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EDGEFIELD, S. C. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 1851. NOTICE. Wz are requested to state that the Ilon. A. P Bt7rLrt will address his fellow-citizens at thi place on sale-day next. We hope that those wh< oppose, as well as those who favor his views, wil. attend upon that occasion. NEW ADVERTISEMENTS. Sa the advertiscments of I. B. JAcxsoN, o Itamburg, and of Gians & 31CCoRD, of Augusta Nothing like reading every thing new. CALIFORNIA GOLD. Dr. Jou-s- LARK. formerly of this District, nom of California, exhibited to us yesterday some beau tidil specimens of virgin gold. One lump wa worth $106. Dr. LAa gave a glowing descrip tion of the country. 'I'here is no estimating wha the South fims lost by giving up this vast and ricl region. GOOD iNEWS FROM THE SEA-BOARD. WE observe, in a late Charleston Mercury, call for a meeting of thc Secession party, signe by upwards of SIXTEEN IUNDRED ANI FIFTY NAMES. MARION STAR. WE notice that Mr. Jons'B. LASORDE has re cently taken charge of this paper. The father . this gentleman (Professor LABORDE of the Sout Carolina College) was one of the founders of ot own Office, and was connected with it as Edit for three years. To his son, we now extend ti right hand of fellowship most cordially. We a? gratified by the style in which he has made h debut, and, advocating as he does views coinc dent with our own, we shall look to his succe with constant interest, and we may add with u doubting confidence. OUR VILLAGE SCHOOLS. IT gives us great pleasure to state that our V lage has now a bright prospect of becoming, agal the flourishing seat of female education. One our Schools has just opened with the unust number of fifty pupils. The other, we are to] will begin to--day, with between thirty and for We are of opinion that both of them will do < cellently well. And in a short time, we expect see more than an hundred neat little maidens hi rying here and there to their different schoc Fair competition is said to be the life of eve business. We conceive it to be especially so wi the occupation of a teacher. It is an onerol perplexing and tiresome pursuit-a ding-dor monotonous employment to which most perst are apt to become more or less indifferent, unh there be near at hand some suflicient incenti Generous emulation supplies this desideratum mc efectually than any thing else. It will superst the necessity of trustees and supervisors, being itself an ever-wakeful, ever-watchful princil Let our citizens er.courage a proper spirit of f kind-and our town will soon be enlifened by " merry hearts and laughing eyes" of ou: sprig ly Edgefield girls. THlE CO-OPERATION WE NEED, A gentleman, residing near this place, hasj rejumedt4rom a trip through upper Georgia. E earnest and honest convictions are that every th in the region he has visited is ripe for the onm sinl tliat'Co operatioitnds awaiting our lead 1'fio will fnduc 'the idea that South Caroli intends, as ty oa ' it, to '!back out." II do Gf felid t the.efhould be one. Sta teEiaintededor thimaintenance of I free posio~ndbi more fadrable auspices th she will.awiti~nds and Ejympathizers by th< pands.all around her, bound b~ the strongest a ' dnrt ties. of interest and consanguinity to her safely through her trials... Had such hap circumstances attended the strugglis of Pola and of Hungary, they would have been free fre thetyrat's yoke this day. And are we less not descended than the soldiers of Koscxusxo at Nossuru I Shall we falter, when the only frien we now~ have, or ever will have ia the Union.na standing ready to join us in the strife I Jf we d may not the future historian speak of Carolina a State which, for a long time, vaunted gre things, but eventually proved to be little bett than a " reed shaken by the winds !" Brothe of Carolina, Co-operationists and all, let us see it that such a tale go not upon the record. Ii can avcid it if we WIL.. CO-OPERATION TACTICS. TnE opponents of action in this district hal adopted a mode of proceeding, which tells rathi badly for their confidence in the real merits their cause. Our motto is,-let every one have h due. It is knowin that a struggle is now going a (o revolutionize old Ed'gefield's politics. So f: ft has beeni rather :u lame and ineffectual efo: -and we imraginec it will'restllt in a signal friiuri Such we are led to think is thie apjprehensio of the few active partisans, who are now en ployed in scouring the country-side to enlit recruits under the banner of co-operation. An this conclusion will strike every one upon rerad ing the following statement of facts. The cc operation party recently made a considerable ral for the conflict, in a section of the district known a the Ridge. The resistance party held on the da: previous a tremendous meeting in the same neighi Borhoed, to which speakers on both rides wer, specially invited. In strong contrast with thil example, discussion was carefully avoided at the~ other meceting--no speakers on the secession sidi were called in, and, although sonme were in atten dance und'er the general newspaper invitation, the standi- was not once tendered to them. We do no deny that our opposing friends had a right to d( as they pleased in this business-but we cannol avoid thinking that there is something rather signi, ficant in the fact. Perhaps they saw and knent that th'eir majority was doubtful on this occasion If'so, we are ready to excuse them from all cen sure ; for it must be hard to be worried on one's own ground. We would not desire to "~ push the fi'gure " on them to that extent. Wut tliis iis not afi. Anotiler barbecue has been published :rnd' another meeting is to be field on Saturday next, under the name and'style of " Co. operation." In point of fairness, it is a second edition of the one above mentioned. Like unto the other, it is altogether an ono-sided affatir. It will appear more glaringly so, when we announce that several special reqnests, that the secessionista should be allouwcd a hearing otn that day, have been either refused or passed by in silence. Ilae is another unmistakeable evidence that our frienuds of the opposition feel themselves to be she-ltered, under a tabernacle so rickety and insecure, that not a single one of its prop. and braces must ben tampered with, lest perchance it should fall andl its inmates be filled with confusion. Again we ay. they hae a nper.e, h t do ,s .the .t. best. Strategy and maneuvring are, perhaps, as fair in politics ats in war. But we thought our anti-secession fellow-citizens, were in pursuit of truth and the unbiassed popular ilil. Is it not t queer way of attaining these desiderata, to call on a crowd to decide the merits of a great case with. out allowing one of the parties concerned the chance of an appearance? We hope our co-oper ation friends will think of these things, and give their opponents an opportunity hereafter. If our information is incorrect as to the facL above alluded to, we will cheerfully make thi correction. CHANCELLOR WARDLAW'S OPINIONS. WE exclude three secession articles to-dny (al of them previously handed in) to give place fo the long communication of Chancellor F. II WARDLAW. This is not done to appease oppos (ion to our press, but from respect to our able an patriotic fellow-citizen. It is unnecessary for us to sny that it is a wel written and a well-tempered article. The schol arship and prudence of its author need no prair of ours. We propose to make a fev runnine commenta rics upon this production, and shall do so in tl same good temper which it exhibits. The first portion of the honorable Chancellor views commends itself, with much force, t the admiration and approval of both parties. The reader will perceive that this portion contain a clear elucidation of the perfect right of a S:at to secede from the Confedertion-also, an an nouncement of the true Carolina doctrine in re erence to the nattire and powers of Convention j generally, and of the prerent Convention partici I larly. The last point is one of Constitutional Lai upon which all will admit the authority of tl r Chancellor's opinion. To this part, we invite tl e particular attention of the Standard and the Pr e triot. It scatters some of their cherished notio1 to the four winds at one fell blast'. As to the rest of this dignified communicatio we are at variance witli several of its opinim: and sentiments, and shall now proceed to lay b fore our readers certain criticisms and objectio which occurred to us upon a hasty perusal of t manuscript. ,1 In the conclusion of the Chancellor's ninth pr r, agraph, the following question may be found. of" Is it wise to put in jeopard y the great measti al of a Southern Confederacy, by disputing as d, a few months or even years?" Apposite to ti y, interrogatory and grounded upon reasons quite X. satisfactory, we offer the following: " Is it wi to to put in jeopardy the great measure rf Southe r- Independence, by delaying a deed which must r I suit in Southern Union-by " tarrying until ry are bound hand and foot ?" Let each rent th '0igh the two questions and decide for hims i which is the more pointed. ig, The Chancellor next admits that the Cecesi< no ists have certain " advantages in popular debau me The first is this: " Their appeal to the enterpr e. and love of country of the people is more emplia ire and direct." That is a glorious admission and de thank his Honor for the word. But we are s of prised to see him intimate that such appeals affi le. only those, " whose feelings cut rin their ju iis ments." Does the Chancellor so read the " c he phatic and direct appenlt"' of such men as Jo l1t- ADAMS and PATRIC IImY, in the dark a disheartening period -which preceded the Ame can revolution? Did the "feelithg" of th who hearkened to their call " out rnn thteir jut ust ments I" If so, God send that " feelings " a -ever lead theiway! -And wherein are the' set . uionists oftis day more reckless of jndgmei Es ancy xhiorte o a"reroheionary measur ng which it wvas well known wvothl bring utpon tl1 et, a hloody war. We urge the descendants of tlt heroca to the exercise of a clearly-defined ri1 na whtich should be and probably will be peaceft Iho carried out. 'o But w'.e are told that the Evangelist " advise er about " the cost of building towers," rind "ci lin siders it plain that a king going to war and fi, *u- ing his force inadequate, should send an emb od sage and desire conditions of peace." The er ce in this illustration is t wo-foltd-first, this was py the teaching of the Evangelist. butof our Savir id himself--secondly, thc god-like lesson, intended m be taught, is totally misunderstood. Every si ly dent of the Bible will bring to mind the fatct ti dt Christ was hero intculcatitng the necessity of d 1. interested, self-sacrificing devotion, to those dt re rotts of reaching his kingdom. The instances o, the tower-builder and of the wvarfaring king wei is evitdently, designed to show the wisdom of for it fying the soul with strong resoltt'iun to brave gre er difficulties in pursuit of that "GREATESTr GooD rs Else, why the application which the Saviour hit o self makes of thenm int the versre imnmetdintehy fc ec lowing: "So likcerise, wvhosoever he be of vi that forsakeith not all that Ite haths, he canno: my dise.'le." If this Scripitural reference thei teaches us any thing politically, it is, thtat for; e high an object as Freedom. we should hol ott r selves ready to risk all consequences. Our tr f derstanding of the noble lesson conveyed by theci s sacre I passages may be more fully exhibited by incident from profane history. Sir WALTER H. .LEtGH, when a youth, wrote upon a pane of gla| r (under the eye of Queen EuJzan~n) thte follov t ing line. ." Fain would I climb, but that I fear to fall. 2 After he bad left the spot, the queen a pproache . and, having read his scrawl, finishetd it thtus: t" If'your. heart fail you, do not climb at all. I Indeed no l'essoui ik.tatnght more cletarly, 6oth b . sacred and profane history, than thiatno real goot .Iheavenly or temporal, is to be attaunerI withot contintued sacrifices. We think the Chancelkc himself will admit this, at least in the abstract. But to proceed. Our learned rind experienced friend's definitio: of coturage is an admhirable one, antl exactl adapted to the ratittnal and feasiblu putrposes el the secessiunists. Of the several followiing setn tences, we are at a loss tot perceive the appli:ention Sutrely our mildl and cautionts fellow-citizen tdoe: not mean to say that his atuion frientds dleservi "impeachament of their utntderstattdings andit o iteir principles! IHe woutld not maintnin tia thtey aro "ostentatiottsly provoking persecuttiotn!' This cannot be-and we dismiss the though instanter. Next comes the raiter stale alltu-ion to thte " equal interest antd equal spirit of other States.' No one is disposed to dispute this.-.hutt does it fol. low that each State is not to take care of hterself!I This would be incompatible with a correct iden of State-sovereigttty. Would the Chancellor he willing to sacrifie this last to Sectional Consolida tion ? If ntt, we warn him that he is ritning upon the breakers and we beg hint to p'ause and consider. The othter atdvantage concedetd to thte Sceession its is, that " they prtopose ai titetnmeasure withs in a defintite time." WVe suppose the converse is the grntttd of te co-operationists. They prtopose an indistiunct measure withsin an indhernsite time. lInt te Chanctrellor tdoesnot,-.tate our pisyjtios witlt that entir, fatirnesmslhitunualy characaterizes hsimu. We/ propose ai "diistinct measure within a dlefinifr timec." ont the Iaopnintg of a given con tinenr-t1 that colsuistncty in the failutre tof r-viry oithesr MJt't to .jin its . seihol tutrselves I r ..t.y * ... i .... n ,... . r'... ..,..,.......... ...u. every "advantage that may arise from the chaptar 6f accidents." But we think we are now read ing the 47th aid last verse of that chapter. At its close, we propose to break up the congregation and to cry a!oud-" To your tents, Oh Israel." Our friends in the opposition would, we fear, have 11s wait until some political priestshall arise to an nounce " the beginning of the third lesson !" If Cont is to he this priest (and our friend expressly refers to Georgia,) then Heavdn help us and our 4 children. But " soon" the abolition hlood.hounds are " to be let loose, with the cry of havoc." low soon 1 " Perhap" upon the consummation of the " Presi dential election." And then the cry of "wow' will he raised anew, and a worried and disheart ened people will say to theirleaders, " why ar6iid us but to let us down once more into passive tit quiescence! Better be unmurmuring slaves, thati i wranglers for rights which we will never date to maintain." We do not utter this as a prediction I and ask our fellow-citizens to "mark it." It is our private and sincerely-deplored appreltension. Chancellor WAarDLAW proceedi next to notice two of the argument "m employed for prompt se cession," and first, the fact of the State's being pledged to this 'conrse. The argument on this point has beien so often repeated in our . columns, a and elsewhere before the people, that we will not a here re-iterate it. We are willing to waive it in - the present case, and to shake hands with our a respected friend, when he says, " with or without e pledges the idea of submission is not to be tolera. rated." There spoke a State Rights man and a r- Nullifier-and we will not stop to cavil upon his s understanding of what would be submission. We I- feel and acknowledge that to be the sentiment of , one vio never did and never will prevaricate to e gull any community-one, who has a thorough c knowledge of English. and has ever stood " square t- up" to his use of it. That ie should regard sepa is rate action in the light of "martyrdom," we re gret.l He has not given his reasons for thus sup I, posing, and we honestlW think that, on this point, I his judgment is warped from its accustoied prd "- cision. That he, with this view of it, should fe is in favor of separate action under any circumstan le ces, is the highest evidence of unflinching devo tion to the honor of his State. r- But we find -we are overstepping our limits. We - therefore postpone bir review of the Chancellor's re others opinion. In the mean time, our readers to will perceive, that they are mainly speculative. lis and some of them slightly tinged with the hie of as absturdity-for instance, the parenthetical allusion se to " oflicers." We really thought such stufras that rn would be left to the " Lieutenant-Colonels" of the 'C* party. VC- 0- - er THE POTENTIAL MOOD. !lf Ir is maintained that South Carolin'a can re frain from action and still preserve the potentiality n- of resisting. We suppose it is meant by this, that ." m'hme could still say. in accordance with MUtATaR ise Grammar, "although I have not acted, yet it is Lie very clear that I might, could, would or should ve have acted." ir- By some Lexicographers, potentiality is defined ect "pos'ibility." And if this definition be accepted 1g- by those who have recently made a political appli in- cation of the word, our State would then he re. itv presented as saying " I have not acted, but thert nd is a possability that I may act." This would cer, ri- tainly be a banteringdeclaration-hard to say how >sc many Northern States would be frightened into '1g- their propriety by its "Ceuir de Lion " tone, o1 ay how ninny Southern States would come -to the es- hmelp of a sister thmus gallantly advancirrg 1thm mt's " imnminent deadlyibretii! !" m oer'r, whinwy argue elaborately against thie aliilijy a em Southm Carolina, to do any tlying in defence of het 55e children--why a ttembflo drawv down external'con. ht. tempt andl internal irreverence upon her head he Ily comparing her to an intensate brute attaekting Rail-road triine--why speak scornfully of her re. Ssoturces either for war or pcacm-why call it "n. mn- mitigated] nonsense " to illustrate the great proba md- bility of her future prosperity as an Independent l'- State ! Can those, whio write' and speaft aftei' th~is -or fashion, believe that South Carolinn cani ever as tot sumne the "attitude potential " in any sense im ur plying powe ri If wve arc replied to aflirtmatively, to we then, say that, according to otur understanding u- of timeir views, they think one thing and argue at anothmer. Against thmis teaching, we ever have -~ anti ever will exert our feeble power. To ener -vate a race of freemen, time surest and most speedy fpan is to argue them into a belief that thtey are Sweak. To rai-e a people to power and affluence, 1.the lessons of ages instruct us to teach them tha tthey are strong. " Potsunt, quia videntur posse." -00cmEv3NICATIO~S, F oa TnEP ADvtfnvis~tt. n TO TIlE PEOPLE OF EDGEFIELD DISTRICT, 'On the political qjuestionis which now divide .parties itn this State, [ hmave hithterto r aitned e from any ptublicationt of my opinions, fromi regard a to the proprieties of mny position as a Judge and -a member of the Convention. "s Tme reputation of the Bench for impartiality is 'so important to the satisfactory admministration of justice, thmat it is generally the duty of a Judge lto abstain from factious disputes, social, religious or political; and upon htighter questions, whichm mnuch divide opinionts, not to engage in antgry and y pungent discussion. A Judge however remains ,a citizen, and neither his rights nor his duties are tconfined to his office, H~e sometimes better r avoids the appearanco of evil by expressing his views on public conltroversies, with franktness vet with courtesy, than bf preservinig a silence that rmybatrbtdto timidify of~ dee-ei. T.fle f matters now inebated by our peopf'e, intvofve tihe .very frame of the government ; end in thme spirit of Solon's law, every citizen, in every station, is bound to take the side of truth and right. Some attempt has been made to disparage the authority of Jumdges on the present issues, but their influ ence should depetid upon their intelligence and Iprobity. If the permatnent tenure of their office, (in itself equivocal according to some of the do'ctrines of the times,) may incline them to eon servatism, it produces independence of opinion to the same ext,:nt; atnd their salaries do not constitte their whvle interest, eveni of property, itt time commonwealthi ; andm as ini time case of other eit'zrins, thtemmselves and thmeir estates, their wives, chmildiren and friends, must be controlled by the actiop of the State. Durinig nty absenice on ofieiatl duty, and with out exacting fr'om me any pledges, you elected j mnc a delegate of thu Conventio,-a deliberative E! assembly of the gravest character, where con- I elmisions should be attained by comiparison of t variouis jtudgments, perhaps by some concession ii of prcem'nceivecd notions ;-I can tmake no pledges I nomw, commiitting me to foregone conchtsions on a particular measures, notwithstanding changes of p circumstances anmd convictionis. It is inconsistent n1 wvithm the scheme of our governtmemt, desmtructive ir' nr timw tidnte.nenland n, nwnfun of timw din- a ate, and unjust to his colleAgues, for a member In prej udge absolutey any specifie measure that tc nay come before .thConvention. In my own sy sae at least, I feel'too little confidence in my in- ti ormation and m reasofing, to set my honor S gainst any cha opinion that the changing te vents of a year produce; and I propose to ti eserve the right of fairly considering all the ti irguments and titi'vidence that may be present- c -d, when my judgrnent ii to be finally formed. I With this saving, I-am quite willing to state my p >resent opinions. My purpose is to state them, -ather than to def 9ewmg rgpment. t Tlie doctrines tkfikeghti and remedies of 3 IDo states, the Poiple of this State c in 1812, followl: "e lead of Virginia and Ken- s IOUitch , -8 still.have the tl assent of my 0 itndrstanding. As a disciple'.of'this faith, I t adopt the tenet, that a Statemaay..coedo at will. from the Union she hns formed with sister Stntes. Our confederney is of peculiar character, and little aid, in thi construction of fthe instrument of r Union, is afibrdel by studying the structure of other leagues. By the deelaration of indepen dence, certain British C 1, ies became sovereign States, in the Federal' Constitution, and when afterwards they, separately as sovereigns, formed a compact for the exercise of certain powers jointly, they did not surrender their sovereignty. The Federal: Gove;rnment is the government of each of the States-a common agency for the execution of definite porers ; and its constitu tional acts demand obedience as the acts of the several States, by rirtue of their previous cove nant, even of those-States the representatives of which may have dissented'from the nets. The right of secession is not derived-from the Con stitution ; in strietness of speech. it is not a right reserved by. the tenth Article of the Amend ments. We look to' the Constitution to ascertain the powers of tie Federai Gover'nnent, not the rigihts of tie Staies. hlxe wiole seheme of that instrument is to enierato the powers to be ex ercised by the common agent, not to mention the powers of the constituent States.. Every thing not given by them is fetained; Certain restric tions are imposed on the exercise of powers by the States while they are in the Union, but no provision is made as to the withdrawal from the Union, nor for an? matter outside of the Union. It is enough to demonstrate the right in ques:ion, that the Constitution neither prohibits, nor re strains its exercise. From a compact of union among States for an indefinite time. as. from a partnership among individuals for an uncertain term, any member may secede, and resume the station occupied belorc the compact was formed. The sufficekney of the cause for secession, as this must be letermined by the seceding State, does not logically afrectithe right, but it may seriously affeet the praetist consequences of its exercise in any particular iistance. In All nets concern ing her foreign refittions, a State shosild be able to defend herself y good reasons in the forum of nations. The, 4ter States have no right to coerce a seedin gtate to return into the Union, under Any eirenm ees; yet if the secession be uriJer eircumstan es of bad faith, as duri:ig fla grit war, a pls ible exense is furnished for hostilities .to edin 'l satisfaction for the injury thiereby resuifeyr It is at least- desirab~le, that, allegiance to the-State of South Carolina exclu sively; Until she resorts, in her sovereign' ca pacity, to the measure of secession, every citizen retains his "private judgment and of in dividual resist t te mlovement; but when she takces this ,step, I feel that I should justly incur the P n4toftreason, if I resisted her 'oavoid aIltguity, I avow my. -obligation Co obey such n~oif adopted by -tlie' e~sisting C'onvention, altfod~ghr tihe defe-gaks~ i'ity finye 6een' eleted 6fWIiniity of the people of the State. All'efif5Neshad the opportuisity of voting for delegates, infithose who neglooted it mnust be presumed to equiesce in the ehdicee made by such as excrei _heir franchisf. it would be very unsafe, toto behind the reguir forms in which the 'sy1f(fth community is manifested. in order to asetin the real wishes or "higher lawa"of the csjrity. Subsequent rilificati'on bsy the peol osuch anet of the Conyenti6n, I re gard as nci rnecessary nor expedient-not necssary, fii tteory the whole ~people speak through thieir dlegates-not e'xpedieunt, on ac count of .its mnoboratic tendency.. With all my-respect for the L'rgislature. I can not approve the arrangement by which the mem bers of the Convention iiwere elected so long before their services were needced.' Conventions tu.s clothed- with majesty of thc people and sgeaking their sovereign voice should be fresh fromtheir constituents when eliled to act--should be convoked for a definite purpose-and should retiain their powers for the shortest ubnvenient term. In the' only other instasieo in this State sin'ee the adopition of her constitution, when this vast machinery was set in motion, the end to be adhieved and the mode of operation were pre vidusly well understood. Blutthe pr'esent Con-1 ventien was elected, before any agreement as to its ineasures among the ileople, or even any de liberate consideration of its purposes. I impute no design by this premature election to entrap the unwary, or conmmit the uninformed, but it may be that such results have. followed.' The eall of the Convention, I think'may be justified< Sy the example of Mississippi, after the ledges to her of' co-operation by. or Le'gislature, (al- I hongb the time, appointed for her Convention by IC Mhississipi, 4 dnot imperatively demand such a r tall by our Legislature at the last rather thtan the e text session); but itahould be borne in mind, that e icither Missisippi nor this State had then pro- e osed a specific mode of resistance. M~ore time b hould have been allowed for the peoiple to make d ip their own miinds, and to ascertain the views d If proposed-dlegates. . I fatly eo~wwith those who- hold that the " ggresnionsokI deral Government upon the el outh justify any measure of redress that may i e adopted by the Southern States, or any of' W bem. The Constitutioni of the United States ri reins wvisely contrived to secure strength in the '' overnmnent and liberty in the people; and if-it in ad been strictly construed amid faitfilly execu- Si, :d, the people of all sections under its sway, fit lihlnhvremained hiarmoitious and happy. r |ut usurpation, under the instigation of ambition wi id avarice, has contemnned and porverted its wi rovisions ;its par'chmnent scurities for the mti- ili writy have proved ineflieient; an~d practically itid iposes slight restriction upon the will of the em nny in history of the proclivity of governments despotism. From the beginning, under the ,stem of indirect taxation, the financial opera at of.the government has been severe upon the )utlhei producing States; and when the sys m of internal improvements, pensions and for ications was alded, the disbursement of the xes became as unequal as the collection, and a mastant drain from the South was established. i rapid progress, discriminating luties on im Drts were iniposed, by which the constithttion -as perverted, and the labor of the South made -ibutary to the manufacturing industry of the orth. With audacity inereased by past success, ur Northern confederates now boldly avow, and Fstematically pursue, the purpose of destroying ur labor itself. At the adoption of the Consti ition, slavery prevailed in nearly all the States, id was solemnly guaranticd.by that instrument. t has been gradually limited to less than one alf of the Statee, who justly cherish it as the nost moral anadmost efficient organization 01 tuman labor: while their partners in the Unior egard the sin of masters, in holding sinves, tobe o lhenious as to taint all who are it any politiei onnection with slaveholders This anti-slav< >arty, already predominant and rapidly growing ins excluded the people of the Southern State rom common participation in the territory of thi [Tnion, in the acquisition of which they contri mted cven an undue proportion of treasure an ilood. The purpose is now boldly avowed ; his party never to admit into the Union anothe tate in which slavery is tolerated ; and the de sign is indicated, not obscurely, to abolish as soo as practicable this institution in all the States The adjustment of this controversy by Congres impudently called a compromise, aggravates tl1 wrongs and indignities otherwise done to tl1 South. All the measures constituting the con promise were undisguised concessions to t6 fanaticism and injustice of the Nofth, except oi, and tlnt was a barren redognition of a constitt tional right. The remedy pfnctialiy afforded l the fugitive slave law, is to enable a So6ther mnster to recapture occasianally a slike it il North, corrupted into an agent of aiolitioif, at expense in money ecqun4o the value of the sla% when he fled, at the risk of violence and impr ronmnent to the captors. We freemen of tl South should not submit to a tyranny so injurioi and so degrading. It should be our unflinchii determination to resist at all hazards. Reme, within the Union is hopeless. We may part wii regret from a confederacy which has done go service iii tie great wori of civiii'ztion afd fr government, but it has achieved its end, and, Ii other works of man. may yield to the force events. Tite interest of the people of this Uni have become so conflicting in tAe various se tions. and their feelings towards each other much exacerbated; that peace as Well as expe enc recommend disunion. Indemnity for the past, so often mentioned jingling connection witi security for the futu enn scarcely be expected by the most sanguih Our great business is to estallish proper gua for our future security. Without dispute we rr effect this object by the establishment of a Son ern confederacy; atnd with~out dispute secess is a proper means to this end~ ; but the quest! which har divided the resistnnee party oef So1 States, having the same interests and thie sa wrongs, will jomin in the movement. All willing to separate from the North, but some not yet readly for disunion from all our Southce sisters. This divi,.ion of opinion among tho, who with equal spirit and equal patriotism, e the same end by dillierent means, is to be grea~ regretted, and all of us should lb willing tan sacrifices of opinion, to restore 'harmony in o ranks. Thte names of the two sections for resista'n are not very distinctive, as both look to sect sion for renmerly and both :profess desire for e operation ; still the names hinve obtained an a' plication suf'ently definite for itse. The dlive sity~ between the parties as to abstraet doctrin, is not eonsiderable, but the disagreement is mol 5(r'Otas as to movements and measure~s. TI seceession party set forth as thteir ultimatum, tk thme State shtall secede absolutely before the exii tence of the present convention be terminate, whtieb, as they propose the convention he assen bled next spring, will be abot A pril or Maj 1853. 'The co-operation party decline to fix noi a certnin period for the duration of the Unior or. to bme more definuite in the point of tinme, thu that the State slhuld secede within a reasonabl time. Ja it wise to put in jeopardy the gre:1 measure of a Sotuthern confederney, by dispatin as to a few months or even years? The secessionists have sonme advantage ii rpopular debate frotn the~ fact, that their anrpeal ti he enterprise and love of country of the people s mo're emiphatie and direct.- It is quite eapti natir g to thore whtose feelings outrun their judg netnts, to be harangued to take at once a 'lecidei tep, without dallying with danger, or poring int< ~onsequences. This is more grandiloquent, thar noratl or rational. Ethical writers instruct us haut the probability of success is a neeessary 'lement in the justifieation -f a revolutionary neasure. The evangelist advises him that eon rmnplates the building of a tower, first to connt he cost, lest after laying the fcondation he be ot able to finish it, and1 thtus provoke thte nmock f beholders ; and consideriit-plain, that a king oing to wvar and finding his force inadequate, hould send an emubassage and desire conditions f peace. I am not ashamed to confess, that we my properly take counsel of our interest, and ur resources, while choice is left, before we ammnit ourselves to an important and uncertain riterprise. Courage does not cosist in insensi ility to danger, but in the resolute discharge of uty., whatever dangers mtay lie itt the way. One eserves impenehmt~ent of his understanding and his primeiples, rathter thtan praise of his spirit, Iho thrusts htimself wantonly intto perils. Thte tristian whio, in quiet obodience of conscience curs death rather thtan retnounce his faith,, is a nrthiy martyr of the truth; he whto untnecessa y or ostentatiomusly provokes perseetion, de rves little pity when lhe sumffers. Other States ually, ittereste~d wvith tSouth'tCarolina in the ttitution of slavery and the tyrannous aggres man upon it, and niot inferior in intelligence andI mness, are not yet satisfied with our course of tistattce; and wye may still reason with them a titme, before we throwv ourselves under the tes of Juggernaut. Our former controvers Lt the Federal Government, and the thorough cussion amongst us as to the relations of 'the ites to the Governmentt, have destroyed our 'latrous veneratioin of the Union ; and the rte resutlt nmust follow ftull investigation, in all 'States that h.a.e ...lar.. th. anewon. In another respect, the seeesionists have ad vantage before the people, namely in proposing a distinct measure within a definite time. But he. deserves little praise for discrimination who' chooses finally, while the term of choice still con tinucs. The expedient which may seem wise to-day, may soon become very inert from the progress of events. Our strength is not so su perabundant, as to justify us in any advantage that may arise from the chapter of accidents. We think, and justly as I believe, that the past aggressions of the government justify immedinte resistance, but Georgia has determined to wait for further grievances. It may well happen, that the occasion for which Georgia waits may arrive during the term of our convention. The aboli tionists are-now held by their leading politicians, straining in the leash, and perhaps the thongs may even hold until the next Presidential elec tion is over, but soon the dogs must be let slip, with the cry of havoc. The body of fanatics is too strong and too rapidly increasing, to be long restrained from further aggressions by any con sideration of prudence or honor, of law or the constitution. If Georgia, the empire State of the South, were ready to go with us, I think we should now make the venture. The arguments mainly employed for prompt secession, are, that the State is pledged to this course, and that this is the most efficient mod< of producing co-operation. The careful inquirer for the truth, will discover that the past action of the State has imposed mn obligation upon her to resist at any particular time or in any particular mode. It may well be disputed, whether the rules f a factitious code o honor apply to a State, and whether members o the Legislature in passing resolutions concerning our federal relations act otherwise than as a popu lar assembly ; but granting that the Legislaturc can commit the faith of the State in this matter the pledges of the Legislature do not go beyoni - resistance in co-operation with ether States. no define the measure of resistance. The resolu tions of 1848 and 1849 expressly refer to conce among the aggrieved States, and disavow thi 4 wish or intention of South Carolina to take th D lead. The Act of last session calling a conver tion proceeded from comity to Mississippi, whie had previously adopfed the same measure, an from our engagement to not in concert. Th e appropriation for arms was made in prepara.tic , for a contest which might soon come on, or whic might be long delayed, or entirely prevented b making ourselves ready for. any issue. Soul Carolina is in no respect more strongly pledge n than Virginia, Georgia and Mississippi, and e their retrogression delays her in proceeding in n common and concerted measure. her honor is n tarni'hed. I grant, that with or withut pledge e the idea of submission is not to be tolerate - When our case becomes desperate, we may ado e a desperate remedy. It may be sometimes as duty, to sacrifice the existing inhabitants of State in the martyrdom of liberty, for the bene of the everduring cause of freedom; but let 1Y not rashly conclude that such martyrdom is n ,h cessary. Suicide of individuals or of States, rarely to he justified. Where delay may bri accession of allies and ultimate success, we shou ie avoid the chances of our defeat, and of the tr te umplh of despotism. of The argument, that the separate secession South Carolina will compel the co-operation other Southern States, does not strike my mi: c- with much force. We are first told, that tbc so is no hope of such co-operation to drive us up i;. secession precipitately, and we are then tol that secession must drive other States to the eam . remedy. If we adopt a particular measure i" gainst their wishes mal remonstrances. we e -e, hardly expect their active support to follow as le. consequence. To say things offensive to ti State pride and self love, is an odd mode of c ciliation. Secession on our part,not preconce ay ed with them, in effect rebukes them for igne ha- anee of thecir rights, or timitlity in maintaini on them. Such a course is adapted to inhaibit f< ever their junction with us, or to wound th "" afTeetionis if thmey did join. In nay opinion, tha would greatly retard thec establishment of a stal eisolatedl; and thmat the lead olf no othmer Southme re State as less likely to.be followed. The stere re type argument of the Union politicians oft rn South aguast resistance to tvrnmny has bet ,' be apprehended that thte prominence given of hi ek in thais State to secession has added strength ly tis argument froma prejudice. In ease of o: ce secession. thasjealousy of our neighbors towar, us would be stmltdby the boons and bounti rof the Fede'ral Government. If war should follow our secession, beyor e doubt many men, bold and true, from the neig -'boring States would rush to our aid ; but aa gru of atuxihiaries, (wlho would ..be. mostly ofieer would soon eat out our substance, and in no r, '- spet coaatrihbute to the establishmnent of a Cot .fedheracy. It is States, and not individuals, th we need as allies. It is unnecessary to urst thais toapic, as reasoninag is useless wvitha those Ssuch truculent dispositions a prefer to effect e revolution -hy civil wars whieh naty be peaneenb1 at achieved by waiting a few monthas or even year .The separate nationality of Southa Carolina uandesianble as a permanent arrangement, even Sit could be peaceably eff'ected. Disunited froi - our Southern sisters, we should not be abile 1 ,maintain the institution of slavery, against th ., fanatical opinions of the world. Enmormnotus tnx< would be necesrary to sustain our governmer ,and our commnerce and foreign relations. Thm exhibition of strength ini men and resourcesecoul e alone command the respect of other niations ; una less, like San Marino. we chose to exist by th ecantemptuous tolerance of powerful neighaborm To throw ourselves under the pupill-age and pro teetion of Great Britain, would degrade tus from the rank of a respectable State, and lead to thai abolition of shavery. . t is not likely, however, that separate seces nsiamn would be peaceful. I however firm may hb ouor convictions of thme righat of secession. ,thi right is not recognized by our rulers at Washing ton, nor even by the Unioni party at thae Southa Our imdependemnce would nor be' neknowlcde by the Federal Governmtent t and would be tar ily, if at all, recognized by foreign nations which haave hitherto kntown us only through out federal rulers. So isolated would be our condi tinon, that the Government nmighat venture upori direct coereion by the army and navy ; buat it i, miore probable, that it woaald continue to treat un as an integri portion of thae Union. and pursue the colleetion of its revenue from imposts here, perhaps changing thme location of thme Custona houses to Fort Sumter tand othaer posts comnmad ee y nmihiary or navnl force. Obvious polic wvould inducee the A dministration to off'er us of fence practically consistent witha denial of the right of secession ; and in ease of actual conflict, hend tlaere would be litl ditllty$in'provokiaa some of our people toa take the. ofi'ensive attitude. Upon the recenat inerease of forees in the forts in tht harbor of Charleston, the people were gravely exhtorted to antaipate thec action of the Conven tion, and by riot and treason to forestall the deci sion of the'issue before the State. With a popu liation so spirated and inflamatble as oturs. conflicts wiath the nmmnons of power would be almost inevi table, in whtich too we should be apparently the aggressors. I suppose, however, that our adver saries would not actually invade our soil, nor prosecute such wvarfare as would be dependent upona the chances of battle. but that they would endeavor by, annoying restritions of our cona rnerec and pinching contrivanees to break down thle spirit of our people. In such a state of thiis we shoul have noplace for alles, nor ee op-s lves. The inmannce of the Force bill may teach u s tabt e in rneighbors are little disposed to reis abtatiJustice whlich works no actual oppression upon them; and foreign nations, still reevu insdirectly the benefits of our trade, wulharrlyiureve he.mselves in a domestie toFrom the prominence recently given to this tpic of separate secession, I htave felt obliged to say this much, althougha really the wvhole discus. lion as premature. A& few months ago, the pee. ple of the State were nearly tuanimous for resis tance to Federal wrongs, and although differing as to the circumstances under which it sholdLbe undertaken, yet discussing their points of dif ference without heat or strife, and willing to leave the settlement of the whole matter to the unfet tered diseretion of the Convention. Now, may have decided that secession within a short thne IN the only remedy, and that the Convention hs ju other busines, but to register this edict. In my opinion, it will be time..enough to adopt this des perate expedientwheWdisgraceful submission is the only alternative. Efbetive resistance cannot be made except by the concerted action of several States of respectable strength ;. and our efforts at present should be dirreted' to secure such con cert. If it be obtained, by pesceful revoluon, a strong and stable Cofifedericy m*y-A-sablish ed among States of homogene -iterssWlth. every element of prosperity. -It must be-eon ceded, that the prost r h not very cei a~~a pscit, ut wo&S6 rash to assume that it is desperate; and united resistance is-so- important-and Iesrabh much timeand effort should be expended to ef. feet it,1eitbforv erbaidnedTr mighty, and it will prevail. TheSoutbenBights party in our neighboring States,. wtl'-trih on their side, must obtain theaseendeneye', If the inquiry be made of me, whatthen should the Convention do, I must leave the answer to the wisdom of the Convention itself;.in whi)j I confide. It is possible, that during-the'inernt f that body, such co-operation or other States isy. lxb obtained, or the hopelessness of such co-opera tion at any time be so clearly manifested, that secession may be properly resorted to- butit is much more probable, that, at the expiration of the Convention's extstence, a middle state aE-things will be presented, namely co-operatian neither established nor desperate, which will demand I further delay. It is clear, that no step backward r should be taken by the State, but much progress - towards resistance may be maile, witliont-taking t the final step of absolte seession. We may re 6 call our Senatoriaind pestatipsfrorn Con e gres, and send.thenorobr oefiuto aseertain authoritatively the a i Nt in like condition willfosi.ss' I certed resistance;wc majy e rightof secessioni v a of contingent secessio, h commend tothe y nonintercourse and~ rofi~e, h agitatioi at th6North sboutilier may d commend such alterations of oergonstittnoMan if LAws as would be necessary lfgw rcwtrem a the Union; we may do many intermedistithu1s4 it that more fertile minds might suggest,bforc'a 4, dopting the ultimate remedy., I fervently de . sire, that the action of the Convention masesult >t in the establishment of a Southern Confedercy. F. H. WARDLAW. a - -e t FOR THtE ADvPILTIssR. y '1 s THE SOUTHERN' STAIRl Toa Editor of the Southern Btandard b pierced the dagger of his argument. htta'thio-' . Id som df the. Chief of his ' ' isi - sue of Sept. 12th, afr giing tea ses for a Separate Government in ofnn,as estimated by R.rrnoZOb id point out ar&iail a'ait th tf M, Presidentl 60C~bnt stao ers k & i - - e Does nottliane. - Eri le a thfighi sle array of nei a- originated rd'p$roiinent indivd in party? That inthe beginliiij oft'l sy th additional Oficers were y n- them , ecessary appendages'o ,t- ernment; and that to supporttem r- would J- overburdened y the Editor'ia y so t e forgottn'~stld~g~ 'eth e owed it 1and ridicules the 'plan-allegu -it Itprang Ie Ifroma " Secesiit WhtP wi~YU fn(ymates tact r-n Orpheus in syus, inte delne Avs, -, nreverse htheeyg-pnte. te in ourreentg* -~ut to ~ -.' e heap> 'nu~~ton, -o -1 basadSecretaries wit as with on93y a 'sis. plain Cosaura .in whjelufre uam t arigreieble, ourcbt *me~t,-believing it to be-oneofte 1 w ,y Wing~pclities. :So says, also- RA ,n .only a lineor two above the pamsage-eited by the Edi tor. These arc his-words :--We hae now, ae of the best goerrnnenats in i Ae ,siiM, 'from fwhich it is clearly evrident; he thought ittle a change adlvisisable. This is plaefbeyond-dauba Y when it is rceblleeted that Min'e vry ltle from which the Editor has'quotediflr,.0 if was ocecliied in iiswering the views'and ari! 0 ments of those opposed to separate siasion.3Ji Shad been said, -that the new govermnnt col s not get on without various Officers.- Takiiny t'h. t Anti-Secessionists upon their own grotindsdhr~i> SLE.DoE sought to show; that the might have the Officers they claimed to be necessary, ind' stilli stifieient revenue could he raised withount taexing the people to half the ertent they are-now tared. The public will judge for itself hoIr fiar the e0ort has sneceeded. But what' mst ie politeal friends of the Egitor say, to thie'iiandreek- a less onset ho has made tipon :AWf]1heir strolig est out-postg against separtff ,esecessionf May they not well exelai, J~~oaour friend., we will take care a The Editor's views in regard to raisin' rae nuc under a new government will, we. know, excite a smile from hiimself, if he will only re peruse them. If they do not, there is no hope for him but to return to his seliool-lGay studies, thant hie may yet learn s~me smattering of arith metic, and a little plain comimon sense. .lesr him. " The million and a half of dollars (for the new government) cannot come to us from the clouds, neither can they be gathered in the pub lie high-way. flo-rance, says, '"that one tfhurtha of the present. Tariff would pay 'It! Fudge! The public will have it to~ii)" This is a fair specimen of the Editor's wit ad genius. One-fourth of the presentLTariff would pny it ! Rttrrnnor. says no such thing. He jidl say, the present Tariff is about 30 per cent;,and that 10 per ciit would be suficeient for revenue under a separate- govesneuent. Is 10 the one - fourth of 30 ? " Fudge!"' says the Editor: the Tariff would not pay the revenue! No! " the people will have it to pay !" This is a grand discovery in political science! The' Editor is certainly at the bottom of thesubjett Feliz gui potuit rerm cogneserecmues. The rbort~upay the Tax! It is a little surpri sing that the Editor should have made this "ad mission; for the recent arguments of somse f his party, go to show, that under the Tariff the people do not pay the revenue, but; probably, somebody "in the clud, or "in the publie high-way,"~ or it mnay be some where else. Did ft really never occur to the Editor-, before, tha$ the people noso pay a 'heavy tak to, the earWN ment under the ,present Tariff? ..f wy should it strike him with surie thie te people still have it to pay .under, iTarif by the State rovernient ? One must be'led taippose. that