Edgefield advertiser. (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, April 11, 1839, Image 2
"We will cling to the pillars of the temple of our liberties,
PIERRE F. LABORDE, Editor. and if it must fall we will perish amidst the ruins."
VOLUTME IV. 1939. *Y
IID QUfRT1?1L,
Abbeville, 23th Feb. 1839.
ORDE RS
No.1.
T HF, following Regiments and Corps of
the Nlilitia ortii State, will parade for
Review and Drill, ad tim Ollicers and Ser
.geants will assemle in Encamtp''emt at the
times and plac-s oillowim:. viz:
Th- 15th 111P lifient of I1iitry will parade
for rev iew anid drill, at. Will iiamsut's, on Tues
day the 2d or April next.
The 14111 Regiment of Infaitry, at Orang
burg. on Thursday tihe 4th of April.
The Officers and Sergeanitts of the 4th Bri
gade will assemble in encampmeni,at Accahee,
(Morrison's farm) near the Quarter House, on
Monday the 8th of April next, to renmam ci
camped six days, accordinp to law.
The 16th and 17th ReimieniLt of infantry,
the Charlestotu Anicieut Dattalion of Aroillery,
and tihe Charieston Light Dragoons, wil parade
for review ani drill. a the Chiarleston ratce field,
.on rhrsday the 18ih of April next.
The Officers and Sergeats of the Sth Briz
ade will assemble in encamptmait, at smch place
as the Grigadier General of ilit Brigade nay
appoint, atid leport to the Commnmder-in-chiel,
on ionday the 22d of April.
The 33d Regiment of Imintry wl1 parade
for review and drill, at Conwayhoroug-h, on
Monday the 29th of April.
The 1-4d itegimenmt of infantry, at Marion C
H. on Thursday time 2d of MAy next.
Time 31ist Regimuent of Infantry, at Black
Mingo, on Saturday the 4t1 of may.
TIe 13th itciment of Infantry, at Walter
boro. on Saturday the 11th of m ay.
The 12th (tegament of Infantiy, at Coosaw
hatchie, on Tuesday the 14th of Alay.
The 43d Regiment of Infantry, at Bford's
Bridge, on Friday the 17th of May.
The Officers anid Sergeants of the 3d Brig
ade will assemble in etncamoptmett. at Barnwell
C. 1-1. on Monday the 20th of Mily.
The 3d IR, egiment of Cavalry wil parade for
review and drill, at Barnwell C. H. on Satur
day tihe 25th of Mav.
The I di Ilegiment of Infantry, at Ashley's,
on Mondav the 27th of May.
The 7th Itefiment or Infantry, at the Old
Wells on WegAsday the 29th of May.
Tihe 10th Regiment of Infantry, at Richard
eon's, on Satiurday the 1st of June next.
The 9th Regiment of lufantry, at Lowe's, on
Tuesday the 4th of June.
The 2d Itegimen of Cavalry, at Abbeville
C. IT. on Thmmsday the 6th of Jutie.
The li Reaiment of Infatrv, at Morrow's
Old Field, on Saturday time th of June.
The 61th Regiment of infantry, at Lomax's,
on Tuesday IIth of Junie.
Tie 40th Regiment of Infantry, at Boyd's,
on Thmrsday the 13th of Julie.
IThe 4it Regiment of Itfan;r , at Park's
Old Field. on Smtrdav the 15th of June.
The 10th lie*iment of Cavalry, at snch place
as the Brigadier General of the5th lirigade of
Cavalry may appoint. and report to thme Adju
tant and Intspector General, on Tuesday the
18th of June.
The 33th Regimentn of llantay, at Keller's
Old Field, on Thursdiay the 20th of June.
Tme 39th Regiment of InFautry, at Long's,
or such other conveiett pIlace in that neigh.
borhood, as may be selected by the Command
atit of that regiment. and reported to the Adtim
tant General, on Satnirday the 22nd of June.
The 24th Regiment of infantry, at Winis
boro'. on Tuesday the 25th of June.
* Tie 25th Regiment of Infantry, at Wins.
boro', on Thursday tihe 27th of June.
The 6th Regiment of Cavalry, at Yongue's,
on Satudlav the 29th of June.
The 27th' leriment of lnantry, at Oliver's
Olh Field, nit Tuesday the -Id of July next.
The 26th Regimmeut of Iiimntry, at Chester
ville, on Thursday, ile 4h of July.
The 34th Regiment of Infantry, at Yorkville
on Monday, the 8th of July
The 46th Regiment of Infantry, at Ebenezer
on Wednesday the 10th of July.
The 35th Regiment of Infantry, at Union
Court Hotse ot Saturday the 13th of July,.
The 45th Regiment of infantry, near the
Burnt Factory, on Tuesday the 16th of July.
The 37th Regiment of Infantry, at Wilkin's
Old Field, on Saturday the 20th of July
The Officers aid Sergeants of the 9th Brig.
ade of imufammry, and 9th Regaitnent of Cavalry
. will assemble in encampment at Gafiey's Old
Field on Monday the 22d of Jtily.
Tlte 9th Regiment of Cavalry ill parade
for review and drill, at Gafaney's Old Field on
Sairday the 27th ofiJuly.
The ij6th Regiment of Irnfantry, at Timmtons'
Old Field, on Monday the 29th of Jatlv.
The 1st Rlegimnent of Infantry, at Brttton's on
Thursday the 1st of August next.
Thme 3rd Rtegiment of lnfanatry. at Toney's
Old Store, on Strday the 3d of August.
The Officers and Sergeants of the .1st Drig
ade of Infantry, nndlm 1st regiment of Cavalry,
will aoaemnble in encalpcmomt at Pickeasviiie,
on Monday thc 5th of Anioust.
Tile 1st Regitnett of Canvalry will parade for
review and drill, on Saturday tihe 10th of Au
gust, at Pickensville.
Tihe 5th Regiment of Infantry, at Hunters,
onlMonday the 12th of August.
The 2d Regiment of Infantry, at. Hail's on*
Thursday time 15th of August.
The 42kl Regiment of lInfantry, at Minton,
on Sattm-day the 17thm of August.
The 4th Regiment of Infantry, at Verrennes,
oi Ttuesday time 20th of Angust...
Thme Officers amid Sergeants of the 2d Drigade
of Inlfantry,.anld 2d Regiment of Cavalry, will
assemble m encampment, at Longmiures, (Simi
blevs) on Monday thme26th of August.
Thle Officers and Sergeants of time 10th Drig
ado of Infantry, and 10th [Regimnent of Cavalry,
will assemble in encampment, at Belfast, (ma
Monday the 9th of September next.
The "Officers and Sergeants of the 6th Bri
gade of Infantry,anfd 6tli Regiment of Cavalry,
will assemble in encampment, at Yongume'sm, on
M ~onday thle 1th of September.
Tfhe Officers and Sergeants'of time 5th Bri
gade of Inlfantry, and 5th Regiment of Cavalry,
wdii assemble im encampment. near Camden,
on Monday the 23d of September.
The 5th'Regiment of Cavalry wvil parade for
review and diri, at Camden, on Saturday the
28th of September.
Te 21st Regitneat of Infantry, at Lancaster
Court House. on Monday the :20th of Sept.
The 28th Regiment of Infantry, at Chester
feld Court House, on Timuraday thme 3d of
October next.
The 30th Regiment of Infantry, at Rennet
ilIe. on Salturdaty the 5th of October.
Tie 29th Reimenmt of Infantry,nat Darling
ton Court House, 011 Tuesday the 6th of Oc
The 22d1 Reu' ent of Infantry, at Camtden,
onSurdnv th thl of October.
The 121111 Rngiment o Inantry, at the Swim
minw Pens, on'rTucday the 15th of October.
The 44th Ileginient of Infantry, at Sumter
ville. on Thnrsday the 17th of October.
The Otlicers a aid Non-Commissioncd Officers
of ihe 31ti lle-iment of infitntry. will assemble
for drill. on Saurnav the 6th ofJily.
The Oflic -ris and Seraean.s of the 11th, 36th,
-th, and 2st Regimernt's of lufawgry, hwinng en
camped the week previous to their revien s. are
e.xcnsed. wih iheir Corporals, from assembling
at their lIegimemnI parade grounds for drill,
previoins. o their respective re. iews. All other
Oflu-erq mnd Non-Comminssioned Olicers, (in
citUing. the Corioral' of Cavalry Re-imnts
VhJere the Oficers and Sergeants of sucl Regi
ments anre eneumped) willl asAsemble ror drill and 1
insirnelion oni tie day previons to their respec.
tive reviews.
The Cavalry Cor's not otherwise ordered
above, will pu'rade with nhe Infantry Regiments
mosi conveieut. either lay Companuy, or Squa
dron.
The Commnandants of Regiments will be pre
pared to answer promply, upoin the field, on
the day of their respective reviews, any qInes
tons relative to the efective aond field strength,
the armus and eqnipments, of their respective
Reimnents.
The annal Brigade retnrns will be made up
and Inrunnamitted Iv the Di ivadier Generxals, to
the Aiannni and [easpector 'Gen-ral. at Edge
field Cont I Innse. h) the ist of Novendber next,
accordin. in the blaok forms heretofore fornaish
ei io th-Iln.
The Majior Generals and Staff, and Brign
dier Generals ad Staff will attend the en
cpaampntq and reviews or tiheir respective Di
visions.1411( an frigades.
The Dri-ndier Generals are charged with the
exlenion. to their Commands. of so much of
this order ns reliates toin their respective Brigades.
Dv order of the Conmander-in-Chief.
JAMES JONES,
[C] 5 h Adj. % Insp. Gen.
New -Spring and Sumnmer
GO OODS.
T U C Subscriber infiornq his friends and
thne public generally, ia t he has just re
ceived iromnn New York, a complete assort
ineant of Staple Fnney, Sprinag and Sum
iner Goods-amongwhich are.
3-4 4-4 5'-4 and 6-4 brown &. bleached Shirt
ings nind Sheetings,
A ha indsoie a-sortmnaennt glgta cnl'd Prints.
5t" pniece light conl'rd Loandon do.
French printLsand printed Jaconet,
louraning; anal half mourning prints and
Muslinns,
Siper printed Laivns,
44 iand 64 Cambric- annd cambric Muslins,
Swi. and book .i uslins,
Jaconiet. plaid aid n.ipe do.
Lyoannise and hocade do.
Lidics and ghnt's white and black, silk H. S.
and kid Gloves,
" Cotton and thread do.
"s " Misses black ntnd white nelt,
L-ace and Gantze do.
A hndnnlsomne assortwnt of gauze and satin,
and Mantsa Ribbons.
Dest lInalinan sewings, black blue, black, and
assoried by the quatntity,
Hen-snitched, an:i super linen cambric Hfs.
Mlen's and hoys Poangee do.
Ladi:s' gansze, Hernani, gro-de-nap and sew
- ing silk H krs.
44 Iri-lt linens and linen lawn,
1lai , scrIed and friIled bosoms and linen
collr<,
8-4 and 10-4 table dinper, 3-4 birds eye and
itussia Diaper,
64 t-4 and 10-4 diamak table covers,
French am nkins &. towel.,
French browi and grss Linens.
Whiie and brown linen Drillings
Sniper rib'd do.
A variety of Cotton do. col'd. and striped for
Pants.
Osnnburghns,
Cases of palm leaf and willow Hoods,
English Devon straw Bonnets,
A large assortment of silk and cotton hose
and half Hose,
3-4 and 4-4 plaid and striped domestic,
Silk, satin, and larseilles Vesting,
Parasols and Unbrellas.
Fntrniinitre, dinitv and firiinge,
Black bombazi nes and mnerianos for Coats,
Pari needle workl muslin capes & onet caps
French baskets. bieachedi ltu.-sia Sheenincs.
Any dhing like a auen nl enumneinti-nn ofumr
tices is imanractbe; bunt these in addition to
his former stock, make it sanficiently extensive,
and he trusts his prices are sufficientiy mioder
are to be worthny the attention of all who wnsh
to sunpply ahennselvesc with articles in his line.
His lortaner censtcminers uand ali who bnuy in thas,
nni-ken, will do hinm, and perhiapsn themselves
a flavor, by examining his assortment before
purchasiang. O N0..FRD
Hamburg, March 13~, 1839. 7 tf .
PROOLAMATIO1N.
EXECUTIVE DE1PARLTMENT,
'coLUMxAt MAnRcH 13,1839.5
By His Excellency PA T RICE NOBLE, Esg.
Governor and Co'muudaaver-in-chief, in ad oee
thme Slate of Southi Carolina.
'J [IEI(EAS, information has been receiv
V.ed in this Department, that a most at
trociouts murder was comnmilled in Laurcns
District, on the 6th'of this month, by Carter
Parker on the body of Jetferson Reofatnd, and
ht said Parker las fid from justice.s
A ow, know ye, that no the eand justice may bec
done, and tihat tihe said Carter Parker maiy be.e
brouht to legal trial aind condign pumashmnentc
for is oil'ence, as aforesaid. I do hereby offer a
reward ofTHREE HUNDILL.D DJOLL4I1S,
for his apprehenusion and deiivery into any jail.
in the State. Carter Parker is describned as .1
being abont :nti years ofage, aboutfi feet Jj inch I
high, light colored knnir, beard inclininng to red.
dishness, rather a thin visage, sandy complexiond
talks quick,ond cuts his words short; face tolera
bly broad at tine eyes, but narrow at the chin; a s
smll piece broken oir of one of his front teeth;a
broadsholders, slender wvaist, has a habit of
saucking his teeth, large knees and knock kneed;
he is a blacksmith by trade, anad fond of ardent
spjrifts.
Given under my hand and seal of' the State, '
at Cohnambia, 13th dany of March, in tine c
year of our Lord one thousand eight hn-.. p
dred anad thirt -ninne, anad in thne sixty third 11
year of the I'ndepeandence of thne United c
States of Amei'ica.
PATRICK NOBLE. -
Dy thne Governor.
M. LisoanD., Secretary of State.
Ma.rh 21, 1t5. - f 7 ar
POLITICAL.
REMARKS
oF
M1R. CALHOUN, OF S. CAROLINA,
ON THE
1ill to prevent the interference of certain
Federal Ojfcers in elections.
Mr. Calhoun said: I belong, 31r. Presi
lent, to that politeIal school which re
;ards with a jealous eye the patronage of
:iiis Government, and believes that the
ess its patronage the better. consistently
ith the objects for which the Govern
neat was instituted. Thus thinking,. I
save made no political move of any ii
portauce, for the last twelve or thirteen
years, which had not for its object, direct
ly or indirectly, the reduction of patron
age. But, notwithstanding this, I cannot
ring my mind to support this bill, deci
Jedly as I approve of its object. Among
ather difficulties, there is a constitutional
>bjection, which I cannot surmount, and
which I shall, without further remark,
proceed to state and consider.
This bill proposes to inflict the penalty
)f dismission on a large class of ihe Mi
:ers of this Government, who shall elec
tioneer, or attempt to control, or influence
the election of public functionaries either
Ef the General or State Governments,
without distinguishing between their ohli
Dial And individual character, as citizens;
and the question is, has Congress the con
stitutional right to pass such a law? Tha;
again, involves a prior, atid still more gen
eral question: has this Government ihe
authority to interfere with the electoral
rights of the citizens of the States?
]n considering this general question, I
shall assuume, in the First place, what none
will deny, that it belonas to ihe States sep
arately to determine who shall, and who
shall not, exercise the right of suffirage;
and, in the second, that it belongs to them,
in like manner, to regulate that right; that
is, to pass all laws that may be necessary
to secure its free exercise, onl the one
hand, and to prevent its abuse on the oth
er. I next advance the proposition,
which no one in tie least conversant with
our institutions, or familiar with the con
stitution, will venture to question, that as
far as citizens are concerned, this right be.
ongs solely to the States, to t/e enlire er.
clusion of the General Government, which
can in no wise touch or interfere with it,
without transcending the limits of the con
stitution. Thus far there can be no differ
ence of opinion.
But a citizen may be also anl officer oh
this Government, which brings up the
question, has it the right to nake it penal
for him to use his ollicial power to control
Dr influence elections? Can it, for instance,
make it penal in a collector, or other ofli
cer, who holds a bond, in his official
character, on a citizen, to threaten to en
force it, if ho sbeld refuse te vore for hit
favorite candidate? I regard this proposi
tion as not less clear than the preceding.
% henever the Government investso an in
dividual n ith power, which may be used
to the injury of others, or the public, it it
manifest that it not only has he right, hut
that it is in duty bound to prevent its abuse,
as far as practicable. But it must he borne
in mind that a citizen does not cease to
be one in becoming a Federal officer.
The Government must, accordingly, take
special care, in subjecting him to penal
ties, for the abuse of his official"powers,
that it does not interfere in any wise with
bis private rights as a citizen, and which
are, as has been stated, under the exclu
ive control of the States. But no such
care is taken lither in this bill or the sub
stitute proposed by its author. Neither
make any distinction whatever between
|he ojicia l ad pri vute acts of the ojicer as
i citizen. The broadest and most cotmpre
bensive terms are used, comprehending
ad subjecting all acts wit hout discrimina
tion us to character, to the proposed pen
alty. Under its provisions. if an oflicer
,bould express ne opinion of atny catndid
ite, say ora Ptesident, who was a candid
nte for re-election, whether favurable or
unsfavorable, or to whisper an opinion re
ating to his administration, whether good
r had, he would subject hitmself to the
yenalty or ibis bill, as certainly as if he
iad brought the whole of his official powv
,r to hear directly on the freedom, of elec
ion. That a bill, containing such btroad &
adiscriminate provisions, transcends the
>owers of Congress, and violates in the
>slicer the electoral- rights of the citizen,
seld under the authority of his State, and
;uarantied hy the provision of the consti
ution, which secures the freedom of speech
o all, is too clear, after what has been
aid, to require additional illustration. It
annot pass without the enlarging the pow
r of the Government by the abridgeument
if the rights of the citizen.
Bunt, it may be replied, that these are
ns'anees where the Government has sub
ected its oflicers to penalties for acts of a
irivate character, over which the constitu
ion has given it no control. Such un
loubtedly is the fact, and its right to do
o, in the cases referred to in the discus
ion, cannot be denied; but all such cases
re distinguished from that under consid
ration by lines too broad to be mistaken.
u all of.them. the acts prohibited were in
be first place, such as were incompatible
,ith the official duties enjoined; as in the
aise of the prohibition of commissaries to
urchase' or deal in articles similar to those
lsat are made their official. duty to pur
hose, in order to prevent fraud on the
ublic. And in the tnext, the acts, prohibh
ed involved only civil rights, which be
mug to him as a citizetn. The former hie
ay yie1 a nplnanure, w'ithout discredit
or disgrace, but the latter he cannot sur
tender without debasing himself, and giv
ing up a sacred trust vested in him, by the
State or which he is a member, for the
common good; nor can this Government
demand its surrender, without transcead
ing its powers and infringing the rights of
the States and their citizens.
It may also be said that, in most cases,
it would be impossible to distinguish be
tween the official and the political acts of
the officer, so as to subject the former to
penal restraints, without ititerfering with
the latter, and that it would in practice
render ineffective the admitted right of the
Government to punish its officers for the
abuse of their official powers. It may be
so, but little or no evil can result. What
ever defect of right this Government may
labor under, in such cases, is amply made
up by the plenary power of ine States,
which has an unlimited control over the
electoral rights of its citizens, whet her offi
cers of this Govern nent or not. To them
ihe subject may be safely confided. It is
they who are particularly interested in
seeing that a right so sacred shall not be
abused, nor the freedom ofelection he in.
paired. We must not forget that States
and the people of the States are our con
stituents and superiors, and we but their
agents, and that if the right in question be
abused, or the freedom of election im
paired, it is they. and not we, who must
mainly suffer, and who of course are the
best judges of the evil and the remedy.
If the policy of the States demands it,
they may impose whatever restraint they
please on the Federal officers within their
respective limits, in order to guard against
their control or influence in elections; and,
if it be necessary to divest theni entirely
of the right of -snlrage. To those who
are so much more interested and compe
tent to judge and act on this subject than
we are, I am for leaving the decision as
to what ought to be lone, and the applica
tion -of the remedy Entertaining these
views, I am forced to the conclusion that
this bill is unconstitutional. and if there
were ro other reason to oppose its pas
sage, would be compelled to vote against
it.
But there are others sufficiently decisive
to compel me to wit hod my support. were
it possible to remove the constitutional ob
jection. So far from restricting the pat
ronage of the President, should the bill
become a law, it would, if I mistake not,
greatly 'increase his influence. He has
now the almost unlimited power of remo
viug the olicers of this Government-a
power. the abuse of which has been the
Rubject of much and, in my opinion. of
just complaint on the part of the chamber
to which the mover of this bill belongs, on
the ground that it was calculated to in
crease unduly the power and influence of
that department of the Government. Now
what is the remedy this bill proposes for
that evil ? To put restrictions on the re
moving power? The very reverse. To
make it the duty, an it is now the right of
the President to remoce, and in discharging
this high duty lie is made the sole judge,
withoit limitation or nppenl. The f'te or
the accused would be exclusively in his
hand, whether charged with the ofence of
opposing or supporting his adlministration.
Can any one, the least conversant with
party morals, or the working of the hit
man heart, doubt how the law would tie
executed ? Is it not certain, that it would
be most rigidly enforced against all officers
who should venture to oppose him, either
in the Federal or State Governments, with
a corresponding indulgence and lenity to
wards those who supported him? A single
view, without prolonging the discussion,
will decide. Should there be a President
of such exalted virtue and patriotism as to
make no discrimination between frienad
and foe, the law would be perfectly use
less; tbut if not, it would be made the pre
text for indiscrimintato removal of all, who
may reruso to become his active amnd de
voted piartisans; and it would thus prove
eit her useless, or worse lhan useless.
With the object which the mover of the
hill has in viewv, it scems to me, he ought
to take the very oppaite cotirse, and in
stead of making it the dluty of the Presi
dent to remnove, he ought to impose res
trictiotns on the powver of removal, or to di-,
vest him entirely of it. Place the of
fice holders, with their yearly salaries he
yond the reach of the Executive power,
and they would in a short time be as mute
and inactive as this bill proposes to make
them. Their voice, I promise, would
then he scarcely raised at elections, or
their persons he found at t he polls.
Butt suppose the immediate object of
the bill accomplished, and the officers ren
dered perfectly silent and passive; it might
even then be doubted whether it would
cause any diminution in the influence of
patronage over elections. It twould, in
deed, greatly reduce the influence of the
00cebldr. They would become the
most insignificant portion of the commu
nity, as far as ele'tions were concerned.
But jutst in the same proportion as they
might sink, the no less formidable corps
of office seekers woukd rise in importance.
The struggle for power het ween the ins &
outs would not abate in the least, in vio
lence or intensity, by the silence or inac
tivity of the olIce-holdters, as-the amount
of patronage, the stake contended for,
would remain undiminished. Both sides,
those in and those out of power, would
turn from the passive and silent body of
incumbents, and court the favor of the ac
tive corps, dat panted to supplant them;
and the result would be, an annual sweep
of the former, after every election, to
make room to rewvard the latter, and that
an whiever sidrthe cal o ft victory
might turn. The consequence would be
rotation with a vengeance. The wheel
would turn round with such velocity that
any thing like a stable system or policy
would be impossible.Each temporary occu
pant, that might he thrown intoollice by the
whirl, would seize the moment to make
the most of his good fortune, before he
might be displaced by his successor, and a
system, (if such it might be called,) would
follow, not less corrupting than unstable.
With these decisive objections, I can
not give my support to the hill, but I wish
it to be distinctly understood, that in with
holdihg it, I ineither retract nor modify any
sentiment I huve expressed in relation to
the patronage of this Government. I have
looked over, since the commencement of
this discussion, the report I made as chair
man of a select committee on the subiect
in 1835, and which has been so frequently
referred to in debate by those on the oppo
site side of the chamber, and I find nothing
which I would omit, if I had now to draw
it, but much, which time and reflection
would induce me to add. to sirengthen the
grounds I then assumed. There is not a
sentence in it incompatible with the views
I have presented on the present occasion
I might here, Mr. President, terminate
my remarks, as far as this bill is concern
ed; hut as the general question of patron
age is at all times one of importance under
our system of Government, and especially
so, in my opinion, at this present june
ture, I trust that I shall be indulged it
offering my opinion somewhat more al
large in reference to it.
if it be desirable to reduce the patron
age of the Government, (and I hold it to
be eminently so,) we must strike at the
source-the root, and not the branches,
It is the only way that will not in the end
prove fallacious. The main sources ol
patronage may be found in the powers,
the revenue, and the expenditures of the
Government; and the first and necesan
step towards its reduction. is to restrict
the powers of this Government within the
Higid limits prescribed by the constitution.
Every extension of its powers beyond
would bring within its control sulbjects
never intended to be placed there, follow
ed by increased patrotage, and augmented
expendiure and revenue.
We must in the next place take care
not to call the a-knowledged powers of
the Government into action beyond the
limits which the common interest mav
render necessary, nor to pervert into
means of doing what it was never intend
ed by the constitution we should have the
right to do. Of all the sources or power
anid influence, prevention of the power
of ite Government has proved in practice
the most fruitful and dlangerous, of which
our political history which furnishes ma
ny examples, especially in reference to the
money power, as will appear in the course
of imy remarks.
After restricting the powers of the Gov
ernment within proper limits. the next
important step womld be to bring downi
the income and expenditures to the small
est practicable amount. It is a primary
maxim under our system, to collect no
more money than is necessary to the eco.
nomical and constitutional wants of the
Goverumeut. We have, in fact, no right
to collect a cent more. Nothing can tend
more powerllly to corrupt public and
private morals, or to increase the patron
age of the Government, than an exces
sive or surplus revenue, as recent and sad
experience has abundantly proved. Nor
is it less important to restrict the expendi
tures within the income. It is, in fact, in
dispensable to a restricted revenue, as the
increase of the former must, in the end,
lead to an increase of the latter. Nor must
an exact administration, and a rigid ac.
countability, in every department of the
Government, he neglected. It 's among
the most ellicient means of keeping dowtn
patranage and corruption, as wvell as the
revenue and expenditures, jnst as the op.
posite is among thme most prolific sourcet
of both.
It is tis and thus only, that we cafi
reduce effectually the patronage of the
Government, to the leatst amount con
sistent with the discharge of the few, but
important duties, with which it is charged,
and render it, what the constitution in
tended shouild be a cheap and simple Go
vernment, instituted by the States, for
their mutual security, and more perfect
protection of their liberty and tranquility.
It is the way pointed ouit by Jeff'erson and
his associates of the Virginia school,
which has ever been distingnished for its
jealous oppositioni to patronage, as the
bane of eour political system, as is se powv
erfully illustrated in the immortal docu
muents so frequently referred to in this
discussion-the report of the Virginia Le
gislature, on the alien and sedition law, in
the year '9
But there is, and ever has been, frm
the first, another and opposing school, that
regarded patronage with a very diff'erent
eye, not as a bane but as an essential in
gredient, without wvhich the Government
woul be impracticable; and whose lead
ing policy is, to enlist in its favor the more
powerful classes of society, throughitheir
interest, a. indispensable to their sapport.
If we cannot take lessoas~ from this school,
on the question of patronage, we may at
least learn, what is of vast importance to
be known, how and b~y what mean.this
school has reared up a system, which has
added so vastly to the power and patron
age of the Government, beyond what was
contemplated by its framers, as to alarm
its wisest and best friends for its fate. With
the view of furnishing this information, so
intimately connected with the obfect of
hrier and rapid narrative of the rise and
progress of that system.
At the head of this school stands the
name of Hamilton, than which there is
none more distingoished in our political
hist.;ry. He is the perfect type and ird
personation of the national or Federal
school, (I use party names with reluc
tance, and only for the sake of brevity,) as
Jefferson is of the State Rights Republi
can school. They were both me- of emi
nent talent, ardent patriotism. great bold
ness, and comprehensive and systematie
understanding. They were bath met
who fixed on a single object far ahead and
converged all their powers towards its ac
complishment. The difference between
them is, that Jefferson had more genius,
Hamilton more abilities; the former lean
ed more to the side of liberty, and bis
great rival more to that of power. They
both have impressed themselves deeply
on the movements of the Government,
but, as yet, H amilton far more so than
Jefferson, though the impression of the
latter is destined in the end, as 1 trust, to
prove the more durable of the two.
It has .heen the good fortune of the
school of which Mr. Jefferson is the headi
to embody their principles and doctrines in
written documents, (the report referred to,
and the Vjrginia and Kentucky resolu
tions,) which are the acknowledged creed
of the party, and may at all times be re
ferred to, in order to ascertain what they~
are in fact. The opposite school has leit
no such written and acknowledged creed.
but the declaration &acts of itsgreat lead
leave litle doubt as to either its princi
ples or doctrines. In tracing them a nar-'
rative of his lire and acts need not be
given. It will suffice to say, that he en
tered early in life into the army of the
revolution, add became a member of the
military family of Washington, whose
confidence he gained and retained to the.
last. He next appeared in the convention
which framed the econstitution wherie,-.
with his usual boldness, ie advocated a
President and Senate for life, and the ap
pointment, by this Governrent, of the
Governor of the States, with a veto on.
State laws. These bold measures failioxv
he retired from the convention, it is sid,
in disgust; but afterwards, on more ra.'
-ture reflection, became the zealous and
able advocate of the adoption of the con
stitution. He saw, as he thought,.in a:
scheme of Government, which conferred
the unlimited power of taxing and declar
ing war, the almost unbounded sonrce "at
power, in resolute and able hands;
hence his declaration, that though the
Government was weak in its organi
zation, it would, when put in action, find
the means of supporting itself; a profound
reflection, proving that he clearly saw how
to make it, in practice, what his'move
meats in the convention had failed lto ac
complish in its organization. Nor has he
left it in doubt, as to what were the means
on which he relied to effect his object.
We all recollect the famous assertion of
the elder 1dams, that the "British consti
tution," restored to its original principle5
and freed from corruption, was the wisest
and best ever formed by man; and Ham
ilton's reply, that the Britisir constitution,
freed from corruption, would beimpracti
cable, )ut, with its corruption, was the
best that ever existed. To realize what
was intended by this great man, it must
be understood, that he meant not corrup
tion in its usual sense of bribery. He was
too able and patriotic (o resort to such
means, or to the petty policy this bill is
intended to prevent. Either of these modes
of operation was on too small a scle for
him. Like all great and comprebensivo
minds, he acted on masses, without.much
regard to individuals He meant, by cor
ruption, something far rnore powrerfulant:
comp~rehensive; that policy, which sys..
temnatically favored the great and power-.
foI classes of society, with the vie or
binding them,- through theair interest t
the support of the Goverrnet.~ This
was the single object of his policy, and to
which he slrictly and resolutely adhiered,
throughout-his career, hut wyhich, whieth
er suited or not, to the British system of
Government; is, as time has showrbanu -
congenial and dangerous to ours.4
After the; constitution was' adolited, he
was placed at the_ head of theTreasury
Department, a position which gavet fulfi
scope to lida ahilitles, and placed ~ampre
means at his disposal to rear up ths e
tem he meditated. :Well and sakilfulyh
did he 'use themt. His first mea'sire wa
the adoption of the funding system, onethe
British model; and on this the two schools, -
which. have ever since,.under bene tdrme of
another, divided the .couni-y,- and 'etver
will divide it, so long as the. Governiet
endures, came~ into conflict. They werid
both in favor of keeping the pebliheliit
but differed as to the mode of assiming he
public debt,~and the amnount that ought tu
he assumed. Th'e pubby of H arniltonpro'
vailed. *The amount assumied was abhone
$80,000O,000 a sdnm for a contry sd
impoverisfied, and s ti's popelatoa ad
inconsiderable, as we-then bad. T1hirEri
ation of the system, ad dthe itsriiiu tn
so large a.debt, gave a decided: and pow"
erful impulse to the'Governmientp is~h
direction in which it: hasisiifce continused
to move? almost constatly
dThis was followed- by a nesw~aw
edon his own- respiouibifiyr itate
face ofrlaw, bhut whteh, thotughs ihohita
it eterced -little'aseibr oprto,
has .proved -the iOst ptone is ottllel
meatse employed in regi'hnpyand wan
tabiig-his favorite-sysiiem-. ]refer to the
Treusmry order- dreeting thne reeitpts of
bank notes il'thedue. of the Government,
and- which was the first link ,of that tin