposition to til will of the majority. But who can say tha a nmjority of the people are grainst thi exercise of power by the Legislature ? Oi this subject there has been as yet no gener al expression of the popilar will. Th people generally have sought no chango Not a petition or memorial, not a present ment of a Grand Jury has gone up from th< people to the Legislature asking for change So far as can be fairly judged the desire foi change is confined to a few, at least to , minority, of whom niany are political agi tutors, seeking to become leaders among their fellow-citizens. With what show o reason or decency, do these men claim t( be iar excellenec thu representatives of th< people, and to demand in the people's name a new mode of electing Electors? Can thej mean more than to carry out the will o those who think as they do on this subject 1 Yet will they deny to others what the) claim for themselves, viz: the right to rep resent thoso who concur with them in sen. timent ; who believe it wise to adhere to th< existing mode ? Because, the people, o Greenville and of Spartanburg, of Picken., and Anderson imay seek change, is no re spect to be paid to the wishes of the peopi of Edgeliuld, Barnwell, and other Districts that my desire no chanige I Is it not ab surd-nay ridiculous, to charge the peopl of these Districts with usurping tie iIht. of their fellow-citizens of other Diktricts, be cause, differinmg from them inl opinii, they may wish to cling to a timne.hoonred Cnstomt which has secured to them ill their riiht touching the Presidential election I repeat: The charge of usurpation is en tirely groundless. It is indeed a suleeisn in ternms to pccuse the people of* usurping their own rights. This is simply a qcuestior of expediency, abont which a contest ha: arisen between different portions of th people of the State. The inquiry now is which portion is- right ? they avhn garfoi letting things stand as they are, or thos< who call for change ? This is the pol:t ti be hereafter determined. It is further said, that the expense :n inconvenience of calling the Legiilatire to gether every four years, merely to elect SE!ec tors, render this chiange proper and neces sary. Which is worse, a smul expiase incor red every four years with some inconveni ence, or the unknown perils of the rudhue~s innovation to which this change will ex us ? Which will cause the greatmr i:1COn ve nience-which will ppeal mn11re str -mly to the wealth and industry of the State, tI drawing oil 50,000 voters on the day o election from their usual avocations, with al1 their incidental expenises, or the ineeting to gether of about 170 persons at Columibia al ani expense of a very fe w thousanrd dllars Is time no element of wealhh ? Is thet samving of the people's money no saving of wealth to the State ? Oni the score of economng the mneetinig of the Legislature would be prefer able while the inconvenience wvould be tri fling. But the exidting evils may he easily reme died. In the growing interesta of our Sate, by which our Legislative business has been necessarily multiplied, it might not he amiss, every four years at least, to havea longer Session in order that important ob jects of Legislation may be duly weighe and considered. The fact is not to be dis guisedh, that ini our present short Sessions, from a want of time for thorough discussion, hasty legislation on weighty matters nol unfrequently results, from the ill effects o. which the State does not soimetimes recover for years. Byv calling the Legislature to gether, therefore, every fourth year, if nlot every year, on the TPuesday' next after the first Monday in N ovember, the day fixed by the A ct of Congress 1845, for electing Elee. tors the inconvenience of an extra Session would be remedied, and important beneficial results obtained. This change is again urged, b'eaue omi plan of electing Electors diffe.rs from that in use in the other States of the Union. Whlere is the force of such an argument ?Observe to whlat extent this mode of' reasoning wonmh] lead us! F or the same reason wemih cast aside many of our important interial arrangements, in the wisdom and utility a which,no one doubts. Why not ini itaite the examplle of some of the States, and ele'ct our Governor, Judges ud all other State oficers byv general bi: ..at ? Why int give our Executive a veto ? Why not change the mode of procedure in om Equity jurisprn dence, or'blend the jurisdictidns of Law. ami F'quity ? If example, apart fromi practicaIl good, is to lie our guide t hese eha mges miay :1e introduced ; hut where would be the wis dom or philosophy of such Le~gislationi Will the statesman urge measures for htis country without the prospPect of any benie ficial resubs, or of sonme conceivablvo goodi Let the advocates of the changito propos&~ed poiint to the practical benefits arising i other States from their mode of eet~ng Electors. We' ask if it lhas there built up~ stronger safegutards to popumlar !ihe'rty W ask if it has increase'd the in:i ige:.ce :md patiotismf of thet. plechl ? if it ias added t their social andh domestic enjoyment ? We ask if it has made the peCople there niore con serative oif the sound parts of the institu tions of thme land ? Thley, I amr aware, whio esos the causeO oft elhang, sometimelt boast of these benefits. Ibat i thiere ''rronad for such boast ? If a blind adheren'e t party'; if failiiariiy wvith cabailistie phr:~s~ ir u.ndne war-mthhm onm -u~as nil a d(t od s intelligence,our felow-citizens in other States may bear the palm from us in these high f iatictinl virtues; but if we are to judge of patriotism and political intelligence by a cor - rect knowledge of the principles under which 3 t he government should be administered, and % by a genuiiC love of country unintluenced by party ambition, then may our dwn people challenge comparison with those of aby f othii State in the Union for those ennobling virtues upon which rest the stability and sue. ces- of our republican institutions. To deal out slnig from the stump-to propagate party fad.-hoods and party extravagances to indulge in idle crimin:ations and re-crim in-atiowi-to perpetuate bitter, personal ani t moSities from year to year, and from ag-e to s age, is far from being the most effectual way to instruct ad to enlighten the people. Yet -h i the political schooling in many of outr sister itates in the party warfare car . d on during a Pretidential canvass. The public mind is there too often thrown into a I morbid, diseiked state from constant factious exciteenliilt; and in this condition truth is -LIm1ost whoilly excluded from its chambers. T'he searelbilng information; the cahn jud-g -men t, the Unbiased feeling so necessary to form the patriotic and en hglitened republi can- eitizen-anzd the profound study, so es sential tohe developmnent of the great states Man, are uLnattainlablu in the hot.bed of party strifet ; andl the people there have well.nighi lost their once high-sould abhor rence to tyranny and aggressionl amid the ieree scramles or party spoils, and the ambilions scienes of sellish, time serving poliiieians. What cani we promise ourselves by following examples.so little recouieni ed by wisdomh and propriety? What ! make - this change simply because others have made it? Shall we follow the multitude, to do evil ? Let us not, I pray, -suff1er ourselves t. be betrayed ilo an experinent so dan erous aid tuneceSSary. It has ieen again said that this election should be ch:mtged, in order to avoid cor ru''.'ain Vi e Levgidlature; and argument is emple I to sh iw, that the great moneyed powe* at Wah!i1gtJni1 could SO nSe itS cor in i nfi::;..-:: as to co h Ote election of PIre.-ihti in ::l the States in which Eilec trs may be :p;ointcd by the Logislatures. Now, il the pirct ph:ce, this argument is al together hypot hetical ; for in no other State except this, are :.lectors appointed by the Leiiature, an jii-igngI from the signs of the tias, no other State is likely soon to iitate our example in this particular. The argumnt is then at once reduced to cor rUp tion" irr - ouro w0 7 g Are etus ana lze thisimitter a little. Ilow is our beg t !iwti be corul edi (J the money amuti'lle held out to his supporters by the ea::di b.te Cor h buy tyil ev-e oft all the mfembhers of the~ L..- aune upon t a Xre eLxpectatioil ? But hat Will 1is av:l, limllezS the Ee/ors be ab. hought~ ip ? for after they are 'ap ntd, may:i thty not Choose to be holnest W14 c::t the vote of the State in accordance with he wieof 0 t people against the will f the corrupt mubers of the Legisla ture :But ifi C E,:Ciors 111m5si be corrupted too b ee ndi can iibe attainied, would it niot le &II net of .iupererogation on the part of tie 14e.Cidential candidate to attempt to crrt wh Iablisi of the Legislaturealso ? WhlY not confine his seductive arts to the s who aetually ca.A tile vote for Presi dentlitThe electoral college consists of abouat 2.1 personIs: the tuembers of the vartious Legikhatores of several thousand. In nui own :s *tate we have t3 Electors, and 170 meItuers ot thle Legislature. Is it easier to corrupt one hundred anid seventy, than eight, personts ?It so, it might lie easier to cor rupt the wsho body of the people than the nmemlbers of thu Legislature. -But the argu nment imp lies that it is easier' to corrupt the Leilatuire than the people, beennse it is a smaller body. Heince it would lie easier to corrupt S ilctors than 170 members of the ILegislaiture. And it is reasonable to sup Ipo-e thait a Presidential candidate would sear cely eileavor to corrupt so large a body whzen he imight effe'ct his purposes ait so miuch less tronle and expense. Dut this is attachbing undne imnportan ce to tlimsy objectioni ulih miight lie urged wiith dlonbte force :igainst thie plan recenm mendekd by tile advocates of chiange. Is no corr uption chairgeable uplin the prevailing1 systemi of ioinazting P'residlential canididates, and of electing eilctors ? Who compose t he puarty' caueLZ~s alld convenitionsi that no1w choose thte canizdates for the Preisidency? Some good men, it is adnitted ; but gener ally a parcel oh brokeui downt politicians and as~iirinug dcema~gogn ies, who a self-constitu ted ngenits tfor tis bu~siness, w ithouit anyv rogitiarly delegated authority from the people --for the miost piart irresponsible and reck less men, who seek, by intrig~ue andt faction, to rei ri.:ve their brtoken fortunies ; men, who live and bo~.athe in the ver-y atmoiishlere of corrtnp)tion and icantuery ; andl who, disre ga.rdng the qulfie:tions of the canddite, unite the~ir e nergies to bring before the peo pile for the highesit otlice in the G overnmenut, a~ manl unknown to faue, and .almuost destitute of aniy . positivo . merit .ait all. ilas~ any great tman Iihhkd the ['residential ch-air since0 the origin of these party conven tions ? Is it no'. ntorious that (lafiidsili4 /, eiie . -Ad not p:osive mierit, i~s almost the ;ily' coid a:-ia:2n: of choice in d etermning. up~on thir candidate ? Such is the charac te r u1uul1y of your great nominating con vention, inl which thu master spirits are us pecii-voted to tho great spoiils principle, andi knoui tnt what it i-s to use their talents withou211~t the rich reward of odice and gain. From~ thii rm oii~ ahdis backi beforet the peopled, anid with all the -il - ihey can emuphoy ini party mzacinery, exert thi r etforts to elect to) office the man who is toi reward them for- their honest labor. Andh 1th is theC body, and these the men, whosei~ wisdomz :and integrity :;re to lie trust edi to) the utmost, while they whoi~ c ilhompos your i -i]at i e Asseml y, though regarly conun-iond bry thiir tfellow~-citizens at the b~~i-box i', andh directly resptonsible to themi, ...... .i C.... miit i.-., t.o h., entrlid t., with this small degree of power. "Most lanie and impotent conclusion !" it is again -said that this change should be made to.prevent the election of President from falling.into the lower Hose of Con. gress as provided by the constitution of the United States. Now we have always been taught to believe that throwing this election into the lower House of Congress, MOder certain contingencies, is an admirable pro. vision in the constitution for protecting. the rights and influence of the smaller States of the Union ; and, in my own judgment, this furnishes a strong ground against the change proposed, and against the present caucus system. This I will endeavor to show. Under the Federal Constitution there are two elements that enter into the election, of President and Vice President-the element of population, and the element of territory, i. C., of the States iii their corporate. eapaci ty. The present caucus. and convention, systcm gives predominence to the element of population, to the exclusion of the other, by which the Southern States, small in pop. ulation, are overpowered by the great mas ses in the Northern Statis. By this means South Carolina, for example, has only 8 votes in the electoral college, while- New York has 35. New York has, therefore, more than quadruple the power of South Carolina in the choice of President; and the Northern States, though less in extent of Territory, have much more power than the Southern States. But wheni the election is thrown into the House of Representatives, the other element-the.element orTerritory -gains the ascendint.. The States vote as' corp'ofate Uodies-eah State casting one vote. Here So'iu Cardlina and the other small States have a voice in the election of President as potential as the great State of New York ; and the Southern States,though sparsely populated, can hold something. like an equal baud with the 'most plous egtes of the North and North-West. The argument then amounts to this: the election of Electors is to be taken from. the Legislature, because in doing so you keep ii out of the lower House of Congress, and thereby weaken the' voice of the State in the election of President; because, further, the clause in the constitution, designed for the protection of the slave-holding States, is thereby rendered null and void-being su perseded by bungling, irresponsible cau cuses and conventions, in which the only presiding principles are those of spoils and conquest. In the discusion of this subject, fellow girAgsthg p'ulaIc Mninda go..some-ex tent, been dTet off froin the real issue.' The trie and only inquiry is-in what way can the people's rights and interests be best promoted i And when I 'say the people, I mean the collective population of the State. Let this be determined as every important question should be-by reason and experi ence. What is the main object to be at taiined in the election of Presidential Elec tors. Is it not to give a fair expression to the enlightened wishes and sentiments of the people ? ' On this point there can be little difflerence of opinion.. By our present mode of election has not this objeet been success fully reached ? Was our Legislature ever known, in this regard, to thwart the will of the people, or to pursue a course that failed to secure the approbation of a large majority of our voting population I I challenge an instance. When the State threw away her vote in 1832, upon Mr. MANGUNf, and in 1840 upon Mr. TAzzWRLL, did the people generally express any dissent from the action of the Legislaturei On the contrary, was not the vote of theLegislature in accordance with the previously declared will of the peo ple as made know.- through the newspapers of that dayi It war alresaiy a foregone con clusion with otir people before the meeting of the Legislature, not to vot'e for General .JACK~ON~ in 1832, nor for Mr. VAN BUREN in 1840-and the Legislature only carried out the wiil1 of the people. And if, ini the past, it has always done this, why may it not in futurei The same causes under like circumstances, generally produce the same results. The laws that govern our moral being are as stable and as certain as those which govern the physical world. To the judg mer~t of the philosopher one is as sure as the other. Nothing, as I can perceive, in the nature of' the present plan renders it less certain in expressing the true will of the people, unless it can be made to appear, that the agents employed to cast the vote of the State are less qualified than others that might be chosen. How is it in this respect? Tlhe. p~eople cannot vote directly for President and Vice President. Trho Constitution of the United States compels them to employ agents-electors 'to cast their vote, in South Carolina the members of the Legisla ture are constituted agents to appoint Elec. tors. Are these men, coming as they do from dlaily intercourse with their fellow'citi zens, less acquainted with their sentiments, than those who may. be chosen Electors by a direct popular vote? t-it is absurd to sup pose so. If, then, members of.the Legisla ture-have the honesty to . express what they know to he the true -wishes of the people, nothig will hinder the people's will from being doly carried out in the vote for Presi dent. But why should the Elector, voted in at the ballot-hox,.bhe blessed with virtue above the. Legislator I By what species of Legerdemain can an election for one office inspire men with honesty superior to what they would have had, if elected to anotheri While entrusting to the members of the Legislature their more important con cerns, touching the civil, financial and po litical relations of the State, can any sage philosopher of this progressive age assign a plausile reason why the people may not safely commit to them likewise, the fpoor matter of electing a few men, to vote for President of the United States I It is idle to deny that the power of elect ing Electors is as wisely and safely exercised now us it would be under the plans propos ed. The people of the State now get their will fully carried out by agents whonm they haive chosen at the ballot-box, and wvho are