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ititul his groi th, andi strenglcus with tub decliniag years of its victim. If this i true, it is the part of wisdotm fur a repub lie to limit the service of that olficer, a least, to whom she has intrusted the man agement of her foreign rclations, the exe cution of her laws, and the command u *her armies and navies, to a period so shot as to prevent his forgetting that he is th accountable agent, not the principal---th servant, not the master. Until an amend ment of the Constitution can be effected .public opinion may secure the desired ol: ject. I give my aid to it, by renewing flt pledge heretofore given, that under no cit cumstances, will I consent to serve a se cond term. But if there is danger to public libert from the acknowledged defect of the Cot stitution, in the want of limit to the contin Itance of the Executive power in the sam hands, there is, I apprehend, not muc less from a misconstruction of that instru ment, as it regards the powers actuall given. I cannot conceive that, by a fai construction, any or either of its provision would be found to constitute the Presiden a part of the legislative power. It canno be claimed from the power to recom mend, since, although enjoined as adut: upon him, it is a privilege which he hold in common with every other citizen. An' although there may be something more o confidence in the propriety of the measure! recommended in the one case than in th other, in the obligations of ultimate deci sion. there can be no diffierence. In th language of the Constitution, " all the le .gislative powers" which it grants "ar vested in the Constitution of the Unite States." It would be a solecism in Ian .guage to say that any portion of these I included in the whole. It may be said, indeed, that the Consti tution has given to the Executive th power to annul the acts of the legislativ body by refusing to them his assent. S a similar power has necessarily resulte from that instrument to the Judiciary; an and yet the- Judiciary forms no part < the Legislature . There is, it is true, thi difference between these grants of poweI .the Executive can put his negative upo the act.of the Legislature for other caus than that of want .of conformity to th .9op.stitution, whilst the Judiciary can onl: declare void those. which violate that in strument. But the decision of the Judici ary is final in such a case, whereas, in es ery instance where the veto of the Execu tive is applied,it may be overcome by a vot of two-thirds of both Houses of Congress The negative upon the acts of the Legislk tive, by the Executive authority, and tha in the handsorone individual, would seet to be an incongruity in our system. Like some others of a similar charactei however, it appears to be highly expedien and if used only with the forbearance, an in the spirit which was intended by it authors, it may be productive of gret good, and be found one of the best safe guards in the Union. At the -period a the-formation of the Constitution, the prit: ciple does not appear to have enjoye much favor in the State Governments. I existed but in two, and in one of these ther Was a t-' :.1.. T . mnW search for the motives.which operated ui on .the purely patriotic and enlightene assembly which framed the Constitutior for the -adoption of- a provision so appa rently repugnant to the leading democrati principle, that the majority should govert we nmust reject the idea that they antici pated from'it any - benit to the ordinar course of legislation.- They knew too we, the high degree of intelligence which ex isted among the people, and the enlighten ed character of the State Legislatures, ne to have the fullest confidence that the tw' * odies elected by them would be worth: representatives of such constituents, and of course, that they would jrequire no ai< in conceiving and maturing the measure which the circumstances of the countr' might require. And it is preposterous ti suppose tat a thought could for a momen have been entertained, that the President placed at the Capital, in the centre of the country. could better understand the want and wtsbes of the people than their awi immediate representatives, who spend part of every year among them, living wintl them, often laboring with them, and bount to them by the triple tie of interest, duty and affectton. -To assist or control Con gross, then, in its ordinary legislation, couk not, I conceive, have been the motive fo conferring the veto power on the President This argument acquires additional forci from tho fact of its never having been thu! used by the first six Presidents-andt twe ef them were members of the convention one presiding over its deliberation, and th<i other having a larger ihare in consum mat ing the labors of that august body than ani other person. But if bills were never refused to Con ress by either of the Presidents referret -un, upon the ground of their being inexpe diasor not as wvell adapted! as they migh be to the wants of the people, the veto wmt applied upon that of want of conformity to the Constitution, or because errors hac boon committed from a too hasty enact ment. There is another ground for the adoptiot of the Veto principle, which had probably more influence in recommending it to thi convention than any other. I refer it ite the security which it gives to the just anm equitable action of the legislature upon a! parts of the Union. It could not but have occurred to the'convention that, in a coun try so extensive, embracing so great a va rtety of soil and climate, and, consequent ly, of products, and wvhich, from the same causes, must ever exhibit a great differ ence in the amount of the population of itt various sections, calling for a great diver. sity in the employments of the People, that the legislation of the majority mighi not always justly regard the rights and in terests of the minority. And that acts ol this character might be passed, under an express grant by the words of the Consti tution, and, therefore, not within the com petency of the judiciary to declare void. That however enligtened and patriottc they mnightt suppose, frotm past experience, the memb~ers of Congress might be, and however largely partaking in the general of the liberal feelings of the People, it was impossible to expect that hodies so consti pated should not sometimes be controlled py local interests and sectional feelings. It was proper, therefore, to providle some alpointment more independence and free dom from such influences might be expect - ed. Such a one was afforded by the Ex L ecutive Department, coustituted by the - Constitution. - A person elected to that high office, hav f ing his constituent in every section, State, t and sub-divisiou of the Union, must consi der himself hound by the most solemn 3 sanction, to guard, protect, and defend the - rights of all, and of every portion, great or small, from the injustice and oppression of - the rest. I consider the veto power, there D fore, given by the Constitution to the Ex - ecutive of th'e United States, as a conser - vative power. To be used only, lt, to protect the Constitution from violation; V 2dly, the People from the effects of hasty - legislation, where their will has been pro - bably disregarded or not well understood, a and, 3dly, to prevent the effects of combi i nations violative of the rights of minorities. - In reference to the second of these objects, I may observe that, I consider it the right r and privilege of the People to decide dis 3 puted points of the Constitution, arising t from the general grant of power to Con t gross to carry into eff'ect the powers ex - pressly given. And I believe, with Mr. r Madison,"that repeated recognitions under i varied circumstances, in acts of the legis I lative, executive, and judicial branches of r the Government, accompanied by indica 3 lions in different modes of the concurrence . of the general will of the nalion, as afford - ing to the President sufficient authority for I his considering such disputed points as - settled." Upwards of half a century have elapsed I since the adoption of our present form of - government. It would he an object more s highly desirable than the gratification of the curiosity of speculative statcsmen,~ if - its precise situation could be ascertained, 3 a fair exhibit made of [the operations of - each of its Depariments, of the powers > which'they respectively claim and exercise, I of the collisions which have occurred be I tween thetm or between the whole Govern f ment and those of the .States, or either of i them. We could then compare our actual , condition, after fifty years' trial of our sys i tem, with what it was in the commence - ment of its operations, anti ascertain wheth 3 er the predictions of the patriots %% ho oppos r sed its adoption, or the confident hopes of - its advocates, have been best realized. The'great dread of the formeriseems to have been that the reserved powers of the States would be absorbed by those of the D Federal Goverment, and ascousolidated . power established, leaving to the States the shadow, only, of that independent ac t tion for which they had so zealously con ri tended, and on the preservation of which they relied as the last hope of liberty. , Without denying that the result to which ; they looked with so.much apprehension is i in the way of being realized, it is obvious s that they did not clearly see the mode of t its accomplishment. The General Go - vernment has seized upon none of the re >f served rights of the States. As far as any -. open warfare may have gone, the State i authorities have amply maintained their i rights. To a casual observer, our system a presents no appearance of discord between I ,hedifferent membehru..hjie .nsuoan t - Even the addition of many new ones has I produced no jarring. They move in their respective orbits in perfect harmony with - the central head, and with each other. But a there is still an under current at work, b~y ,which, if not seasotnably checked, the worst - apprebensions of our anti-federal patriots ,' will be realized. And net only will our I State authorities be overshadowed by the - great increase of power in the Exeutive - Department of the General Government, tbut the ch~ara-eter of that Government, if >not its designation, be essentially and rad rically changed. This state of things has been in part efieted by causes inherent in I the Costitution, -a,;d in part by the never ifailing tendency of po~tical power to in 'crease itself. By making the President i he sole distributor of all the patronage of tthe Government, the framers of the Con ,stitution do not appear to have anticipated Sat howv short a period it would become a tformidable instrument to control the free Soperations of the State governments. Of Strifling importance at first, it had, early in SMr. Jelferson's administration, become so I powerful as to create great alarm in the ,mind of that pa triot, from the potent influ -ence it might exert ini conirolling the free I dom of the elective fi-anchise. If such could -then have been the effects of its intfluence how nmuch greater must be the danger at this time, quadrupled in amount, as it cer Itainly is, and more complctely under the contaol of the Exectutive wvill, than their construction of their powvers allowed, or the forhearinig chairacter of all the early Presi -dents permitted them to make ? But it is not by the extent of its patronage alonme that the Executive Department has be come dangerous, but by the use which it appears may be made of the appointing power, to bring under its control the whole revetnues of the country. The Constitu tion has declard it to be the duty of the President to see that the laws are execut ed, attd it makes him Commander-in-Chief of the Armties and Navy of the United States. If the opinion of the most approv ed writers upon that species of mixed Go vernment, which in modern Europe, is termed Monarchy, in contradistinction to Despotism, is correct, there was wanting no other addition to the powers of our 'Chief Magistrate to stamp a monarchical character on our Government, but the con trol of the public finances. And to me it appears strange, indeced, that any one should doubt that the entire control whicb the President possesses over the officers who have the custody of the public money, by the power of removal wmth or without cause, does, for all mischievous purposes at least, virtually subject the treasure also to his disposal. The first Roman Empe ror, in his attempt to seize the sacred trea sttre, silenced the opposition of the officer to whose charge it had bectn committed, by a significant allusion me his sword. By a selection of political; instrutments for the care of the public money, a reference to their commissions by a President, would be quite as effectual an argument as that of Ctesar to the Roman Knight. I am not insensible of the great diffiet ty that exists in devising a proper plan for the safekeeping and disbursemnent of the pulthic revenues, and I know the impor tanice wvhich has beeni attached by men of great abilities and patriotism to the di the banking institutions. IL is not the di vorce which is complained of, but the un hallowed culon of the Treasury with the Executive Department, which has created such extensive alarm. To this danger to ' our Republican Institutions, and that cre ated by the influence given to the Execu tive through the instrumentality of the fed eral officers, I propose to apply all the remedies which may be at my command. It was certainly a great error ia-the fram ers of the Constitution, not to have made the officer at the head of the Treasury Department, entirely independent of the Executive. He should at least have been removable only upon the demand of the popular branch of the Legislature. I have determined never to remove a Secretary of the Treasury without communicating all the circumstances attending such re moval to both Houses of Congress. The influence of the Executive in.controlling the freedom of the elective franchise thro' the medium of the public officers, can be effectually checked by renewing the pro hibition published by Mr. Jefferson, for bidding their interference in elections fur ther than giving their own votes; and their own independence secured by an as surance of perfect immunity, in exercising this sacred privilege of freemen under the dictates of their own unbiassed judgments. Never, with my consent, shall rn officer of the People, compensated for his servi ces out of their pockets, become the pliant instrument of Executive will. There is no part of the means placed in the hands of the Executive *which might be used with greater effect, fir unhallow ed purposes, than the control of the public press. The maxim which our ancestors derived from the nother country,.that "the freedom of the press is the great bulwark of civil and religious liberty," Is one of the most precious legacies they have left us. We huve learned too, from our own as well as the experience of other. countries, that golden shackles, by whotnsoever or by whatever pretence imposed, are as fa tal to it as the iron bonds of despolistn. The presses in the necessary employment of tae Government, should never bo used " to clear the guilty, or varnish crimes," A decent and manly examination of the acts of tie rovernment slhuld be not only tolerated baut encouraged. Upon another occasion I have given my opinion, at some length, upon the impro priety of Executive interferince in the le gislatiot of Congress. That*the article in tIhe Constitution making it the duty of the President to communicate information, and authorizing him to reirmmend meas ures, was not intended t. make him the source of legislation, and in particular that lie should never be looked to for schemes of finance. It would be very strange, in deed, that the Constitutib6 should have strictly forbidden one bran Ijof the Legis lature from interfering in I organization of such bills, and that it siould he ionsid cred proper that' an altogether diff'erent de partment of the Govertniit should be permitted to do so. Somi of our bet .po litical maxirs and. opirdons have been drawn from our parent Ale. There are others, however, which ca ot be introdu ge :tin r te * iii *1 -gruttY"-RnU_ amwctru-it 'UA chief. And this I conceive to be one. No matter in which of the Hotses of Parlia tent a bill may originate, bor by whom introduced, a nimiister, oraimhmer of the opposition, by the fiction oflamv, or rather constitutional principle, the Sovereign is supposed to have preparetd it agreeably to his will, and then submitted it to Parlia ment for their advicejand consent. Now, the very reverse is the case here, not only with regard to the principle, but the fortms prescribed by thte Constitution, (the legislative bod'y,) the power to make laws, and the fortms even direct that the enactment should be ascribed to them. The Senate in relation to Revenue bills, have the right to propose amendments, atnd so has the Executive, by the power given him to return them tethe House of Representatives, with his o.bjections. It is in his power, also, to propose amendments in the existing revenue laws, suggested by hais observations uponi their defective or injurious operation. But the delicate duty of dovisitng schemes of revemue shoul be left where the Constition1 :ad placed it with the immediate represeatatives of the People. For similar reasom, the aode of keeping the public treasury shoutld be pre scribed lby them ; and the farther removed it may be fromt the conatrol ef the Execu tive, 'the more wholesome the arrange. tment, and .the more in accordance with Republican principles. Connected with this subaject is the char acter of the currency. The idea of mak ing it exclusively metalic, howemer well, intetnded, appears to me o be fraught: with mere fatal consequemes than any other scheme, having no relation to the personal rights of the citnsens, that hasj ever been dlevisedl. if any single scheme could produce the effect of arresting, at onace, that mutation of condition by which thousands of our most indigent fel low-ci,.i zenas, by their industry and enterprise, are raised to the possession of wealth, that is thte one. Jf there is one measure better calculated than another to produace that state of things so mnuch deprecated by all true republicans by which the rich are tinily addinag to their boards and the poor sinkinig deeper ito penuary, it is an exclu sive metalic currency. Or ifthere is a pro cess by which the chiaracterof the country for generosity and noblenessof feeling may be destroyed by the great increase atnd ne cessary toleration of uasury, it is an exclu sive metalic currency. Amongst the other duties of a delicate character which the President is called upon to perform, is the supervision of the government of the Territories of the [Uni ted States. Those of them which are des tined to become members of our great po litical family, are compensated by their rapid progress from Infancy to manhood, for the partial and temporary deprivation of their political rights. It is in this Dis trict, only, where American citizens are to be found, who, under a settled system of I policy, are deprived, of many importanti political privileges, wvithout any inspiring hope as to the future. Their only conso- I lation, under circumnstances of dlepriva tion, is that of the devoted exterior guards of a camp--that their sufferings secure a tranquility and safety within. Are there any of their countrymen who would sub-i ine timett to geante ariic. on ny nenther lumiliations than . those essentially neces- c ;dry to the security of the object for which I they were thus separated from their fellow I citizC3 ? Are their :ights alone not io be I guarantied by the application of those great I principles, upon which all our Constitu tions are rounded ? We are told by the greatest of British orators and statesmen, that, at the commencement of the war of the Revolution, the most stupid men in England spoke of " their American sub jects." Are there, indeed, citizens of any of our States who have dreamed of their subjects in the District or Columbia? Such dreams can never be realized by any agen cy of mine. The people of the District of Columbia are not the subjects of the people of the States, but free American citizens. Be ing in the latter condition when the Con stitution was formed, no words used in that instrument could have been intended to deprive them of that character. If there is any thing in the great principles of unalienablo rights, so emphatically in sisted upon in our Declaration of Inde pendence, they could neither make, nor the United States accept, a surrender of their liberties, and become the subjects, in other words the slaves, of their former fel low citizens. If this be true, and it will scarcely be denied by any one who bas a correct idea of his own rights as an Amer ican citizen, the grant to Congress of ex clusive juriediction in the District of Co lumbia, can be interpreted, so far as res pects the aggregate people of the United States, as menuing nothing more than to allow to Congress the controlling power necessary to afford a free and safe exercise of the functions assigned to the General Government hy the Constitution. In all other respects, the legislation of Congress should be adapted to their peculiar position and wants, an:1 be comfortable with their deliberate opinions of their own interests. . I have spoken of the necessity of keep ing the respective Departments of the Go vernment, as well as all the other author ities of our country, within their nppropri ate orbits. This is a matter of difficulty in some cases, as thq powers which they respectively claim are often not defined by very distinct lines. Mischievous, howev er, in their tendencies, as collisions of this kind may be, those.which arise between the respective communities, which for cer tain purposes compose one nation, are mitch more so; for no such nation can long exist without the careful culture of those feelings of confidence and affection which are the effective bonds of union be tween free and confederated States. Strong as is the tie of interest, it has been oflen found ineffectual. Men, blind ed by their passions, have been known to adopt measurs for their country in direct opposition to all the suggestions of policy. The alternative then is, to destroy or keep down a bad passion by creating and foster ing a good one; and this seems to be the corner stone upon which our American po litical architects have reared the fahric of our Government. The cement which was to bind it, and perpetuate its existence, was the affectionate attachment between its members. To insure the continuance of this feelin, produced at first by a com terest, the advantages of each were made accessible to all. No participation in any good, possessed by any member of an ex tensive coinfederacy, except in domestic government, was 'vithheld from -the cit zen of any other member. By a process attended with no difficul ty, tno delay, no expense but that of remo val, the citizen of-one might become the citizen .of any other, and successively of the whole.- The lines, too, separating powers to be exercised by the citizens of the State from those of another, seemi~o be so distinctly drawn as to leave-no room for misunderstanding. The citizens~ of each State unite in their persons all the pris Ieges which that character confers, and all that they may claim as citizens of the United States; but in no case can the same person, at the same time, act as the citizen of two separate States, and he is therefore positively precluded from any interference with the reserved powers of any State but that of which he is, for the time heing a citizen. ie may indeed of fer to the citizens of other States his ad 'tice n~s to their management, and the fortn in which it is tendered is left to his discre tion and( senhb of propriety.. It may be observed, however, that or ganized associntionts of citizens, requtiring compliance with their wishes, too much resemable the recommendations of Athens to her allies-supported b'y an armed end powerful fleet. It was, indeed, to the am bition of the leading States otf Greece to control the domestic concerns of the othi ers, that the destruction of that celbrated confederacy, andi subsequently of all its members, is mainly to be attributed. A nd it is owing to the absence of that spirit that the Hielvetic confederacy has for so many years beeni preserved. Never has there been seen in ihe institutions of the separate members of any confederacy more ele ments of dliscord. In tihe principles atad formns of goverunent andi religion, as well Is ini the circumstances of theseverni catn ions, so marked a discrepance was observ able, as to promise any thing but hartmo 2y in their intercourse or permatnency in heir alliance. And yet, for ages, neitherI ans beetn interrupted. -Content with the ositive benefits which their union pmdu ,ed, with the independence atnd safety rotm foreigtt aggression which it secured, heate sagacious people respected the insti utions of each other, however repuignant :o their ownl prihnciples amnd prejudices. Our contfederacy, fellow-citizetns, can mly lbe preserved by the same forbear- I taco. Our citizens must he content with he exercise of the powers with which the ..onstitution clothes them. The attempt of hose of one State to control the domestic nstitutions of another, can only result in 'eelings of distrust and jealousy, the cer ain harbingers of disunion, violence, civil t'ar, and the ultimate destruction of our ree insttitutionsh. Our confederacy is per- I betly illustrated by the terms and princi-t ales governing a common copartnership. rhere a fund of power is to be exercised, il tnder the direction of time joint counceils ofc he allied members, but that whbich hasr teen reserved by the individual membersi s itntangible by the common government,r 'r the individual members compositng it. c ['o attempt it finds no sutpport in the prin- e ipe or oumr Constitution. 1t should be o urcnstant and enrniost cudeuvoi mutu- of illy to cultivate a spirit, ofr cdniord and th iarmony among the various parts of our th Jonfederacy. Experience has abundant- in y taught us that the agitation by citizens in )f one part of the Union of- a subject not in :onfided to the General Government, but m xclusively under the guardianship of the at ocal authorities, is productive of no other bi :onsequence.s than bitterness, alienation, el iiscoril and injury to the very cause which % s intended to be advanced. Of all the y ;reat interests which appertain in our ri iountry, that of union, cordial, confiding, e raternal union, is by far the most impor- t ant, since it is the only true and sure guar- i anty of all others. ri In consequence of the embarrassed state e )f business and the currency, some of the ( States mray meet with difficulty in their g inancial concerns. Hoevever deeply we nay regret any thing imprudent or exces- n tive in the engagements into which States v inve entered for purposes of their own, it b Ioes not become us to disparage the State a 3overnments, nor to discourage them from d making proper ef'orts for their own relief; a >n the contrary, it is our duty to encourage v hem, to the extent of our constitutional s authority, to apply their best means, and a :heerfully to make all necessary sacrifices r itd submit to all necessary burdens to ful- o il their engagements and maintain their ti :redit ; for the character and credit of the z everal States form part of the character p and credit for the whole country. The resources ef the country are abundant, the n nterprise and activity of our people pro- o rerbial; and we may well hope that wise ci egislation and prudent administration, by t beir respective Governments, each acting tl a its own sphere, will restore former pros- ti perity. i Unpleasant and even dangerous as col- e isions may sometimes be, between the a :onstituted iathorities or the citizens of p jur country, in relation to the lines which c separate their respective jurisdictions, the il results can he of no vital injury to our in- o ititutions, if that ardent patriotism, that de- u voted attachment to liberty, that .spirit of s1 moderation and forbearance for which our si Dountrymen were once distinguished, con- ti inue to be cherished. If this cintionue.to e be the ruling paesion of oursouls, the weak- c er feelings of the mistaken enthusiast will d be corrected, the Eutopian dreams of the e scheming politician dissipated, and the o complicated intrigues of the demagogue n rendered harmless. The spirit of liberty it is the sovereign balm for every injury which v our institutions may receive. On the con- I trary, no cnre that can be used in the con. a struction of our Government; no division a of powers, no distribution of checks in its I several departments, will prove effectual ' to keep us a free People, if this spirit is r suffered to decay; and decay it will with- a out constant nurtvre. To the neglect of t this duty, the best historians'agree in attri buting the ruin ofall Republics with whose i existence and fall their writings have made c us acquainted. The same.causes will ev- c er produce the same effects; and as long r as the love of power is a dominant pas r sion of the human bosom, and as long as e the understandings of men can be warped c and their alfections changed by operations a wiltfi' 7ertyippleApiA'i' ir own constant attention to-its preservation. a The danger to all well-established- free c governments, arises from the unwillingness t of te People to believe in its existence, or from the, influence of.designing men, di verting. their..atteAtion from the quarter 1 whbence it .approaches,.. to a source freom I whiph .it cer) never come. This is the olds trick.ofahlose. wvho would usurp. the -gov-a ernmoent of their, country. In the name of i Democracy they speak, warning the Pee pleagainst the isaduence of wealth and the t panger of aristocracy. History, ancient t and modern, is full of such examples. Ca- . ar became the master of the Roman pee pie and the Senate tinder the pretence of ' supporting the democratic claims of theI lormer against the aristocracy of the latter; fi Cromwell in th~e character of proector ofd the liberties of the people, became the die- ar later of England ; and Bolivar possessedr himself ofunlimited power,with the title h rif his country's Liberator. There is, on thme contrary, no single instance on record i aof n extetnsive and well established repub- 1 lie being changed into an aristocracy. The tendencies of all such Governments e in their decline is to monarchy : and the i antagonist principles to liberty there is the t spirit of faction-a spirit which assumes c ih character, and, in times of grate cx eitenmetnt, imupostes itself upon the people as a the genuine spirit of freedom, andl like the p alse Christs whose coming was foretold f by the Saviotur, seeks to, and were ii pos- 1 sible wvould. impose upon the true and (< most faithful disciples of liberty. It is in periods like this that it behooves the peo- i ple to be most watchful of those to whom t they have intrusted power. And although n there is at times much difficulty in distin- t ;tishing thme false from the,. true spirit, a fe :alm and dispassionate investigation will ia< ictect thme counterfeit as well by the char :cter of its operations, as the results that ir ire produced. The true spirit of liberty, pi ihh ough devoted, persevering, bold anid re mncompjromising in principle, that secured, a s ntild and tolerant and scrupulous -as to re .he means it employs; whilst the spirit of 0: >arty, assuming to be that of liberty, is e mrsh, vindictive, and itntolerant, and to- th ally reckless as to thme character of the al- gi ies which it brings to the aid of the cause. w ihen the genuine spirit of liberty ani- F nates the body osfa peo!ple to a thorough ir examnination of their affairs, it leads to the th xcision of every excrescence which may fe iave fastened itself upon any of the De- be art ments of the Government, and restores he system to its pristine health and beau y. But thie rein of intolerant spirit of par y anmngst a free people, seldom fails to esult in a dangerous accession to the Exe utive power introduced and established midst unusual professions of devotion to g emocracy. The foregoing remarks relate exclusive- ol y to matters connected with our domes- p ic concerns. It may be proper, however su hat I should give some indications to my llow citizens of my proposed course of oniduct in the management of our foreign elations. I assure them, therefore, that " tis my intention to use every means in G sy power to preserve the friendly inter- to ourse which nowv so happily subsists with I very foreign ntion; and that, although, I any putiding negotiatiois with any of em,- I see in the personal characters of e Sovereigns, as well ns in the mutual terests of our own and of the Govern ents with which our relations are moet timate, a pleasing rguaranty that the has ony so important to the interests of their ibjects, as well Rs oUr citizens, will not interrupted by the advancement of any aim, or pretension upon their part to hich our honor would not permit us to ield. Long the defender of my country'. glits in the field, I trust that my fellow itizens will not see in my earnest desirer peserve peace with foreigu powers any 1dication that their rights will ever be sac ificed, or the honor of the nation tarnish d, by any admission on the part of their hief Magistrate unworthy of their former lory. In our intercourse with our. Aboriginal eighbors, the same liberality and justice, hich marked the course prescribed to me y two of my illustrious predecesors, rhen acting under their direction in the ischarge of the duties of Superintendens. nd Commissioner, aball be strictly obser ed. I can conceive.of no more spblime sectable---none more likely to propitiate: n impartial and common Creator, than a, gid adherence to the principles of justice a tho part of a powerful nation in its -ansactious with a weaker and uncivili ed people, whom cireaustances have laced at its disposal. Before concluding, fellow-citizens, I iust say something to you on the subject f the. parties at this time existing in our Duntry. To'me it appears perfectly clear, lit the interest of that country requires jit the violence of the -spirit by which lose parties are at this time governed, just he greatly mitigated,. if not entirely stinguished, or consequences wii ensue. rhich are appalling to be thought of.. if arties in a Republic are necessary to se are a degree of vigilance sufficient to keep ie public functionaries within the bounds f law) and duty, at that point their useful ess ends. Beyond that they became de ructive of public virtue, the par.ent of a pirit antagonist to that of liberty andoven .olly, its tnevitable conqueror. Wehave xamples of Republics, where the fse- of Duntry and liberty, at one time, we the aminant passions of the whole mass of itizens. And yet, with the continuance f the name and forms of free Government, ot a vestige of these qualities remaining i the bosom of any one of its -citizens. It ras the beautiful remark ofa distinguished nglish writer that "in the Roman Sea te, Octavius had a party. and Anthony party, but the Commonwealth had none.' fet the Senate contined to meet'in the [emple of Uberty, -to talk of the sacred ess and beauty of the Commonwealth, ad gaze at the statues of the elder. Bru us and of the Curtii and Decii. And the oeople assembled in the forum, not as in he days of Camillus and the Scipios, to ast their free votes for annual Magistrates or pass upon the actsof the Senate,..but to eceive from the hands ofthe leaders.of the sp ective parties their share of the spoils, id to. shout for one, or the other, as those ollected in Gaul, or Egypt,.-and the "Ee. er Asia, would.furnish the.. or disida. ing thea es of civ a ought protection in the wilds oft' r Scandinavia; and so, under the . ion of the same causes and influences,* it till fly from our Capitol and our- forums. L calamity so awful, not only to our c9an ry but to the world, must be deprecated y every patriot, and every tendency td a tate of things likely to produce it imimedi itely checked. Such a tendency has ex ited--does exist. Always the friend of my countrymen, ever their fantterer, it becomes my duty a say to them from this high place to rhich their partiality has exalted me, that here exists in the land a spirit hostile to heir beat interests--hostile to liberty itself. t is a spirit contracted in its views, sel sh in itsuobject. It looks to the aggran isement of a few, even to the destiuction f the interests of the whole. The entire emedy is with the. People. Something, onwever, may be eff'ected by the means rhich they have placed in my hands. it union that we want, not of a party for be sake of that party, but a union of the whole country for the sake of the whole ountry-for the defence ofits interests and s honor against foreign aggression, for de defence of those principles for which ur atncestors so gloriously contended. Ls far as it depends upon me it shall he ecomplished. All the infiuence that I ossess, shall he exerted to prevent the lrmnation at least of an Executive party in de halls of the Legislative body. I wish >r the support of no member of that body any measure of mine that does not sat. ify his judgement and his sense of duty > those from whbom he holds his .appoint sent;t nor any confidence in advance from 10 People, but that asked forhby Mr. Jef trson, "to give firmness and eet to the dministrations of their affairs." . - I deem the present occasion sufficiently nportant and solemn tojustify me-in ex ressing to my fellow citizens a profound iverence for the Christian RIeligaon, and thorough conviction that sound morals, ligious liberty, an-d a just sense of religi is responsihility,are essentially connected ith all true ansd lasting happiness; and to at good BeIng who has blessed us by-the' fls of civil and religious freedom, who atched over & prospered the labors of oir ethers, and has hitherto preserved to us stitutions far exceeding in excellebee ose of any other people, let us unite in, rvcntly commending every interest of our iloved country in all future time.' Fellow-citizens: Being fully invested ith that high office to which the partiali of my countrymen has called me, I now ke an effectionsate leave of you. You' ill bear with you to your homes the re. embrance of the pledge I have this day von to discharge all the high duties of y exalted station, according to the best my ability ; and I shall enter upon their rformance with entire confidence in the pport of ajust and generouts People. The Net,, HoteL-This estabslishment as sold, yesterday morning, by Messrs. ant & Miortimer, by virtue or a mortgage the Bank of the State, under the "Act r reb~uildinlg the City of Charleston," or e loan act, and wvas purchased by the ity Council, for thosum of $84,622.