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- "We will cling to the Pillars of the Temple of owurLiberjies, uad-if it nustjAi, we will-Perish amidt the Ruins." -- Ws t DVRISOE. & SON, Proprietors. EDGEFIELD . C. JANUARY 9 THE EDGEFIELD ADVERTISER, 48 PUBLisiED FVERT WEDNESDAY MORNING BY W. F. DURISOE & SON. 'wo DOLLARS per year, if paid in advance-Two bOLLAaS and FIFTY CE'TS if not paid within six u-n-h.--and THaaa DOLLARS if not paid befbre the xpiratl.n of the year. All subscriptions not distinct y limited at the ime of subscribing, will be consider 'ed as made fur an indefinite period, aRnd will be con tinued antil all arre-rages are paid, or at the option of %e Pblisher. Subscriptions from other States must: INVARIALtY be accompanied with the cAsn. ADVrTISEMNuTe will be conspicuously inserted at 75 cents per Square (12 lines or less) for the first in. uertion, and 371 cents for each subsequent insertion. When only published Monthly or Quarterly $1 per *square will he charged. All Advertisemeis not having the desired number of insertions marked on the mar gin, will be contiiued until forbid and charged accor Ingly. Those desiring to advertise by the year can do so on liberal terms-it being distinctly undlerstood that con *racts for yearly advertising are confined to the imme -diate, legitimate business of the firm or individual contracting. Transient Advertisements must be paid for iii advance. For announcing a Candidate, Three Dollars, ix For Advertising Estrays rolled, Two Dollars, to be paid by the Magistrate advertising. SPEECH OF MR. TILLMAN. On several Bills to gice the Election of Electors of President and Vice President to the people, delirered in the House ofl Representatires, December '7 1855. There seems to be an honest difference of opinion, Mr. Chairman, between the members upon this floor, as to the parties in whom the Constitution of the United States vests the right of electing Presidential Electors. A por. tion of this House maintain that the right is vested in the Legislature and another portion insist that it was intended by the framers of the Federal Constitution to vest it in the people. .For my own part, I believe it is equally consti -tutional for the legislature to choose Presiden tial Electors, or for the people to do it, but at -the same time, I an one of those, who incline to the opinion, that expediency and Round policy require that the power should be vested in tihe people and not in the Legislalure. My first proposition is, that the choice of Presidential Electors ought to be griven to the people to prevent the corruption of the State Legislatures. If it is r' ht and expedient for South Carolina to elect l7esidentkl 4'ectors by the Legislature, it is equally so. tNat sa Ldgis l:ttures of all 4he other States i- this io' should do theame thing. It is- 1 will not work both ways. i . t would be the effect if all the er- t latures were to elect Presi ental retora ' South Carolina does. The AWle gmbei members of both Housezo Legislatures t all the thirty-one Sistes l is-, Unio ' hut 4,316. It wou41 onl' goje fessary t.- tve a majority in eachJ40 Legislature .co'rtrol the -vote'of the Staf i 6 El tora - of the members of all the Legislatures in this Union by two it would give only 2,58 members anti then add two, or even three hundrei mnemn bors tuore, to secure large and atmple majoritie.. in each Legislature, and we wouhi have-say 2.500 men to control the whole vo:e of the whole Electorat College, in the election of Pres ident of the United States. Now who is the Pre-ident? You tnay talk about the power of the Czar of Rtussia-about the departed glory and magnilcenee of the Eta peror of Rome, but sir. neither of them ever had the power of the President of these United Stat-s. I admit, that his powers are restrained. I admit, that he is controlled by constitutional checks, but ie, and he alone, regnilates the mighty imachinerv of both our Federal and State goverimcnts in all their important actions. No less than 300,000 men hold their comnimissicins as officers, at the will of the Plresident. No less than $85,000,000 are expended and disbur ned every .year at his dictation. or at le.st for the two first years of his term, because tihe very dhallot whicht secures the eir'emioiini :t President, Jakewise seenires the electioni of a mao: ity ini Congress, whm hie can control. atnd whose' Po litical svmnpathies aire enitirely with him. When backed by these coumnt!ess oflices, with their ,high honors and fat salaries, togthe~ltr with the niumnerous' othmer instruments of power, always at the commatnd of a judicious President. there is no doubtirng the fact, tha~t lie catn prescribe the legislation of Coingress, in a great measure, during his whole term of office, because in addi tien to these elements of power, lhe also has that of the set. The election. of President ia in reality the election of all the officers who constitute the federal governtmenit, amid it likewise controils the disbursement of netrly 5400,000,000. Such being the catse with all these splendid cofficea, and all this vast amount of tmoney at his talumost, absolute comtnatnd, what, would be the effeet, if this cotmbined amid aill powerful iniflueneo, wvere brought to bear, by the skilfuil hand of stuch at .mtan as Mtartin Van Bur-en, upon 2500 mnembers .of the State Legislatures, prec'iously elected antd allowed to vote for Presidential electors by secret bintlot, na is now done in South Carolina. The State elections for both branchos of the several legislatures in the Union, occur at nim ;merous amnd irregular periods of the year, anid thme tentre of office in both branchmes is likewise greatly diversified. For instanice, the nmmbers of the House of Representatives in thirteen .State' hold officee for only one year while in the other eighteeni States, they hold it for two years. Again. Senators in the six New England States, hold their commissionis for but one year. In eight of the States, they hold two years. In two of the Statea, New Jersey and Pennsylvainia, they hold three years, and in all the other fifteen States, they hold for the long period of four years. Let it be borne in mind that thme time, for holding State eleetiotns is generamlly (ixed by the State constitutionis, not by statute. Let it .also be remembered, that Congressacan anid does prescribe the time for choosing~ Presidential elec. :tors, while the States are left to regulate ;he ,naanner only of that election. Let it further be kept in view, that all the members of both branches of the legislature, and particularly the Benators in most of the States, are elected to 'their o~iees, generally for weeks, sometimes for motbs, and occasionatlly for years. before a jkesdential election takes place. Latstly, let it be supposed, that all of the States, were to elc their Presidential electors bay their legislatumes and by the secret ballot systemO as we do, amnd what could be the result buit ineitale corrup tion, so foul, so ratnk, thmat it would stiok in the nostrils of every honest man. Thie gentlemen from St. Johns, Colh,-ton, (Mr Bryan) declaims lotudy againist corruption ini thet othier States, where this election has been giver to thme people, and says that $85,000,000 are a hecav y burden for the flesh to carry gracefully, ~sir, i concede that it is a burden too heavy fo this legislature or for all time legislatures of the Amterican Union to cairry honest/y, but the thre jillionl of Amnericanm freeimiet amid voters enr both carry and disburse it satfely. I charge c legislatture, either of this, or any other State. that of any other State had the election ohf Pre sidential electors, with corruption, biut it is sound~ maxim of political pihilosophy, that al thotigh no mian or set of men may be corrupi Itat yet they are all corruptible. If Presidentia electors were chosen by the legislatur tm-im thi other States, a masterly intriguer wouid need only to control majorities in eight of the State Legislatures, to secure his elevation to the proudest and most powerful office that any man ever filled. Take for example New York, Penn sylvania and Ohio,. large States which have a joint vote of eighty-five in the electoral college. How many members constitute the legislatures of these States, including both Senators and Representatives? Only 427, a majority of whom would be 215. Take five of the other States, say Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Indi ana and Illinois, which have a joint vote of sixty.three for President, and add the vote of these five States to the thred, I have already named and you get a majority or the electoral college which at present is but 295. Now what would be a majority of the legislatures in these eight States, as they are organized at this time ! 567 and no more, so that, this small number of men could elect a President, if the legislatures of the States refered to had the election of Pre sidential electors, as is the case in South Carolina. It is well for us, that the other States have given this etetion to the people, while we have forborne to do it; for if they had kept it in the hands of their legislatures, as we have, I verily believe in all sincerity, that the Union wouli have dissolved long ere this. It must have bro ken into pieces, from the corruption of the thir. ty-one eating cancers, which this same thing of electing a President by the State legislatures would have engendered. It is notorious that the election of Presidential electors was given to the people in many of the States to prevent cor ruption in their legislatures, or at least. this was one of the many arguments used bythe friends of reform, as the newspapers of the time, and able speeches yet extant will show. This is espe ially true of New York, and I challenge denial from any gentleman upon this floor, that the election of electors was there given to the peo ple under the lead of Senator Tallmadge. in consequence of the intrigues of Martin Van Buren with the legislature, to secure the nominn tion of Mr. Crawford of Georgia. It was, I again repeat, in consequenceo of his proposals to bribe and corrupt that finally carried the measure through the New York Legislature. I know that it has been frequently alleged in this State, that the election of electors was given to the people in the other States, by the struggles of party for power. This is in some sort true, but the proposition is not fairly stated, since the Darty or parties who effected the reform in all the other States urged its necessity to prevent carruftion in the State legislatures. , e signifient fact, whip goes to strengthen aser on% his eec eiwas given to the people i t Star- 4 prevent the patron age ad )' Fe erGvernment from myrruptfing iat operaling.Wr u6iue influence ution tho 1P e uhanwl a , - ena nr IQ. ioia e nunCers or men cnpaaie 01 In tig Lie otl,. mid it is perhaps right that no one mai should till that all controllinr ofliec for so long a period as cight years. Previous to giving the eleciion ton theh pole il 111(1 le States , I lie general rule was to re-elect the President, be cause of the overwhelutinrg influcnce which his ollice gave him over the State legislatures. My second proposition in support of the bill under consideration, is that the election of electors ought to be given to the people to prevent the election of President front devol ving upon the Federal [House of Representatives; and I maintain that the other States have given the election to the people in part to prevent the recurrence of such an nppallirg event. This Union consists of thirty-one States, as sovereign communities, which are so distant from each other; their organizations so separate and dis inet ; their centres of netion so remote ; their interests so conflictinig ;their principleS so anta Cgristie. that there rarely could ever be, at this stage of the Rep~ublie,sullicient. concert of coun sel and action among the legislatures to rally a mjority of the electoral college upon any one man. 'The result therefore in rmost contests for the Presidency would be, that the election could only be decided by the Federal House of Rep resentatives. As' long as Washington lived, ie headed a party of his countrymen, to whom his will was law, and hence there never was any formidable opposition to him, or his successor, whom lie natmed. But at the very first eleetion after his death, what a spectacle did the country behold. The election of Presidential electors was then in the hands of the legislatures, which vted for President on difi'ereit days in nearly every State. The aspirarnts 'for Presidential honors intrigued with the leading members of each Legislatnre, who had prciously bee-n elee ted, and the election wa':s thrown into thme llouse. Several days were spent in fruit less ballots, and at last t wo Statles, Delaware amnd South Caroli na, apparlltd at the npproneht of anarchy, voted -blank,and Mr. Jefferson was elected. 'lle im~ mediately besto~wed high rewards upon those who voted for him in the llouse, as well as up. on those who had controlled the State legisaa tures. But at the same time, he recommended reform, arid the constitution was amended, as ti the mode of electing President, and for the lasi 'time up to this hour. ISubsequent to 1801, two candidates for the Presidency were genernlly put forward by Con ressional cauenises, se as to co.operate and nite public opinion upon one man by the party Iin power, and upon another by the party in op position. This was done evidently to avert then entastrophe of the election being again throwi into the H-ouse. Under this system, the eee tin of President clided on smoothly, until the age of pence, as ii, was called, cam-t on, whet four competitors for the Presidency were in then field-Mr. Adams, General Jackson, M r. Clay and Mr. Crawford. In conseqluene of Con gressional caucuses having fallen into disuse and the present national convention system be ing unttnown, there was no general concert t<n elect a President. Wire-pullers were left ful scope to intrigue with the L.egislatures in sue! of tho States as had not yet given the electioi of electors to the people, and by voting forfou candidates the election was again thrown int< the House, which became a second time an as setnblv of electors, insteaid of legislators. Whan indescribable scenes were witnessed in the ite presentative hall, pending this election. Mema bers who were aspirants for office and whosa votes might have an important bearing upoi their prospects fotr Execuitive appointments, me at the hour of nmidnight, log rolled, urgad temp ting bids for the votes of inluential memherr and in their bachanal orgies over the wine-bottle the successful anid more corrupt party chante the sentiment, that "those who fell with th first Adams shall rise with the second. Mr. Adams therefore was accordingly elerte by a corrupt coalition between himself and K Clay, "either express or implied," and the wil iof the American people was thus defeated tnecoi ding to the highest contemporanieonts authority Sneh was theo nude mockery of the electiv franchtise exhibhitedl to the public gatze that th -lresident elect saill in his mesage of neeer authority, he would decline the appointment and send the election back to the people. The in dignation of the people cried aloud fur ven geance from one end or the Republic to the other. The great mass of them ever afterwards delighted to punish both Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams, while they reveled in the luxury of re warding Gen. Jackson; and I believe that the latter owed his fast hold upon the affeclioins of the American people during his life, atid upon their veneration since his death, more to the corruption which defeated his first election than to any other single cause. Such was the horror with which the people ! regarded the election of President by the feder al House of Representatives, that another at tempt wats made, even during the administration of Adams in 1826, to amend the Constitut.on as to the mode of electing President. No less a man than George 3cEDitlie introduced the bill for that purpose. nnd it was not only advocated by him, but by Col. Drayton of this state, and a number of others-great and powerful men, both in and out of Congress. Mr. McDuflie's proposed amendment was defeated in Congress, but it has been virtually adopted by all the Slates in the Union, except oura. They forced, one after another of the legislatures, to give the election of electors to the people, and by a well organized system of county, district, State and national conventions, they produce concert of action throughout the union in all elections for President. Some may object to all this extra constitutional machinery, but the people, or at least all of them outside (if South Carolina, have unalterably decided two things: 1st. That the Presidential election shall no longer corrupt State Legislatures, and 2d. That the election of President shall, if it can possibly be averted, ne ver again be thrown into the House of Repre sentntives. It is now the settled policy of our people to vote for but one of two candidates for the Presidency-they bury all minor difl'erences of interest, passion or principle to keep the election olf of the Ibuse ; and although some of the States, as Massachusetts, Tennessee, Kentucky and South Carolina have occasionally thrown away their vote, or rather refused to vote for either of the regular nominees, yet, the great controlling vote has invariably been cast for one or the other of the two general nomi nees since 1828. 1 will cite four remarkable instances to prove this. There was a time when an ebullition of popu lar passion raied a strong party in this country against the wide spread and secret order of Free-Masons. And this auil-asonic party or gaMized for politicil purpioses, and had the courage to aspire even t,- dictate who shml h lie 1tresifent. William Wirt, who had few suleri ors aVJL3 age, or country, thonght this party of; sull rltgabilityu warrant him in a--ep tiow thnri'6mnatioqw- the Presidency.But laeumory o1 aill p tLoo.. . . aMid Iale have respectively been run by tle abolition party for 'resdent at each of the three last Presidential elec:ions. Yet as strono a, that party undoilbly are at the NorhIi, :1nls fierce as has been their w:irfare upon us, neither of their candidates carried a single State. nor go even a respectable vote in any State, sueh was and is the anxiety of every patrioli American to prevent the choice of President fromn heing left to the House of Representatives. I an aware that much has been said here about the inabili ty of the present convention systeimi, and the elee tion of Presidential Electors in the other States by the people, to reflect the real publie will inl choosing a PresidenL But I have yet heard no argument to sustain the allegation. Every ex ercise of franchise is merely a rolunfary act. No man can he forced to vote in any election, and as the people hold periodical and regular vee tions for delegates to their convenion, alt.h.ough without, any nt herity of law, we mnet. reaseona bly conelnde, that thecy take as mnech interest in voting for a Piresidenit in other States,asi casting their balhlot for at constatble, or cotunty clerk. I have other propositions to subimit, lut theL two tipon wvhiich I have already enlarged carry conviction to my mind, and ais other gentlemen -will desire to atddress the committee bioth for aind against the. bil , I shall now proceed to answer some of thu objections which have been urgzed against giving this election to the people. Onie objection came from thecggentlemuan from Laturens (Mr. Simpson :) I understood him, ini the outset of his remarks, to say that lie was tnt opposed to giving this election to the people, nior opposed to giving up our present system of elections andl legislation generally, merely on account of its atntiquity in the piolity of the State. But I must conifess that after following huiim closely ini his remarks, I thought lie arrived at the coniclusioni, that lie was opposed to this change on mio other ground thani the antiquity of the preesenit system of' electing Presidantial electors ini Sonuth Caroli na. In reply to him, I ha~vo only to say, diat at the time our act, of 1792 was rat ilied this Union comprised but thirteen or foturteen States, with some 15,000, or 20,000 unimportant otlices, withI a sparse population of but little over 3.000.000 and a federal revenue of only about $5.000,000. Since that time. the mammoth corporation, so to speak, of' the federal governmenit, has growne to such huge proportions-the number of Staites added to this confederacy has beeni so great, its population has increased so rapidly, its wealth has accumulated so fast, and the facilities of corruption could now operate so fearfully, that if the other States were to elect Pre.-idential electors as we do, I honestly believe before my God, that this Uniotn could not stand the shoeck of three Presidential electionis, because of the corruption that, would exist in the state legislat turees, or be engenidered in Congress. by thirow ing the election into the House. I therefore ap peal to hint to httnt up a better argument than "antiquity" against giving this election to the people. Our ancestors perhaps acted wisely ini I what they did in 1792, and we also, smhul now acnt wisely in full view of all the cireinmsinneces which surmound un and guided by the lighit oif ,experience in our goverment, which its foun ders had not. Trhey establishedi the govermnment aned set it in motion and thierefo~re could niot make all its parts perfect nt once. We shonid regulate the machinery and alter it, whme'ver the harmonious action of our compillex systemt ,demands it. I speak withI reverence~ hut iIrnti b, when I express the deliberate c'onvierioni that our forefathers thenmselves wvouhdinmake the - change proposed by this bill it' themy couli aet as the legislature of South Carolina'in I855, its ,they did in 1792; I Next let me answer briefly the gntlemian from St. John's Coilleton. I conifesse that i e'n denvor'ed to gather at least a skeleton of hiis objections to the Bill but that I was entirely unau .ble to de so. He dealt in such grandiloqument Iphrases, mneh bold images. such tiery Demos thenie expresstons, that I conl ntee for thei life .of me cateh his thoughts as the pas tromn a his lips, Hie told us a grea t dea':l :nlhnt the F'rench u' revolution, but I shoculd likn. to k iowv what that~ - has to do with giving the elect ion oh e'lieitors tel istric*t Boards of coiimissioners, all the magis rates nnd all the managers of. elections. Now whom doiwe elect and who are we f I too m no demago I .:,(l.ughter,) I know that I am garded a' * 'the parishes, or if you, hoose, as ahot' 4 . eint,. 1 amMs n . .iin this House, tat they est ..red republican, -ho deserv . 'rance. But tell vou fra i i6 sI that I. -go for othing but Pt0a -ple and >every et- noI hg more. at to come 'batkefon y argument. Who are ,el Are we any tiing more than a fair speci. Ien of the men in or districts (laughter) I ave heord it remarkeiat leigislatures are but el dressed mobs, or ikilther great assem ies of men. I believe i, was Mr. Madison who 'ent so far in one of his state payers as to-ob irve, that no body of men, even of the wisest ad most virtnodf. in the world. could 'get >gether and engage in exe'iting discussions with. ut degenerai'ng into :nobs; Of course I mean a disrespect., when I say that we as-a body are ut very little, if .any above an average specimen f the middle classes in our districts. But not ithstanding this when we arrive here, how is that we hold on to so much power for our Ives. How i6 that we have acquired, so.much ore political wisdom on the road from.our ames to- this place. I insist upon it we either .quire more wisdom on the road,or ought todo >, because we consider ourselves entttled and ile to exercise a great many more powers here in I thionk we can judiciously. -I have always rought; that * Legislatures were instituted to ake laws, but I think thig Legislature was do. gned to iake elections. I assert emphatically int we-are an assembly of electors rather.than r Legislators, and I any this without meaning iy offene.., as I have the esprit de corps at heart i much as any gentleman upon the foor. Let me enumerate a list of the officers whom e elect. I have written them down hurridly, icause I could not name thein all readily from emory, and now I rear that I have omitted the imes of some. To say nothing of our own lieers, we elect, the Governor, Lieutenant overnor, Secretary of State, 'two Treasurers; omptroller General, Suirveyor General, Adju nt, and Inspector General, Attorney General, e Solicitors, ten Judges, twenty-eight Com issioners in Equity,one Master and oneRegister Equity for Charleston, one Assessor and one seheator for Charleston; a President and velve Directors of theBauk.of the State, twen .Trustees of the Souti Carolina College, nine egents of the Lunatic Assylum, six Visitors '':he State Military Academies, all the com. insioners of the various district boards of ilice, all the magistrates and all the managers eleqtitns.in-the whole State-that is the cata gue of Statc officers, -whom we elect. Besides use we'alo elect two United States Senators d. s-ir.. We eleit them by lu/do. This general -emlyV somi sits longer thaii three. nnd -vr, I beli-ve, more inti four weeks. And as o hive o elect on the average, about one irth of tliesu ollicers at every session of the i-datnre, frequently holding two or three 1101os inl one eh-ction-how mun ih time is left to legislate. Nearly every member of this oily ailways has a friend who is either a declared odieatt or :i aspirant for so.me oflice, now or oirtly to 1, va-mit. We are therefore, all eioneerrs, with e:clI other, and the candi les and asi-iratlls uiist, electioneer with u. e must -onseiiuenly treat and be treated, feast d he feast---all of this consaies at least half - our timne, whii should be devoted to legis. ion. f -i:l next niinrake h- show that our votes l1egil-uin ire hi::sed; yea. orien coniroilled, the votes whichl we itntendl to g'ive, or hope to L-ive ii elections fir our friends. tir ourselves 2r m~embhers of this legislaiture, are ofteni, very len. too often condidate-s here themselves, and miidates or at least aispiramns for years at that.) e-~rv sountd nunaded ma~n must cleairly perceive, it icandidaite or :aspiratnt is at all times previ is to the clectiuon,a:nxious to increase his popa -ity- withI t hose who are to pass upon hisi pre tins ; lience-, that in any great excitement, tendiing either to the whoile, or, a part of thet -etors. sueh otlice-seekeur or aspirant must d will lie polii, orn, in convertable terms, pru nt and timid. Thae.e great excitements con mtly occnr ini every legislautive body, and in rs, they for the most part, always assume a Iiohal'direction. Hence, no candidate, no as -ant for anty nlce in the gift oft this assemtbly, a give ani hone-st and inde-penadent vote on such easions. Hie cannot, even aet as a true man d statesman~i iutghit. fur thle rea-on thant it woulId in vain to appileal from thle legislature to the pas the bail/tl system here mnocks the ople and pire-vents themii from bestowing a so. titr's cotnmnissiion, a judge's gown, or a goy ors cap upon the-ir favorite, however worthy may tbe.I Ard there arc still other agencies, which op it with abnmost dlictatorial force uapont the votes rpresetativea here in many matters of leg thon. The hank of the St:.te, the private aks. the railroads, the college, the ililitary idetmies, antd the lunatic asylum, ailthough butI -portionis, are yet wvhat might be called a rd. and the most powerful braunch of our leg thre. T'he ban11k of- the Sta~te las four nmil. us of the people's moneyv, and we tmatnage it. e elect the oficers who have iniluence here. my miembers of this body get accommnoda n' there, and they must reciprocate the fauvor votintir as the bank directs in many matters legishitiotn, as well as in numerous elections .e. If not, actiomns at law and persecution er cover oif the ballot is their p~ortion here, well as indirect opposition in the primary etions before the people. Many of the other tes have a constitutional provision excluding eers of rail roads and banks from sitting in legislature, lint our private hatnkia have large ekholders and directors without limit, who also members of this biody. Unader cover the ballot and other parliamentary tactics in tt hiure. these institntions frequenttly take a it hothI in legislat ion and in elect ions. The r-ais t:-nd in the same category. The utt Car'' . college in a different way, like. e plays a.. imtportaunt part, ini the action of assemblV. The same is triue oif the military demies. a's well ase of the lnnatic asylumi; sir, eveni the ausyhnmn is married to the Legis ire [lanughter.] Jt now for the overwhelming evidence that legishttre is aun Assembly of electors and of le-gislators, atid that by its peculiar organ. tion an oligarchy of iive hundred men are iitt-edl to rule the state with an iron will. minl at p'resent say inothinig mor-e of the or lizatoe o4f this Ilionst , thian that it consists ote lhunid redi andl twenty-four memiitbers. half he- pipilion. Upohn ihi' joint ba:sis fifty et~:iv--, 1 be-leive-, ecu~e fromi the pai-i i! thie re'imaiimg se-venily-foiur from the~ di< I,. It wouldbe ha -me.ay m:,tter to shmow, refer everyIaing to the" Prench revolution and ' the Frenich revolution to averything (laughter.) I Now I think the Freiich..revolution has been A great God-send to colleg boys at least, for be- a tore that startling event-it was fashionable to r refer everviling to Greece and Rome, and C Greece and Rome to everything (laughter.) and I fully expected when the gentleman touched - upon the days of the guilotine and the reign of' v terror, that he would go iff to Greece and Rome I I next (langiter.) But seriouslv,if the gentle-n man's obojection to the rb'ill be well founded, I t that the people cannot govern themselves-ythat 1 they cannot make awise . choice of Presideitial v Electors and that therfore their Legislature a must do it for them, hoW is it that the people h have intelligence, virtue~ind judgment enough r generally, to elect eflicint police oflicers 1nd b good representatives tomake their laws? If M free institritions cannoF.-long survive popular s elections, I would like i*ceedingly to have him a tell me how much freefom there is where no t popular electins existl Or how much freedom .0 there was in Rome wheb. her Senate, which h.1d. n the chief appointing power to-ollice e'ould be b bought and sold ? or itrhe prefers, how much o liberty there was in Vepie when " The Council v of Ten" did :aIl the 1.g, made all the laws it and attended to their: ention! The gentle- 9 man should not havej 'rred to any branch of- n the Celtic race for fscleD history to sustain his h position. If he wil ad. Ds.Liebers Civil. a, Liberty, he will there the information, that 9s no tribe of the Celtic fly ever enjoyed Liber- 1: ty. They go riot for Hi rty and union, but too d much for uni/k. It is , roui the Anglo Saxon ti race that we have sprung. It is their example u that we are accustome;to cite and follow in si politicl science. Thegentleman did cite the ti evils of popular electiops in some of the "hire- o ling States" as lie cal'-d them and in which a: epithet I fully concur. ':Bit did not my friend a: rom Abbeville (31r. *Nble) challenge him to rive an instance in theisouthern States where u datnger had ovenrred fra giving the election to b the people. lie did notXit, and I defy him now a to do it. On the contr. wherever the elections n are given to the people piritofin uiryis arous- o ed and inquiry provos diseusion, discus- C sin it tin ii hates thought4hought produces sieech, C speecli produces actionand wise iction'. It is t: not the least of the i ments which may be fi advanced in flavor of girtlg this election to the r people, that it would istruct them.. As things ir stand now, our people'iioin comparitively noth- E ing of State politics, while they are perhaps bt better schooled in federal affairs than:those of tj my other state in the Unign. It, is th busi- A RuNS of the parish gentmen to gag the newspa- o pers and divert the atn tion of the people from r their own domelie nrs and keep their eyes p ver directed to the eoi ptions and misdeeds at o ashing1tn. We t -refore always see the Is n n Uncle San e, while we overlook ti ni anle beoure, agarmi mwna wiI , ... l-or. I hive seen ill a ti :1" l a i in rint1 , . M.i irn ge to tell it h;, flever L.- .- utr - I-1. d within my knoiwle-le, :, it m ii , b ien. South Caro!ina bonab:, of leinir a 1% w trade Sinte-claims to be at tie he:aul f the Si'hts sectini cf the Denio.raiie priy. :aid vet if her L hii tire has always relti-led the popilar will in tleoappoiitimlenat ot Presi-den- n Iial electors. and instreeting them for whom to vole, why was the viA( of the State once griven to Willie P. 31agu.rm.ti in who has long been sI amous only for his coitolidation whi-11iggery and ei hits xces.,ive devotion it his 1 potations ? A nd : vet our lqgislattre, in casting lthlat vote, is staid to c ive acted as tIhe peiole desired ? Was that -.n-te ihe rei.eted will of our g:allnt peoplh 1 oi No. sir. I think not. I rememier well Oice l s:nlinlg In onipilly v.ih a di'l ti ished mnein-* her dl Ciwnress at a hee'cl in Washiiiigtoni City, wen'i this Souithi (.ar.n!iI liivante for thne Pres'i- b dnei reaeld hy. and never felt the binl ofu re haae rise so trigh on niy checek, as whlen moy ri' i.. itiisinl comnirii pointed and said to~ nie.,a with:Ei baitnd smile, "Jda not your state onc .. vote for MSinn for Presidlent !" Then let it I. >t be said this legi.dh(Lre hars always relecte thnI the popular wil! o't Sn th Carolinat, or if it is i said, let it n I go iineartradict ed. l Let tie take lie ge.alfna nan t ik upon ano- t Ithter point. I low doe, he know 1 I tow can any tian know that this legishature Inns always el, reflected thle will of ihi l'liple ini vuting for aun Presidenial elei..rs! Do we riot vote he re by d secret ballot.?-.-Can the peoide know how any st: oh is vote ? Suppose that nay district should nt wa its vote eamst for D~ouglass at the niext a rsialnti.dl viaetion, abiould mnst ruit its repre-pi sentaive~s to give thail vote. conid nmot thos e- eC c res.natives come hierei :a'l ast thir sullr'rage Ig i alividially or cotllectily fo'r lBucha~inanir . n willie I,. .1i~itmnm. or anyi~ line else? Cahld t he. be paliple ohf J..lgeield ever kntow w hethecr Iteirs wi,.hs hadbeca bere or nt ? It i orsey t h folly then to s:l', thart t his legishatutre re- lie leets lie ppular will in the appoitmentt of cr Presidniaiil elector-s, or ini any othier ohthn iii ln-ie m ierus electins that take pliace here. I herei. is wiay of ascertainimg the fact, and it is but assertion whenh the rema~rk is made. Even if the Io p puar will could be ascrtameid, there is noi t way of carrying it out here, as our State gov- b eranet is nat presenit orgarized. Indeed, sir, I m uiatiiainht tine people of South Carohta have hut very little to .dn with their governmtenit, ex cpt to feecl its oppresionns, eiher in makinm laws, or in saying who shall expound aind infrc thm It is a paintul ditty, but I aimerte Wo rtnipmnsbilit) ofmkn'oodl what ( have said. rd now, Mr. Chatirmanil, I feel that I am go- t itng tl tread upon very senisitive ground, but I by blal endeavor to keep) my oiwn tempier ana will snot wiound thte feligso ny on'Oe farther thtanli na be necessairy to tell thne truth. I am jsii cii ii doinig so, since line oif the strongest nhjee ions urged by geintlemsen from tiw up, as well as ronm the low counltry, aigainst giving the elee im f electors to the people is, that it would . tob whrat arc called the compromises of (ori istiii i ii nhlie rela-ions between the two' nfteState. Asn this is the issue im~nae i sectiois - th bill po urt able I imst. r b ; itrsede to inform the I lo'use whny 1 thiink h' plera.t -il not now be givern to thne pneopilel ~n s inot done lrong ag~o rand why fll -wl4 a7 n~~~ atice ha', not been renide:-id toiri e ~n fnrly a1nd to those of the up-court- I try' i pairtiesnma. tI honm di' the people of Soi th Caroilinia elect. ne ti Tihic.'' ey are alloiyed toi an-ne t heim-ve to lrs wlhe s thhesiiblanc~e of savereigsnty in lat odisS orytit for miyrirads of petty Mlilitia hodig, ami I. chrge upon01 memtbers ofI the~ par- thi tgihes, han. that they' rare ras a hbndy disposedItn ol reh p mS resentiinable mlit ia syat emn fee r urii anmorne. than ltlat ter then people withI ia frnth ,f exercicC in poe where noh hehl apP lbrt ,hbut a mere basnle is at staike. riht other otiters do thle peole eliet? Theliir sit ih diltrict. Polico in d their very honoraihuh. h n~air oif then lengi-datUre and oif t'igress. nme .ntprmitei tio eleet all their Intl - Th 'yn'r n thnin ai:!Int Armlyap i :mene. a ,,,,,, in equmit3----t hree nof ihe Itnr I that -ifAu- taxation were levied rightly.: and equalIy;' the':Awtrjea would beL tititled to 1 severtil m re meuiriron this fioor td they I are.noJy,.but I leave that for a more'fittigoe- I Aist?.0 -s) on to the otheri6souse, I at - f hcapitol. Thope Mr. that body in 'I that r the other day, I for alluding to it by its' proper name, and by the way, I think we ought to alter the rules of t the House in that respect. It is a rule that we t have adopted without any just reason from j Great Britain, because an the House of Lords I once governed the Commons, the latter enacted c the rule in self protection. But this is a digres. g sion. In the other end of'the *capitol there are t twenty-three senators from the parishes and onl l twenty-two from the districts. I trust we ah a have twenty-three after a while. Our upper House is organized upon the principle that each' election district shall have one senator always. Each of the.judicial districts in the up-country is also an election district and therefore each of I the districts proper, haa only one senator. Each a of the -judicial districts, Beaufort, Colleton, J Charleston, Georgetown, Orangeburg and Sum-I ter is sub-divided into election distnts calleda parishes. Beaufort by this arrangement has c four senators, Colleton three, CharleetoAten, I (she alvays takes eare of herself,) Georgetown t two,-Oingeburg two and Sumter twon. Tii t districts p r have above 12,000 square. tiles The also ..possess aoe 163,000 more wi inhabitant's, above 61,000 more slaves and above r $53,000,000 more-of property according to the:t last federal census, and the last anual repdrt of' a the comptroller general, and with reference to r the five, items of land, live stock, implements t and machinery, town lots and slaves, istimating c the latter at $500, per head and counting the -4 wealth of the City of Charleston as so much e parish property, The five items of property. to. a which.I have referred are the only legitimate. c indices of the' relative wealth of the two see -r tioni. I have purposely excluded any account d of household and kitchen furniture [laughtii] I plate, jewelry, ready cash, bank and railway . stock, merchandize and the like, of which the c districts undoubtedly have more than the par- I ishes. Now this excess of territory, white pop- s ulation, slaves and property in the districts is : virtually without representation in the Senate. r And. just as much senatorial representation as c the parishes have more than they ought, just I that much less have we got than we .ought to i .have. Hence 'if senatorial representatiou be I based upon either territory, white population, e Slaves,-or property of the State, the excess of a either in favor of the districts as before given t 'must actually be multiplied by fio to ascertain t how much ot either basis is unrepresented in G the Senate from the districts to give them equal r senatorial representation-with the parishes. The t -- know this and hence the teiacity with t - for no man, c power vol. t he parishes c inz else re- q two Hou- I t nlige. As s the legsiature ......, it officer in a the State and as the districts have nearly four h times as much whito population as the parishes, v it is evident, upon a general principle that they L must also have four times as many candidates for orc.s in the gift of the legislature, as the l parishes. This is the stronghold of their power l and the secret ballot here is the masked battery v from behind which, they strike down every e champion of the up country, and it is the iron a chain which binds and subjects 221,734 people, c the real men of the State, to 58,651 saints of Li the parishes-it is the anchor which has kept t< onr ship of State in one position ever since a 1808. Now for the oligarchy. What is the g policy always pursued by ambitious men in a South Carolina? It is to gain power at home, u or in their individual election districts and swap Ii it off in the Lezi.,lature. No aspirant for State s haonors cares one iota about cultivating the pen- '1 pie out:;ide of his own election district. The ti result is, that, abouit half a dozen of what are sl called leading men in each district hitch teams tl -carry the local elections for the Legislature, ti either for themselves or their tools, and sell tI their district's vote in the Legislature, either in o matters of election or legislatiorh to promote ra themselves to the high oflices- b, They, however, give and take. A cabal in t< one district will join its forces to a coterie in ni another district and these two will unite with a clique in a third district, and so on o' throughout the State, until a regular phalanx is formed, so as always to have a majority ready to al fill any vacancy that may occur. The apoils of ui office in Souith Carolina are partitioned regular' C ly in this way, and yet we rail against the cor- tlI rupition anid intrigue, which secures federal ofi -g ces biy taking a part in Presidential elections. s The reigning powers of the several districts are al all the wihile flittering, complimenting and ex- vt tollinig eaceh other. They intercha~nge civilties hi through the newspapers, for our sheets, with a he few honorable exceptions, are dzunb on State at politics, and are ever filled with fulsome aduln- tha tion and disgusting toadyism. Every little dis- ru trict junta has its organ, edited by 'some one y who ho~lds an office in the gift of the Legisla- th ture, or it is controlled by a magnate who has a ar berth, or wants one. Delegates from euch dis- 01 triet meet annually in Columbia during the sit- th ting of the A ppeal court in May, or during the te, session of the Legislature. They concoct new ee sehemes, divorce old alliances, forui new ones, and so the State ofiees have been filled for the fic lnst fifty years. Sometimes friends are sold of mnd enemies are reconciled. As ambition gen- wi erally knows no law but success, the ballot ena- iol les it to play traitor to a friend, or friend to a th, traitor without detection. Thus, deceit, hypo- mu :ruey, intrigue and diplomacy, rule the State. to An ambitious plebeiain who has not yet been wi initiated into tho mysteries of the oligarchal Di ilnbs, watches with the cunning of a fox to as- w ~ertain who is the most prominent candidate for Di avery vacancy, and as soon as he las gathered thi ~he information, he forthwith unites his fortunes lol o those of the general favorite, or in different of brase, an interloper always goes for the pow- w< ~rs that be, not for those that ought to be. Many pri iman has risen to high officees in the gift of the to ..egislature in this way. Merit with us is gen- ru r Ily ignored, while intrigue when the most Ipri tkilful is the most rewarded, and yet we are thi ver protesting against giving the elect ion of b Slectors to the people, because forsooth it is ge aid cunning and wire pulling would then con- h rol the oflices and the people too. But in this ekt ~rent game for place, the parishes have still the Ir idvantage. fa Trhey are united in solid column against the ed istrictsa, because animated by a common feel ng to preserve the power which they obtained to y fraud and hold by diplomacy. Th'le parish 'epresentatives having but small constituencies, tW ~an easily be return ed again and again, like the no members for the boroughs in parliament. And eOl 10 matter who represents a parish, lie knows hai hat his people would as soon part with proper- Itio y they had obtained unjustiy as give up their bu olitical power which righutly belongs to the up. sha onani ry. Not so wvith lhe represcntaitives of the era aterei -ho have ,rn..rally lare nstituencis. o turbulent, aitharfl to4 iassagsise ntte si - uliionaso &-oiittiljct loal nbere.fs,'list but eW members'aisfe4litte'd. S 46fW fasiti Titd tion in 'uuptry.',r preindtian, virtuially eavesthe parihes in. ponseusien-of mqst. of he . xpez ence and tretf the " egSactre. ,Agning be' up.countrv :a 1raya diVided,' becaset avig four times ts lany canididat ii'ft fi l the parisheen seleca limelchcittle D co-operate in elertions, or with wiats a'til a unite in legislation. Paraiesi-fnctions. elula antas, cliques, and coteries, *unite -e.divierit oting for or men measures, , Alkin4iOvli f the representative it..forgqimn, r acd Mp*d takes, the spoiliS the honoes, ,;. aqlasgr be leading object with evseh p lore than the good of.si-r. euunt, t.ij re Pj entative is thust corrupted by Ji):erdin a ation of our goevermioen. Tiherellxt&,47 inary occasinsi, when -Apy gprvernment maiy roduce-corruptilnwin it*de gistative-iceradrmt hat governme;ntiw~ich byi QiW okpy.O ption roduces~auch .corqptli i s:uranje tand, The parishes-are teaep. mbecause beingthe .grotngyt i4e1thaaralwAy u - 1, p rt .e i . . the , .ni'.bid. . . - 2 legttos n .iiiey never wil nela$~ ryt aI I aetar. Hence our con sae '-l "r adherence to" f nmgsing ocwithstadi'udn he th JiiJ ' * be iteru 6 fydw a ud Basp es1,ehiit i they 'eiiie' yvl eld' wainsifor thdi .jnietlf sed yIiiidf1vi'di ian Pendreton' Iileb -thi jerti*t' wif f Soith Carolifla'th'givd this leetiifrelt ential eleetdr'stn the-penplej beeruai'. mijo'tt f the legislature- etn e::st the ioidif the Stalti, dd the pshibes-is4M have Phow,- ean.:4dwity5 enitiollbtelginatire. -And, tnedo/h efanalofitbe'Stat,. to-takesaay .poin."re. ential ilections, ahhongc ase remTtcs in the nion anddisrticipai fit tlii *gisliatin' 6f'Con ress, and e6tilin'si-s to submit th'nem er- I itizens to the adjndicationa4 the federdi*if ly refusing to give the- eteetlon: tb thelpsopits, he refuses to go into the nitionAl eontventiiMt ecause the people need take ho ': interest 1nm he tter, as they can have no -ulimate. contrl ver the vote of the State, on acount. tof imie allot here, making thi' all uontrolabid-indy, nd because furtier-he prep int.:e ostJyparo na are wholly unacqu:1ived.%wiih the ennventionc r caucus system a it is .neerijgl' de'.d.b y awe. By the tate refusing to J r il'W onal convention. she .lake io part %intevbin be election of that. mihvlty and iAl - linporftini Ifliser-.the Federill txecutive.' 'The' -natiWil omination is virtually tIe elbetion ;' itis really be election, beesuse th'e inhequent Ststeli. ions are mere ratifctlon -oneqtr'th'other f the two previbus national ttiomaieonc. '8#P bat for the last Iwenty years we have otedrfr a Preeid exaMl!Ilik' e . The parishes area enit. Iey always act in oneert. I have w.tehted their members here nd they have weached me; (hesnghster) I have, stened to their eonversation, -and Linppose icy have listened to mine. I have attended the assions of this legiI tire for four or five years, nd I am satisfied from what I have seen and eard, that there never was In the hitiry of the -orld, in ancient, r m'.lern timesQ. anly et of ten banded together in a closer emnbrace. than our parish repreverntative4. They do ruleb the p-country by brib-ery. They may even now eep their seats, as clatlions fron the dis rie.s. ill maintain their ennce ofr on-ervatism Irv verything. It has becnme fa4hisionalle, hlow. ver, for leading men of the up.eonntry, to dr are war against the p:sri.hes sub. modo, but ley only do it to get thletir price, tol get vote, i get office. They go to the parish mebners ,a say, "elect mle to a high nffice, whieh will ive me commanim.ing instlnsentseel l the usp-counstry, id I will use that inlinerce in your behalf among y people. I will take np the cry oh' conservn. m-will represesnt the iitern-ts of thee whol. 'ate, and make as msneh sdo s tay mas sn enn." 'reason to his CeiceLk5t', l.i God'acnd Ihis see uen, has been the pbrice ofl many ass oflice Ice owed by this legislaetur;e uspon up-ronsentry gens emen. 'Yes, sir. the pris rotile usi with ie hands of our own leadingscsen, who fire* into le camp of their friensdse like Arnsold, as they go ter to the foe. Whiile they arc receivinig the tword of their tr'oesn, aned asfter lihe price has ten paid down, i is thle neenpat ion of their live iprate of the rightis of the parishes and say ihing of the wrongas of the districts. Peace! peace ! pence ! is the etei-nal them~e of cr oligarchy. " .'ou will disturb," say they', the compromises of the constsitutiocn. Lwt one the landmasrk~s which~l our fathcers have left i!" I have thouight that of all wesrds Soulb arolina professes so ha~te th:,t ofl "eonpromni-e" e most. Bunt it is righst I cssppsose in uhe Sta:e ivernmwent, althoeughs wrong ina the' fe'deral... range inconsistesry' ! Thesc it hser States havet ered their cons:itutions and~ hsave enlled con. ntions for that pueerpose. Virincia, fosr insltcnce a done it frequenctly, ansd I i, 5ot tink shse a been injured by it; lhnt to chas~nge. alter, send, or mnodify' ansyihing in Sotith Carlin:., e parishes say, weould brinsg deenolution acid in upon us. " No parties.," is their' cry, nd t out of thirty or forty factiones, I will not eil em parties, the parises rule them all. Parties a a hlessing. No friee cemuntry wa.. ev'er with. t them. When waso Ensgland withuet.two or ree great nationacl pacrties I They watch, d,. -t and expose ve'ch other's overdoings or short mings. I do not object so mnehs to the number of eof era elected by this L~egisla~ture as the ale that election. The balljti! the ballot I is at I raise my voice against. In this conneet. I remember an ineident wvhichs oeeurred at Slast session of this .Legislature whiech pained very much, and osf which 1 desire thse coumntry be informed. We all remember it bet too 11, or at least I do. On the first' hallot for reetors of the Banik of the State, -only el-even no chosen. On the second ballot feor twelfth rector there was still no election, beeause of ec candidates being rure, and on the third bal. twoo more votes were east than the-nultmber members who had voted. Yea, a poor but srthy young man o.f Chcarlceton wna thus de. ved of his election, and L want it to go abroad the people, that t wo mnembhera. of this incor-. ptile body, two mnembhers who had sworn -to serve, protect asnd dueend the constitntion of s State and of the Usite'd States, who head ens elected perhaps by a high minded, intelli nt and virtuous cennsstiueney, went up to the tot box and deposited two votesa in an etion for a Director of t he Bank of te .'tatze. epeat it again, andi every mremcsber knsows thce t, although it does not appsear upon the print. journals of the Ilemnse. Nearly all the States have gh en all e'lections the people except that of Judges and U:.'8 nators, and some of thcem have given te clee n of oven Judges to the people, whzichlIeap Sapprove. In seddision to this, ievery. &tate stitution in the Unsion (or snearly all of them) Sa prevision of thsi, sort : - k T 'at i isee. ns by the people. then voste shall -be bybeulipt, tin all elections by Ihe Legislatsure, tbe.voei lII be dr'ia voce." 'Fasur oft .the. Spates, how. tr, vote vir'a tvoce, evenc icc pr imaery elections, COre~iICDE Oft Till fl' t,1tiT~i PitEN