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** X I~ S7emoetratic 3ournal, et otev to Souttern 31fiBetu, wetus, Joit t *utittgeute, attature, swarait, set ae, sgn utttte, s "We will cling to the Pillars of the Temple oro "and if it 3ust fi, we will Perish amidst the Ruis. W. F. DURISOE, Propricor- EDGEFIEL]. MAY 8,a1851. OLm-. 16 Ron. 3.3M. MEZTT'3 UP=CZ. DELIvERED AT HIBERNIAN HALL, AT A MEETING OF THE S. P. AssocIATION, APRIL 7, 1851. Fellow-Gitizens: I am indebted, I pre sume, to the fact, that I am lately from the seat of Government, for the invita tion I have received to address you this night, and for the warm reception with which you have greeted me. You know my opinions, frankly expressed, on the past state of our affairs. But you wish to know whether, I see any thing in their present condition, which has changed or modified these opinions. Gentlemen, I can teach you nothing, and I presume you desire to hear nothing of those wrongs, which have aroused within you the determination to redress yourselves. South Carolina, in her Leg islature long since, declared that, with respect to them, the araument was ex hausted. She will no more reason with her sister States concerning them; and we, I think, need no more reason con cerning them amongst ourselves. Our understanings are sufficiently informed. All we want is the will, in the face of acknowledged wrongs, to right ourselves. It is on this point, and this only, the mode of redress that I propose, in a very sim ple way, to submit to you a few brief considerations. Your last Legislature looked to two ex pedients for redress-secession from the Union in co-operation with other South ern States; and secession by South-Caro lina alone. With the exception of less than a half dozen members, all the mem bers of the legislature were disunionists. Those who were in favor of disunion in concert with other Southern States, limi ted their policy to the call of a Southern Congress. Those who, despairing of the co-operation of any other other State, were in favor of secession by South Chrolina alone, supported the cll of a State Convention. The latter prevailed by a large majority in the Senate, and their bill was sent down to the House calling a State Convention- It there fi"- uum to: by ori - end Sur( for i, iCoutu, would in a very few months settle its practicability; whilst the call of a State Conventinn would put it in the power of South Carolina, in case her invitation for a Southern Congress should be declined by the Southern States, to go out of the Union alone. A bill embodying these measures passed both branches of the Legislature by an overwhelming majority -fa'r more than the two thirds required by the Constitution to summon the peo ple in Convention. My friends, time, resistless time-the great discloser of our destinies-the iron instrument of Providence in working his decrees-has settled at least one branch of this policy. Southern co-operation is at an end. The Governor of your State, in obedience to your command has sent to every Southern State your invitation to meet you. at Montgomery, Alabama, to confer on the wrongs we have endured, and the dangers which environ the South. All are silent, save one ; but that one has spoken for all. Virginia, who first coun selled us by our Legislature, to resist the Wihanot Proviso or any kindred measure, at all hazards, andl to the last extremity Virginia, who, at a succeeding Legisla ture, repeated this counsel, and drew after her the wvhole South in support-now, wihen the wrongs and outrages anticipa ted have been actually perpetrated, and the South, with her institution of slavery, is excluded from every foot of our Terri tories acquired from Mexico-Virginia succumbs. Nay, more-she not only submiits, but brings herself forward to ob tain the submission of others. South Carolina, ready to followv her first noble lead, adopted her brave resolves wvord for wvord. There they stand on the records of the State. No sophistry can expunge them. Dishonor, even, cannot obliterate them. Thley live and must live forever, a bright memorial of our consistency and firmness in the vindication of our rights, or acfoul stain on our yet unblemished fame, and a contemptible burlesque on the sovereignty of the States. Vir ginia now leads the way to submission. Excepting South Carolina, Mississippi alone seems capable of maintaining tho first high counsels of Virginia. Her peo ple certainly appear to be actuated by a deep sense of the wrongs of the South, and a resolute wvill to redress thenm. But Mississippi is practically a land bound State. .She has no seaport suitable for transatlantic commerce. The depth of wvater on her bai- does not exceed six feet. For this r-eason, if for no other, she can not secede from the. Union without her potermninous States. If she secedes with out Louisiana or Alabama, roceiving all. her supplies offoreign comnmerce through them, she would still be in the Union, so far as the taxes levied on her foreign com morce by the GeperalGovernmentareecon perned. Tilie citizeps consuming the goodls imported from' foreign nations, wvould main their consumption, tho tos leviedl on them in the ports of other States. Mississippi would thus be not practically independent-not independent in that greatest function of all Government, the greatest test of liberty with our Anglo Saxon race-the imposition of taxes. She will, therefore, not go out of the Union with us. Co-operation with her in a measure of secession is out of the question, and probably it is better for us that she should not go out of the Union along with us. In the Union she will have a certain influence on the other Southern States, which we, out of it, would not possess. Our final object is beyond single State secession; and we will want States in, as well as out of the Union, to bring on that object to its ae complishment. With the failure of Mis. sissippi to give us her co-operation, enids all Southern co-operation: no Southern Congress will meet. Our sister Southern States decline our solicitation to meet us in counsel. They tell us plainly, in de. eliningir our invitation, " We will not, or cannot aid you; take care of your own destinies." Surely. if we now move on alone to redress our common wrongs, no charge of precipitanoy, or of ambitious leadership, can, with any show of justice, be made against us. We have done all which a delicate regard to their position I has required us to do. We have implored then to lead us. We have implored them to co-operate with us. They will do neither; after pledging themselves to do both. Now, then, that we take our fate into our own hands, are we not entitled to their sympathy-their hearty gond wishes for our success? For my part, if they will give us these, it is all I would desire in the present state of things in the South. A Southern Congress now, would be our ruin. With Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee-in such a Congress, what would be its counsel ? Submission; submission for themselves, submission for us; and should we in dis. ust retire from the Congress we our ;elves had invoked or cast their counsels inder our feet, might we not excite the resentment and alienation of our sister ot up by the administration at Washing. on, or is proposed to us by the most horough submission States. Gen. Jack on's Cabinet, it is now known, was the Lthor of Mr. Watkins Leigh's mission o South Carolina, in 1833. The Gene -al held out nothing but the most defying :hreats to us, as the administration now iffects to do, whilst his secret fears were isplayed in his secret instigation of this nission, to bring us to acquisescence in he Tariff Compromise. Stranger things han these may take place if South Caro ina secedes from the Union. However matters may have stood for nerly, the only alternative now presented o us, is submission, or secession by South Carolina alone. Now, as we who ave been for Aecession by South Caroli a alone, heartily labored with our friends who were in favor of the co-operation of .ther Southern States, since their policy has become impracticable, ought they not to join with us in the last and only mea. iure of redress that is lefti They may aye doubt of its success, as we have had af their policy; but, wvith their conscious ess of the wrongs of the South, and thme dangers wvhich environ us, and their high regard for the honor of our State, can they counsel us to submission ! Will thsy anly longer divide from us, and spread weakness throughout our counsels? Will they not rather join us, and make with us, one brave and united effort for redress Lnd independence, by the secession of South Carolina alone from the Union 1 They must and will soon lbe with us. They annot join the Union party, which is son to arise in South Carolina. Secession, then- secession by South Carolina alone-is to he our policy. Let us look it fairly in the face, and try to es timate justly its probablle consequences. Probability is all which exists for us, in the future. Certainty is in the pas+ and present only. In the first place, in seceding from the Union, wve wvould declare free-trade ab solutely as it now exists, with all the States South of the Potomac and Ohio Rivers. There woald be no change wvhat ever, so far as our action is concerned, in any of the relations we now hold to. wards these States. All their productions -cotton, wvheat, tobacco, live stock, will enter our State as heretofore, free of all charge or duty whatever With respect to the productions of the States nowv in the Union, and adl foreign nations, we would lay a small duty on importation, not exceeding ten per cent. ad valorem, (soy. en per cent, was the first duty by our an eastors in putting the present Government into operation, with a heavy war debt to discharge.) Trhirty per cent. is the duty nowv exacted by the General Government in all the ports of the United States, ont the chief artices of imp~ortation. Our duty of ten per cent. will thus be twventy: r.ceuni.ls than tihaduty exacted in the ports of the Union. The effect must be that goods in Charleston, must be twenty per cent. cheaper than in the ports of the United States. To the agriculta:al inte rests of the State, no one can doubt the benefit. Our planters and farmers and all other consumers in the State, must be supplied with goods twenty per cent chea per than they have hereto'ore obtained them. It is clear, therefore, that to the great mass of the people of South Caro Him, secession, under such circumstances must be advantageous. Property of all kinds must be more valuable, because more profitable in South Carolina.than where the greater burdens exist. . There is but one interest which may be injuri ously affected, and that is the mercantile interest, Trade is very tidnld. It is liable to panics; and when confidence is tinim paired it is not easy to change the chan nels of commerce, without sonic loss, al though that change may be from less to more profitable channels. Our merchants will have to change their importations from New York and Boston to Liverpool and Havre, but they will get their goods twenty per cent. cheaper than in the ports of the United States. The merchants in the interior of our own State will have no inducement to go to New York, as they now do, to lay in their supplies. They will make their purchases in Char leton. Here is a certain demand on the commerce of Charleston, which does not now exist. And out of our Stite, will not the merchants of other States for the same cause, pursue the same policy 1 So far as our importations from those States are concerned we would be exactly as we now are. The only difference in our trade will be, that our merchants will be ible to offer to those who send us their productions from other States, their sup plies twenty per cent cheaper than here oforo. Will this interrupt their trade I T'he Northern manufacturers and. produ 3ers, for whoSe benefit the high discrimi ianting duties in thle present tariff of the [T. States are laid, ill certainly object to mh a trade. They will he clamorous to wnforce out of the neurA 'il, unless human nature shall be mar rellously changed by our secession. fn the opinion of a vast majority of he people of the Southern States, the I >resent Tariff, in principle, is utterly un onstitutional. It is only an expedient, y which tribute is exacted from the South. >y the North. But, independently of this, [Iamburg lies opposite to Augusta, Purys- 1 ulg is not far from Savannah; whilst sve have a common right to navigate the avannah and Pee Dee rivers, from their )orders to their mouths. Our trade with North Carolina is chiefly carried on by vgons. How long will custom house fficers on our North Carolina frontier, ontinue to seize the wagons of the North arolina farmers and wagoners, on their -eturn from South Carolina with their isual supplies? How long will the people >f Georgia submit to a standing army of ax collectors on their side of the Savan ah river, spying, seizing, fighting them, to enfor'ce the collection of duties their Abolition brethren of thme North have laid upon them? We will have nothing to clo vith spying or fighting. On our side rf the river wve will have ease and peace. No controversy with the people of Geor ~i-no controversy with the General Government, or its officers. We have ~oods to sell, twenty per cent cheaper than they can be obtained in New York, ar in any port in the Union-that is all. We w"ill neither force other people to buy them, nor enter other States to sell them. The trade, if it exists, wvill be at the op. tion of those who think proper to come to us and buy our goods. Relations of entire amitv, and of mutual benefit, not of hostility or injury, will thus exist be tween us and the Southern States. I am inlined to think the trade of our mer chants, under such circumstances, will not become quite extinguished. I am in lined to think that the same state of things which now exists on our Canada frontier, under the skilful address of our Yankee friends, will also prevail along the frontiers of S. Carolina. Twenty per cent will stop not goods on an imaginary frontier. It gives immense activity to bales and boxes, as well as to men's wits. It will not destroy our merchants. It will make our trade pretty nearly as fr'ee in going out as in entering our State. This is certainly the opinion of the mner chants in our Northern cities. They there fore look upon the secession of South Carolina from the Union with alarn and teror, anticipating the loss of the whole import trade, which is occasioned by Southern productions. It will come to a, they say. I think they are right; for towever fallascious their judgments may be on other subjects, in matters of money tiey are as near infallibility as human can be. We must gala what they lose-; and our commerce will prosper beyond every otber interest in the State, Charles on, the emporIm of this commerce. must especially riseg s householder, enic very labor. er, will feel the- fe-which new de mands for labor' thustYproduce; whilst w'e ill de r to the world what liberty and overnment can do for a people. "All this .se iy Air and clear, I think I hear an erchant say, "but what of that, b d If enforced against us, wo-wA ot -b able to buy, much less to . s o answer: . Evhe blockade is a hu st would proba bly be better forue -,it should turn out a reality; but are, I am corn pelled to say from ard to truth, that I believe it to be an onitiabted humbug Blockade-is War. we secede from the Union wellsay from the sitting! .f the next Con 'nirss alone! can declare war ongress must vote the supplies, and ai the se of the army and navy 'agui' s. - One of two alternatives Congre must choose; let. us go peaceably out -he Union, orfight us. I believe.ever gives us the very common credit of t being very great laggards at fighting. war is made up on us, we will fght. On land or sea, we will fight; and if one supposes that war in any form c '*de on South Carolina- ithot i g'he is not worth reasoning with.the are is a coill, there is a way, in ~ in. other things. We will fight-figh ffg;- and, if neces 3ary, I trust, we wi teverlastingly, in efence of the soyq ty of our State, ,id of our dearest s,; liberties and in -t ititutions. Whati c -he Northern peo. ple gain in su a ' ; 't,- but inevitable hteat and disaster. Nie them all they 1 ,6an possibly expec Sup. pose that the 'are - Ried with othe ,r nations, 'for Iaii I? interruptingr a %,ormerce as much" -irs as ours, and .hat we are atisbed and sub luied-xill that' ' 0' the Union - ie y mafy h ~ gves ueldn thubjec. ion by miltaf- . wa ti make is, gaist our wil O anf the-Union? 4eneral I~ ,inten -'an carry sp is ha rgain wit Southern State, f wo exert icr right of seceding from tvi th. ence of herliertie and institutions, ed that o-other Southern State will join iar in the contest? The right of sece. lion is the right of all. Surrender it, and lie States are no longer sovereignties. l'hy are not parties to the Constitutional .Ompact; but mere provinces of one vast :onsolidated Empire, under the absolute pway of the free States in the North, brough the majority in Congress. TheC 3outhern States will have no deence, ither in the Union, or out of the Union, :o stay the stronger hand of usurpation asd abolition growing stronger every day; d if they suffier South Carolina to be ;ujugated by the sword, her doom must ;oon be theirs, vith the increased ferocity hey eivt have inspired in our successful *es. I do not consider it to be a mattert f* doubt, that if the free Stoftes use te 3eneral Government to make wvar on S.r ,arolina, and sne fights as becomes her r~~~~~he Northern peopl-a el steGn 3rlGovenet, koivtha bthi initble :hcesul aswellas e them and thee arolia fromgoing out e of ith non. passe thelast enrt of the rs, Saes Will Rode Isanuhed ast statb enter~ ~ ~ the Union, rDh'ae cosntt ~ dirobedof t eirs heein Wubjet re heyin he Uinwitot itheUnaiso nn they fugres on tetd polit.-- tor ga ofins aotherS n Sate the eualzin srrgh of eccy. fol the Nioth mdsthtn-tSohern Deortwostatewl main. taerd that cotetThe right of seern ront in Caifriahe right ofal.urenet and he Staesrnen fogr slvetrogoties. theytarehoht partiestontheeConstitutionah huspacctde bto mere poplnes of Caionat md oronidtEmpie aundernmth aslte waye rfepdi sated? inl the Northt hrmg hemocajrstin ongrhess mTone iterf the nuion, oros the Unledion rallty dh tonegeayrant in usurpaton mdsoittion corowing Stte eover many; datr ifrey thfer South arpreare to ubjuthed byenh the wodner Govermenut in the thion, wthethe mnraysed feocity ous wildl not nde it cutto bae mte. Mfrdoub, tham if~fe the eSatsf uth Calna thikserpe to gakeout o the Unioin, dshe igiht a sinee hosr tiegn eion-ard suthernmbConeecy in essree to tel ate succeedingryear he oretrn rome asWelasingeonen. exaiovment kNow thatthis wvil bei he result nes wel as wear o a longe timsed oi the lasaSne o theaven Sae we toe int theUnon ithotfitbut aristo I answered-" By just Government and a superior liberty." No. You will have no fighting, and [ rejoice that the respon sibility is not with us, whether we shall have it or not. We will have no fighting, not because you are loved, nor from any principle, which restrains from shedding your blood. You are hated, no doubt, quite enough to bring on you, any calam. ity, which unscrupulous power, avarice or fanaticism can inflict. But there is policy in power. There is policy in avarice. There is policy in fanaticism ; and all these perceive, that to attempt to coerce South Carolina in any way, is to secure their own defeat, and our speedy deliver ance from their degrading thraldom. They acquiesce only in the necessity of things. That is is the policy determinied now in Conb.ess, may perhaps he strongly in ferrd from two facts-the army bill, pro posing a etii-derable increatse of the ar. my, and the fortification bill, both failed in the House of Representatives at the elose of the last session by large majori ties. The election in South Carolina to her Convention, had then distinctly indi Dated her future course. But I have heard it said,-tho General Government will not blockade us entirely. rhey will only have a floating custom iouse in their ships of war off our coast, yr exact the duties under the cannon of :he forts in our harbor. I wish to meet ill objections. By this scheme of interfering with our :onnerce, it is not, in the first place, easy ;o perceive, how duties can be collected >n a whole cargo in bulk in the hold of a hip. To collect the duties the ship must >e unloaded-the goods be seen, to be Lppraised; or seized if falsely invoiced, >r not entered at all, to evade the duties. Al of our Custom House laws to prevent imuggling, and the evasion of duties, are )ased on the impossibility of collecting luties on goods in hulk in the hold of a hip. If it is the estalished law, that pa )ers without the inspection of goods, or a -tptini's statement of whAt his ship :o:. vith our commerce i., th:.t it will be wnr n seceding from the Union, South Caro ina will exercise a right, which she, at east, deems unquestionable. When she ias dissolved her union, with hei- co. tates, she puts an end to her copartner. hip with them-she puts an end to their ommon agent, the General Government, o far as she is concerned. So long as lie Union between them lasts, their comi. non agent, with her consent, and by no >ther means, discharges the duties which y the compact of the Constitution, she ias agreed it shall discharge. But with mr separation from the Union, goes all >ur relations with the other States of the u Jnion. They are foreign nations, exact. y on the same footing as Great Britain or France. Their Governient has no more ight to interfere with our commerce, than 9 he Government of Great Britain or rance. For either of these Govern. nents to attempt to collect taxes out of is, by forcibly controlling our commerce V >nl the high seas or in our harbours, is 1 othing more or less thani levying mdlitary :ontributions on us-making war. Of I sourse we~ will be compelled to fight with LIl the means in our power, and wvith all he allies wve can command. We must tornm the forts if we can, where this ag-. ~ression is carried on, and capture the hips of wvar employed againist us. It rill be war on all sides-w~ar in the South I :o subject the South, which wvill only end ni a Southiern Confederacy, or the utter ~xtinction of South Carolina as a State. f the Government holds'on to our forts uerely as property belonging to the Uni ed States, it may be a question whether I ve ought not to pay for any property our ~oStates, through the General Govern-. nent might owni in South Carolina. But I n doing this the account must he opened I til around with our sister States. It wil! ie upon them to show that the property n South Carolina exceeds our due pre-. >ort ion of expenditure from the Treamsury >f the United States, when compared C vith the expenditure whlic-h has taken ' >ace in the other States of the Union. ['he public lands must also he brought in- ~ o the account, with our navy and the pub. t ic buildings in WVashington. The debt t or the wvar and purchase of California r hould be debited exclusively to the free( tates, since they have appropriated the vhole of it to themselves. At all events,i ve wiill honestly and fairly meet any pro. t >osition, to adjust any pecnniary liabuili- ri ies our withdraw~al from the Uniion may i nvolve. But wvar cancels all obligations. I f they choose it, we must accept of it.i 3ut I repeat, I do not believe that war of r1 ~ny kind will followv as a consequence of a ur secession from the Union, because r var cannot prevent it, and will only leadt o a wider disruption of the Union. Itr vill be far easier indeed in my opinioni, r o get ont of thme Union, than to keep outt if it. You see the movement already r made in Virginia to keep us from goingt mt of the Union. Such movements will t mc nmliphi1 .,er em ar o of it in- t duce our return. Missions from our sis ter Southern States-Concessions, with lavish professions of regard from the Northern States-Abolition cowering for the while-Slavery agitation suppressed in Congress-Tariff and Internal improve ment apparently abandoned-in short, everything will be done to concilate the Southern States, and keep them fro'm go ing with us out of the Union. In the meantime our separation from the Union will be made as harrassing as possible by the operations of the Generar Govern ment, to foster discontent in South Caro. lina, and defeat the advantages which wvill naturally arise from our separation, This will be our real time of trial. To hold on firmly to our purpose, of an en tire redress for the past and security for the future, or to keep out of the Union forever, will task all our fortitude and energy. Let them offer to us the Consti !ntion of the United States, with that )quality of rights and privileges all its spirit breathes; equality in Congress, yhere the disparaging and insulting agi .ation of the subject of slavery shall no nore enter forever; equality in taxation, ivithout discriminations in favor of one )ursuit of industry at the expense of an yther; equality in the expenditure of he taxes, by limiting appropriations to he objects expressly specified in the Con. titution ; equality in our Territories, at east as far as thirty-six degrees thirty ninutes North latitude can bestow it from mur Indian Territories to the Pacific ocean; et them offer to us these, and all of these, ecured to us by new and distinct guar ntees in the Constitution, and we will lis en to invitations to return into the Union. .'o all else we should turn a deaf, but re pectful ear. These are now ours by ight, under the Constitution of the Uni ed States. The free States have des ioiled us of them. If they wish such Union as the Constitution establishes nd their faith pledged them to observe, hey can have it, if they will propose it. 1ny other it would be ins;sit to offer. Sleast to ip - ... We have alarnasts rom fear of war; but as the prospect of vardisappears, we have greater alarmists or fear of peace. To the imaginations f sonic, nothing is so terrible as to be miniolested-to be let alone by the Gen ral Govorment. If it fights us, this is a error by no means to be encountered; ut then, we will have company. But mt to fight us, is a still greater terror. t is to leave us alone, without company; .nd what mortal man can face such a atastrophe. Why, gentlemen, I have hought that " laissez nous faire" -(let s alone) was the grand principle of free rade, for which we have been conten ing for the last thirty years. I have bought that to be let alone, was the -rand principle of all free Government. ustice from without, against the aggres ions or wrongs of foreign nations-jus ice within, between man and man-pre ention merely, this is the righteous and mited aim of all free Government! As o all else, let us alone. What have we eeni asking, as to all the great measures if aggression, which have at length ren ered the General Government no longer ndurable to free men, but 'let us alone.' set us alone on the TIariff. Let us alone in Internal Improvements. Let us alone .s to the Currency. Let us alone with espect to our institution of slavery. Keep o the simple purpose of prevention, for rhich you wvere created, and protect us .gainst foreign nations. Such have been 'ur demands. They are not heeded ; and to cast off a tyranny which, like the rogs of Egypt, has come up into houses, ,nd our bed-chambers, and the houses of ur servants. And now, shall we fear icing rid of it? Shall wve tremble at being it alonei Are we afraid of ourselvesi or .rc we inicapable of ruling ourselves? I? o, it is sheer nonsense to aspire to liberty *r independice. Let us submit at once, mithout murmurs, and without efforts for eliverance, to be the colonies we are in eality. Blot out the proud motto from ur arms, and let our flag, once free, ne er more greet the sun. If our enemies iink prop~er, let thenm lay in waste a housand miles around us. Let them iake South Carolina an island on the ~ontinent-cut off forever from all sym athy, or association, with any other State i the Union. Who will suffer most by is policyi To reach us, the dagger uust pass thrcrugh others. The great 'orld of commerce is before us, over the road AL.antic. We can live, and if we we can live free, it is enough. Better ny fate than the slow torturing death 'hieh awaits us in submission. If our *ighboring States choose this death, and iink proper to let the General Govern icnt stop up the channels of their comn .erce wvith us, let them do it. If they have lot had enough of its interference in their ffairs, they can take it still nearer home r their business and bosoms, although iinted wvith abolitionism itself. But II cy. South Carolina, in the heait-of the South,cannot be permanently isolatedfrme them in policy, as dhe eaanot be Ws Witer ests and institutions. The General Gov ernment may make some spasmodic efforta to produce this result; but if we stand still and firm, they will fail, as the ga. sions of the present give way before the. mighty tide of interests whiph sugs sweep the South together. But secession will not only brbg ua isolation in the South, but heavy hrdens in the personal military services wi' asit render, and the increased taxes we must pay. We are to live in military bootsi, with knapsacks on our backs; and have costly ferfign embassies, and a staoding army and-navy to support. It is not for freemen to count the cost of a Free Government. Let it cost what it may-life itself-they will be prepared to pay it. But Freo Governments should certainly be the cheapest, because.usost just and most responsible- to the people.. I see no reason why South. Carolina. should be an exception to this general truth. Assuming to ourselves the conduct of our foreign relations, will, doubftess add something to our expenses. A for. eign mission may occasionally be nees sary, but there will be no necessary of standing embassies to any foreign pow ers. Our policy, I thing, should be-fre trade, equal and just dealing with.all na tions, entangling alliances with, none. Our productions and commerce will aM peal to the interests of all naiions to d us justice, and secure us peace. If auf nation offends or wrongs us, welave a powerful means of redress or-retaliation by shutting them out of our commerce and thus adding to the prosperity of othli and rival nations at their expense. Nal vies we do not unt; for we; have n6 shipping on the; ocean to proteet. Not. one bag of cott6n in fifty, when it leaves our ports, belongs to our. citizens. ,lt belongs t- the citizens of other a :i.. s the ocea under their lip to win ais which all good officers should inspire. But to meet the extraordinary expenses to which we will be subjected, how great will be our additional resources through the customs! How great too will be the benefit, especially to the City of Charles ton, of expending all the taxes thus raised within our own State amongst our own peo ple! The City of Washington, as well as all the great Northern Cities, are standing monuments of what the mere expenditure-of money amongst a people can do for their enrichment. There, on the Potomac, is a large increasing City, of fifty thousand inhabitants, where, a few years ago, there was an old field' ft is a mere consumer, and exports not a dollar's worth of produce. I think th* additional means secession will seeare us, will more than meet the additional expenses we must incur by our indepen dency. I have thus, fellow-citizens, endeavored briefly to lay before you, the probable consequences of the secession of South Carolina from the Union. I have argued the question of secession, as if it was a final separation from all the State of the South. But is this a correct method of arguing this questioni If our cause is the cause of the wuhole South-at least of the Cotton region of the South-will not the South in due time perceive the truth? If in origin, pursuits, and institutions we are one, how long will we remain apart, through the influene of those who hare wronged and degraded us, and who now threaten our utter ruin in the overthrow of our institutions? Will they prefer a union with inferiority and colonial die pendence; or a union with us, with equals ity and independencei Safety and honor are on the one hand, danger and degradas' tion on the other. Increasing power and respectability among the Nations of the earth, wvhose prosperity we will hold in the hollow of our hands; or increasisg wveakness,wuith a Government under whose. prestige they and their institutions become. the scoff of nations. These are the alter natives, which truth and experieneo must. present to all impartial minds in the South.' Where must they ultimately lead, unless but to a union of the~ South ? If. S~iitlt Carolina seceedes from the Unditi iW remains an independent State for' five years, a Southern Confederacy iniust bo: the result, or the South will have enforced those guarantees whiich will give her that safety, liberty, and equality to wvhich she is entitled. I have been battling in this cause for twenty-five years, and have now but a few more years to give to jbur service. [ long to see it settled. As a citizen of South. Carolina, I demand that she make me free. Let her deterinen, now and forever the fate of her sons. Miy counsel is, secede from the Union of these United States. " At every hanard, imd to the last eztremity' secee..K Jf wvas now about to draw mylast breathe