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The Abbeville Press and Banner. ./v.;-' ';^v ;Jm BY HUGH WILSON. ABBEVILLE, 8. C., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 15, 1900. . ESTABLISHED |&44 | ; I 9 Bryan Ign< Imperialisn Supre Speech of Acceptance Devoted Colonial System?Nebrast Making War of Conquest Indianapolis. Ind , Au?ust K.? Hon. Win. Brjan. iu accepting the Democratic nomiUHtlon lor president, spoke as follows : ' Mr. Chairman aud members of'ihe National Committee: "I shall, at au early day and In a more formal mauner, accept the nomination vvnich ?-..n t?inif>r. and I shall at that time discuss the various questions covered by tlie Democratic platform. It may not be out of place, however, to submit a few observations at Ibis time upon tbegeneral character of the contest before us, aud upon the question which Is declared tooc of paramount Importance In this campaign. "When 1 say that the contest of 1900 is a contest*between Democracy on the one hand aud plutocracy on the other, I do not mean to say that all our opponent* have deliberately chosen to give to organized wealth a predominating Influence In the affairs of the gov-, eminent,butl do assert that on the Important I Issues of the day the Republican party Is 1 dominated by those Influence which constant! ly tead to elevate pecuniary considerations j and Ignore human rights. "In 1859 Lincoln said that the Republican party believed la the man And the dollar, bat that in case of conflict It believed in tbe man belore the dollar. This Is the proper relation which should exist between tbe two* Man,' the handiwork of (jod, comes ffrat: money, the handiwork or man; is of lulerlor'lmportance. Man is tbe master: money the servant, but upon all important questions today, Republican legislation tends to make money tbe master and mau the servant. "Tbe maxim of Jefferson, 'Equal rights to all and special privileges to uone,' and tbe doctrine or Lincoln that this should be .ft government 'Of the people, by the people, aud tor the peopje,' are helbg disregarded and tbe Instrumentalities of government are being used to advance tbe interests of those ; who are in a position to secure favors from' ' the government. I "The Democratic party Is-not making "wfer : upon tbe honest aqulwltion of wealth'; It baftno desire to discourage Industry, economy aud thrilt. On tbe contrary, U gives to ever; citizen the greatest possible stimulus to bon' est toll, when It promises blm protection In tbe enjoyment of the proceeds, of his labor. Property rights are most secure when human right* are respected. Democracy strives forn civilization id wblob every meanerof society will sua re according to bio merfSkv "No ooe has a right to expect from society more tbah a fair compensation Tor tbe service which be renders to society. If he secures) more. It Is at the expense of some one else. It ! no Injustice to blm to prevent his doing Injustice to anoiber. To blm who would, timer through class legislation or Lot tbe absence ol necessary legislation, trespass upon tbe Mgbts of another, the Democratic party says, "Thou shall not.' > Against us are arrayed a comparatively small, but politically and financially powerful, r,amb. r who really profit by Republican '' Dolktes; but with ihem are associated a large VKber wbo, because of their attachment to tbaparty name, are giving their owa. doctrines antagonistic to the former teachings 01 tbelr own party. Republican who ueed to advocate bimetallism, now try to coavlnoe themselves that tbe gold standard Is Mood;; Kcnubllcan8*who were formerly attacbfd to thb^ereenback are now seeking an excuse for ftHtu;,' national banks control of the nation's paper money ; Republicans wbo used i^A| that the Republican parts.was payJ^^^Hthe naUonal debts are now looking to support a perpetual aud lndebt; Republican wbo formerly a trust, now beguile themselves wltb j ^^^^^pglon that there are good trusts and | while. In tbelr minds, tbe line be- | ^^^^^Hbe two Is becoming more and more ob , Republicans who la times past con-1 mo vvuuuj upvu cuv ummi U4> | peuseirfour standlngurm v, are dow making llglit of theobjt-cuohfiwbich are urged against i a inrge increase In tbe>(cai3nenfrtnliiu>.ry e?- | ? talll-bment; Republicans who gloried Id our i udrpeudence when theoation was fees powerful, now look with lavor upon a forelun alliance; Republicans wbo three years at o condemned, forceable annexation' as Immoral and even criminal, are now sure that It Is both immoral and criminal to oppose forcea- i ble annexation. That partisanship has aJ-J f ready blinded mauy to present danger la OW-V talo, bow large a portion oi the Republican ji parly can be drawn over to the new politics ^ remains to be seen. "Kora time Republican leaders were Inclined to deny to opponents I lie right to critielse the Philippine policy of the administration, but upon investigation they found that both Lincoln and Clay asserted and exercised the right to criticise a president duriDg the progress of the Mexican war. "Instead of meeting the Issue boldly and submitting u char aud positive plan for dealing with the I'blllppinequestlon the Republican convention adopted a platform, the larger part of which was devoted to toasting and self-congratulation. "in attempting to press economic questions j upon the country to the exclusion o! those ! winch Involved the very structures of our j government, the Republican leaders give new | ?ui?lanoA ol' their abandon mpnt or lhn earlier ) Ideals of the party and of their complete ?ub servlenoy to pecuniary considerations. "Hut they shall not be permitted|to evade j tne stupendous aud far reaching issue which j they havedellberately brought into the arena of politics. "When the president, supported by a practically unanimous vote of the boui>e and senate, entered upon a war with Hpaiu for the purpose of aiding the strugglllng patriots ol Cuba, the country, wilbout regard to party, applauded. Although the Democrats recognized that the administration would necessarily gain apolitical advantage from the con- | duct of a war whli-h, in the very nature of the case, must soon end In a complete victory, they vl?>d with the Republicans in the support will ib they gave to the president. When the war was overand the Republican leaders began to suggest the propriety of a colonial policy opposition at once manif Bted itself. When the president finally laid before the j senate a treaty which recognized the Indepeu-' dence ot Cuba, but provided for the cessiou <?i j the l'hillpplne Islands to the United Slates,' *to innniiHAftfimn?rlullum I ent that many perlerred to reject the treaty null risk ttie i 11b that might follow rather than take the chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by the independent action of thin country. I was ainoug the number o! those who believed It better to ratify the treaty and end the war, releabe the volunteers, remove the excuse for war expenditures, and then give the Filipinos the independence which might be forced from Spain by a new treaty. "la view of the criticism which my action aroused in tome quarters I take this occassional restate the reasons given at that time. I thought it safer to trust the American people to give independence to the Klllpionstban to trust the accomplishment of that purpose to diplomacy with au unfriend ly nation. Lincoln embodied an argument ln'the question, when he asked : 'Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws?' 1 believe that we are now in a better position to wage a successlul contest against imperialism oihan we would have been had the treaty been rejected. "With the treaty ratified, a clean cut issue is presented between a government by consent and a government by force, andimperiallstM must bear the responsibility for all that happens until the question Is settled. "If the treaty had been rejected, the oppon euiHOi imperialism wouiu nave necn neia responsible for any international complications which might have arisen before the ratification of another treaty. But whatever differences of opinion may have existed as to the best raethed o'opposing the colonial policy, there never wanauy differences to the great importance of the questions and there is uo difference now as to the course to ba pursued. 'The title of Soain being extinguished, wo were at liberty to deal with the Filipinos according to American principles. The Hacon resolution, Introduced a month before hostilities broke out at Manila, promised independence to the Filipinos on Ihe same terms that it was promised to tbe Cubans. I supported this resolution and believed that its Hdoptlon prior to the breaking out of hostilities would have prevented bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subsequent time would have ended hostilities. "Ifthetreity had been rejected considerable time would have necessarily elapsed before a new treaty could have been agreed upon and ratified, and during that time the question would have been agitating the public mind, if the Bacon resolution had been adopted by fie senate and cai rled out by the president ores Silver. mm - ~ j me Issue of Iqoo. *% Wholly to Condemnation of :an Indicts the Republicans for : on Filipinos. either at the time of the ratification of the treaty or at any time afterward. It would have taken the question of Imperialism out of politics an(i lelt the American people free io aeai with their domestic problems. Hut the resolution wan defeatedby the vote of thq Republican vice president, and from that1 time to this a Republican congress has refu^ ed to take any action whatever In t he mattec, "When hostilities broke out at Manila. Republican speakers and Republican editors at once sought to lay the blame upon thos> who had delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, during the progress qf the war* the same Republicans have accused the opponents of imperialism of giving encouragement to the Filipinos. ^7 This Is a cowardly evanon or responsibility. 'If.lt Is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires In the government of colonies, the .Republican party ought to state Its position and defend it, but It must expect the subject, races to protest against such a policy and to resft&to phe extent of tbelr ability. TbeFiHpiifwdoBot need any encouragementfroiDv&ioerjfiBf sow living. Our whole history 'Dw beeoaoidMcoarogemeDt. not only to tbe Filipinos btK?BMj who are denied nl voice In their O^^BffirnmeDt. if the Republicans are ]a|^Hed to censure all who have need lanxUMflHalculaicd to make the Flltnlnbe batoVQ^HEHomlnatlon, lei tlicm condemn the Pa trick Henry. "When hejjjM^PFThat passionate appeal, , 'Give nje llbeg^W-glve medeath,' he express- ( ed a BenUmeiHjgSfpb still echoes In tbe hearts '-."Let them bn^lftjefferson ; of all the states- < men of histogSeBe have used words no offensive to tbaBWH^voald bold their fellows In j - "Le$ ttien^fflpnt'e Washington, who de- i elated tfut tl?Bolonlsts must choose between | -0??et,a?,e of limitations has run { Btainal the sins of Henry and .Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whoRe GeftyNbnrg speech will be quoted In defense of .popular government when the present advocates of force aud conquest are forgotten. "Someone has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It Is true. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit tolls ever widening Influence. But If il were possible to g obliterate every word v. rltteu orspoken In de- < fense of the principles set forth in tbe Declara g tlon of independence, a war ofconquest would still leave Its legacy of perpetual hatred, for } It was,,God himself who placed In every t bumaBk heart the love of liberty. He never ci made afruoe 6f people so low In tbe *cale ol y dvillzatlon or intelligence that It would wel- t come a foreign master. "iilncolrofcld that the safety of this nation s was not In lt? fleets, its armies or Its forts, e K.i f \rx lU onlfli nelvnc llhnrfv ctwl Ihu heritage.of all men, in nil lands, everywhere; e and he warned bis countrymen that ihey b oouId'natdestroy this spirit without planting a the seeds o| despotism at their own doors. i ' Those Who would have tins nation enter c uponacafwr ot empire must consider not ooly tbeeffect of imperialism on the Fill* plnoe, bot they must also calculate Its effect upon ourtown'nation. "We cfRinot repudiate the principles of selfgovernment in the Philippines without weafcenlug that prluolple here. ' Even now we are beginning to see the paralyzing, influence of imperialism. Heretofore tbis nation has been prompt to express Its sympathy with those who were fighting for clvlf liberty. While our sphere of activity lias been limited to the western hemisphere, our sympathies have not been bounded by g the seas. We have felt It due to ourselves t itnri in ThA wnrlri nu wpII uk to thoufi who icatp t struggling for the right to goven themselves, g to proclaim the interest which o,ur people | have, from the dale of their own indepen- t deuce, fell in every contest between human p rights and atblrary power. Tore- -quarters v of a century ago, when our UHtlon was small, p the struggles ol Greece aroused our people, p and Webster and Clay gave eloquent ex- t pi tSHlon to the universal desire for Grecian c independence. f "In all parties manifested a lively in- e tereetIn the success of the Cubans, but now, .when War Is in progress In .South Africa, j wbl^h must result in the extension of the t tnoOarcblal Idea, or in the triumph of a t repsbllc, the advocates of imperialism in this u cout^ry dare not say a word in behalf of the p Boers. ' d "Byoopattiy for the Boers does not arise t from any.-finfrieudless toward England; the I American people are not unfriendly toward d the* people of any nation. This sympathy is a due to the. fact thai, as stated in our platform, p we believe lu the principle of self-govern p ment and reject, as did our forefathers, the claims ol monarchy. It this nation surrenders c its belief in the universal application ol the t principles set forth In the Declaration of s Independence, it will lose the prestige and c Influence which it has enjoyeu among na- f lions as aa exponent of popular government, c "Our opponents, conscious of the weakness e of their cause, seek to confuse Imperialism u wilb expansion, and liave even dared to claim Jefferson as a supporter ol their policy. Jetterson spoke so freely and used language Willi such precision tlist no one can be lgnorant oi his views. Ol. one occasion he declared : " "If there be one principal more deeply rooted than any other in the mind of every American, it is that we should have nothing to do with conquest.' And again he said: 'Conquest is not in our principles; it Is Inconsistent with our government.' "The forcible anuexation of territory to be governed by arbitrury power, differs as much from the acquisition of territory to be built up into states as a monarchy differs from a democracy. The Democratic party does not oppose expansion, when expansion enlarges ttie area of the republic and incorporates in mis which can ue settled by American citizens or adds to our population people who are willing to become citizens and are capable of discharging their duties as such. The act|Uibiiiwii ui iuu uuummuH territory, i Florida, Texas and other tracts which bave I been secured from lime to time, enlarging i the republic, and the constitution followed i the flag Into Hie new territory. It is now proposed to seize upon distant territory al- < ready inoredeusely populated than our own ! country, and to force upon the people a government lor whicii tbere is no warrant in our constitution or our laws. Even the argu| menl that tbis earth belongs to those who j desire to cultivate it and have the physical power to acquire it cannot be Invoked to ljustily the appropriation of the Philippine islands by tbe United States. II the islunds j were uninhabited American citizens would not be willing to go there and till the soil. The white race will not live so near the ! equator. Other nations have tried to colj ouize In the|saine latitude. The Netherlands have controlled Java lor :50U years, and yet I today there are less than 00,000 people of I European birth scattered among 25,000,000 natives. Alter a century and a half of English domination in India, less than one twentieth of one per cent of tbe people of India are ol English birth, and it requires an army of 70.000 British soldiers to take cure ol the tax collectors. Spam had asserted title to the 1'hlllpplue islands tor three centuries, and yel when our fleet entered Muni la bay there were Jess than 10,OK) Spaniards residing in the l'hilippiues. "A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippines a lew traders, ? few task masters anil a few officeholders, and an army large euough to support the authority of a small lractlon ol the people while they rule the natives. If we have an imperial policy we must have a large standing army as Its natural and accessary complement. The spirit which will justify the forcible annexation ol the l'hilippiue islands will justily me seizure ot other islands and the domination ol other people, and with wars ol conquest we can expect a certain, il not rapid growth of our military establishment. That a large permanent increase in our regular army is intended JSy the Republican leaders Is not a mere niftier of conjecture, but a matter of tact. In iiis message ol I'ecember J.siis, the president I asked for authority to increase the artmllng j army to !<? .<?0??. lnjHui the army offntalned about 2."?.U'K> men. Within two .years the prtsident asked for lour times/nat many, and a Republican house or j^fresenlatives complied with the request a|fCr the Spanish treaty had been sisjned iUicLrto country was at war with the I'nittd Statpr. If such an army is demanded when an frftierial policy is contemplated, inil no^^fny avowed, what may be expected il tli^^ople encourage tin* 11* t t / pubUcaD party by endorsing its policy at the I polls ? A farge standing army Is not only a i pecuniary burden to tbe people, and, If accompanied by compulsory service, a constant srturce of Irritation, but it Is ever a menace to a republican form of government. The army Is tbe personllicailon or force, and and mllllarishi will inevitably change the ideals ot the people aDd turn tbe thoughts of our young men from tbe arts of peace to the science ot war. The government which relies for Its defense upou its citizens Is more likely to be just than one which lias at call a Urge body of professional soldiers. A small)] standing array and a well ttiuipped and well disciplined state militia are sullicleut tun ordinary times, and in nn emergency the nation should in the future. as in the past. 11 place its dependence upon the volunteers j who come from alt occupation at. their conn- j try's call and return to productive labor when , their services are no longer required?men j who fight when the country needs tlahtera i and work when the country needs workers, i j "The Republican piatlorm assumes that the < Philippine islauds will be retained under the i American sovereignity, and we have a right j tp demand of the Republican leaders a discussion of the future status of the Filipino. Is ( tie to be a citizen or a subject? Are we to ^ bring Into the body politic eight or ten mil- t JlonAslatlcs, so different from us in race and , history that amalgamation is impossible? t Are they to share with us lu making the laws and Bhaplng the destiny of this nation ?' c "No Republican of prominence .has been t bold enough to advocate such a proposition. I Tb? McEnery resolution, adopted by tbe senate Immediately after the ratification of c the treaty, expressly negatives this idea. The ? Democratic plat form describes the situation t when-4t says that the Filipinos cannot be v citizens without endangering our civlllza- c tlon. Who will dispute It ? And what is the alternative? If the Filipino Is not to be a t citizen, shall we make him a subject? On ? that question the Democratic platform speaks e with emphaslR. Jt declares that the Pbilipino a cannot be a subject without endangering our |i form of government. A republic can have no r subjects. A subject Is possible only In a gov- c ernment resting upon force; he Is unknown 0 in a government deriving Its Just powers t: from the-consent of the governed. The Re- b ptioncau piauorm says inai 'ine largest meiiK- n ure ol sell government consistent with their h welfare and our duties shall be secured to y ihern (the Filipinos,) by law.' Thin Is a p strange doctrine for a government which ?| mves its very existence io the men who offered their lives as a protest agaiDst government || without consent Biid taxation without repre- j< sentation. In what respect does the position tl ifthe Republican party differ from the posi- t< tion taken by the English government In p 1776? Did not the English goverementprom- tl [se a good governmen to thecolonUU? what 0 ring ever promised a bad government to his pieople? Did not the English government ti sromise that the colonists should have the c argent measure of sell government consistent $ with their welfare and English duties? Did u>t the Spanish promise togive to the Cubans k he largest measure of sell government cod- ti ilstent with their weltere and Spanish D lutles? The whole difference between u ai monarchy and a republic may be, sutomed ^ ip.In one sentence, la a monarchy the k'lng p ;ives to the people what he believes to be a j ;ood government; In a republic the people se 0 ure ior themselves what th^y "believe to be a hi rood government. . ' ' ? ',? "Tbe Republican party has accepted the g< European idea and planted Itself upon ground u akeu by George III and by every ruler who listrustH the capacity of tbe people /or self fl< lovernment or denies them a voice In their |H iwn affairs. 'The Republican platform promises- that ome meabure of self-government Is to be glvn to tbe Filipinos by law: but even this a! >ledge is not fulfilled. Nearly 16 months f0 lapsed after the ratification of tbo treaty lelore tbe adjournment of congress last June d< ,nil yet no law was passed dealing with the Hi 'nilippine situation. The will of the presl- pj lent has been the only law In the Philippine d< elands wherever the American authority ex- u, euds. Why does tbe Republican party heslate to legislate upon the Philippine question? (h because a law would disclose the radical de- n| mrtnre from history and precedent coatemdated by those who control the Republican o arty. fe The storm of protest which greeted the Qf 'orio Rico bill was an lndlication of what c,v nay be expected when the American people at ire brought face to face with legislation upon d? bis subject. If the Porto Ricans, who wel- Rj< omed annexation, are to be denied tbe r, uaran tee of our constitution, what is to be g| be lot of Filipinos, who resisted our authori- 0G y ? If secret influences could compel a dlsre- ju ;ard ofour plain duty toward friendly people, tb lvlng near our shores, what treatment will hose same influences provide for unfriendly ?eople 7,000 miles away. If. in this country pv rbere tbe people have the right to vote, Re- {h lubllcan leadeis dare not take the side of the cu teople against tbe great monopolies which ]R| lave grown up within the last few years, bow jj, an they be trusted to protect the Filipinos mm the comoratlons which are waltiner to ti xplolt the islands? w "I* ihe sunlight of full citizenship to be en- it oyed by the people of t.be United States ana bi he twilight of semi-citizenship endured by lie people of Porto R!"o, while the tblokldark- cn ie?s of perpetual vassalage covers the Philip- w lines? The Porto Itlco tariff law asserts the loetrlne that the operation of the constltu- C(, ion is confined to the forty-five states. The m )etnocratlc party disputes this doctrine and ^ [enounces lias repugnant to both the letter U( nd spirit of our organic law. There. 1b no sl| ilace In our system of government for the de>oMt of arbitrary and irresponsible power. ca "That the leaders of a great party should ve lalm lor any president or congress the right o treat millions of people as mere 'posses- ^ ions' and deal with them unrestrained by the ..j onstitutlon or the bill of rights shotvs how nf ar we have already departed from the an- pj iient landmarks, and Indicates what may be |t xpected if this nation deliberately enters up- ^ in a career of empire. of "The territorial form of government is tem- | ca )orary and preparatory, and the chief securi-1 y a citizen of a territory hauls found la the tact I hat he enjoys the same constitutional guar- )a intee, and is subject to the same general laws vj is a citizen of a state. Take away tbe securi y and his rights will be violated and his in- ?i ,crests sacrificed at tbe demand of those who lave political lnflnence. This Is the evil of ^ he colonial system, no matter by what naIon it is applied. \\ "What is our title to the Philippine islands? Jo we hold them by treaty or by conquest? {, Jid we buy them, or did we take them? Did no purchase the people ? If not, how did we lecure title to'them ? Were they thrown in with the land? Will the Republicans say p ;hat inanimate earth has value, and when e( hat earth Is molded by the Divine hand and ^ stamped with the likeness of the Creator it w >ecomes a fixture and passes with the soil? ci [f governments derive their Just powers from D .he consent of the governed. It is impossible n to secure title to people, either by force or by Q1 purchase. We could extinguish Spain's title w jy treaty, but if we hold title we must hold it j, uy some method consistent with our ideas of j lovernment. When we made allies of the r( Filipinos and armed them to fight against c, Spain, we disputed Spain's title. If we buy u Spain's title wo are not Innocent purchasers. But even if we had not disputed Spain's title, she could transfer no greater title than she had, and her title was based on force alone. we cannot oeienu sucn a tine, uui ?b npaiu yave us a quit claim deed, we can honorably turn the property over to the party In possession. Whether any American official gave the Filipinos moral assurance of Independence Is not material. "There can be no doubt that we accepted and utilized the services of the Filipinos, and that when we did so we had full knowledge that they were lighting lor their own Independence, and 1 submit that history furnishes no example of turpitude baser that ours If we now substitute our yoke for the Spanish yoke. "Let us consider briefly the reasons which have been given in support of an iYuperlalls- r tic policy. Some say that it is our duty to r hold the Philippine islands, but duty Is not , an argument; It is a conclusion. To ascer- H tain what our duty is, in any emergency, we must apply well-Bettled and generally accept- , ed principles. It Is oar duty to avoid steal- , ing, no matter whether ihe tiling to be stolen ( is of great or little value. It is our duty to , avoid killing a human being, no matter . where the human being lives or to what race or class he belongs. Kveryono recognizes the j obligation liQfrfmed upon individuals to ob- j serve both human and moral law, but, as Hlimn llonvnim nttnli # ?. t t /in ^ r t l.nun luinw to nations, j( may not he out of place to quote I the opinion of others. Jefferson, than whom , therefs no higher political authority, said: ( | "'r know of but one code of morality lor ( I (naif, whether acting singly or|collectlvely.' j j^Kranklin, whose learning, wlsilom and | Ifiriuearea part of the priceless legacy be- , ri|ue;itht'il to us from the revolutionary days, expressed the same i.lea In even stronger language when he said: Justice Is as strictly due between neighbor nations as netween neighbor citizens. A h lull way man is as much a robber when he I plunders In a caug as when singly ; and the |uation that, makes ar. unjust war is only a | great gaii".' [ "Men may dare todj In crowds what they | would not dare to do as Individuals, hut the I moral character of at. act is not determined i by the number of those who ioln In it. Force ) can defend a right, but force has never yet I created a rtirht. if It was true, as declared In the resolution ol intervention, that the |('uliaiiH *aie and oi right ought to ho free and independent," (language taken from the declaration of independence) It is equally true that the PilllpliioN'are and of right ought to be tree and independent.' The right of the Cuban*) to freedom wan not based upon their proximity to the United State*, nor upon the language which they spoke, nor yet upon the race or races to which they belonged. Congress bv a practically unanimous vote dedared that ?the principles enunciated at Philadelphia in 1776 were stil) alive and applicable to the Cubans. Who will draw a line between1 the natural rlghtn of the Cubans and the Filipino?? Who will say that the former have a right to liberty and the latler have no rights which we are bound to respect? And, if the Filipinos'are and of right ought to be free and Independent," what right have we to force our iovernment upon them wlthdat their con?ent? Before our duty can b6 ascertained, ind when their rights are once determined; It k as much our duty to reftpeot tuoee rights as t was the duly of Spain t% respect/ the rights ' if the people of Cuba, or the duty ot England :o respect the right* of Ifee AAertaan colonsts. n*' U "Rights never conflict; duties never clash. 2an it be our duty to usurp political rights vluch belong to othei^? Can it be our duty o kill those who. following thn emmnln nf I >ur lorefaihers, love liberty well enough to )ght for It? "Some poet bag described the terror wblcb ivercame a soldier who, in the' midst of batle, discovered that he had sfttp his brother, t Is written : \j': . " 'All ye are brethren.' Let as hope for the omlng ot the day when human life?which vhen ow? destroyed cannot be .restored?will ie so sacred that it will never bp taken except vhen necessary to pODlab a crime already ommltted. "If it Is said that we have assumed before he world obligations .which make it neceBary for us to permanently 'maintain a govrnment In the Philippine Islands, I reply, irat that the highest obligation of this nation * to be true to lUtell. No obligation to any lartiCular nation, or to alt nations combined, an require the abandonment of our theory f government and the substitution of docrlnes against which our whole national life as been a protest. And, second, that our bllgatlons to the Filipinos, who luhablt tbe stand, are greater than any obligation wblch f recauowe to foreigners who have a tem- ' orsry residence In the Philippines or desire a > tracfe there. ? ult is argued by some that the Filipinos are " acapable.of self-government and that there- ^ ire weowelt to tbe world to take control of J aem. Admiral Dewey, in an official report 1 3 tbe navy department, declared the FillInos were more capable of self-government , tian the Cabans, and said that he based bis b pinion npon a knowledge of both races. ^ "But I will not rest tbe case upon the rela- ? ve advancement of tne Filipinos. Henrv * lav. In rinfandlnc the ricrhtn fif th? nnrtnln nf oulti America to self-government, s*id: J "'It is the doctrine of thrones that roan In , 10 Ignorant to govern himself. Tbelr par sans assert bis incapacity In reference to all " atlons; If they oannot command universal ?sent to tbe proposition, It la then remanded > particular nations; and our pride and onr resumption too oiten make converts .of us. { contend that It In to arraign tbe disposition * f. Providence Himself, to snppose that he J: as created beings lnoapable of governing , i em selves, and to be trampled on by Kings. ' sir-government la tbe natural government of MCiaj%wa*:rlght. There are degrees of pro- " ;lency In tttewt of selfnovernment, bnt it !; a reflection upon the Creator to sair tbat He " suled to any people ihe capacity of self- " ivemroent, and tbat othera are not, and lat capable people have a right to seize upon r 3d govern the. Incapable, and you make rce?brute force?the only foundation of {1 >vernment and invite tbe reign of tbe ;spot. 1 am not willing to believe that an K 1 wise and all-loving God created tbe Flllnos, and then lelt thern thousands of years " jlpless until tbe Islands attracted tbe atten- , on of European nations. M "Republicans ask: 'Shalt we haul down . le flaz tbat floats over onr deadln thePhlllp- ^ nes?' The same questiou might, have been iked when the American flag, floated over 2 lapuliepec and waved over the dead wbo ? U there; but, tbe tourist who visits tbe City ?r Mexico finds there a national cemetery o< vned by tbe United States and cared for by ;t i American citizen. Our flag floats over our " sad, but when tbe treaty with Mexico was ?ned, Ameriop.n authority withdrew to the lo Grande, and I venture the opinion tbat n lrlug the last fifty years the people of Mexii have made more progress under tbe stimu- ,t s of Independence and self-government :[ an they would have made under a carpetit: government held in place by bayonets. i "The United States and Mexico, friendly relbllcs, are each stronger and happier than ey would have been bad the former been irsedand the latter crushed by an Imperial- n Lie policy dlFgulsed as 'benevolent asslmlla* >n.' . u "Can wenotgovern colonieb?" weareasked 1(, le question Is notwbat we can do, but what D e ought to do. This nation can do whatever g. desires to do, but it must accept responsl- n llty for what it does. If the constitution ft nnds In tbe way tbe people can amend tbe , institution. I repeat, tbe nation can do hutever it desires to do, but It cannot avoid d ie natural and legitimate results of Its own nduct. Tbe young man upon reaoblng his ra ajority can do as be pleases. He can disregard ol tt teachings of his parents : be can trample T ion all tbal he has been taught to consider Dl cred: he can disobey tbe Jaws of the state, e^aws of society and the laws of God. He 8 n stamp failure upon bis life and make his ai ;ry existence a curse to his lellow men, and ol > can bring his father and mot her In sorrow C? the grave; but hecannotannull thesentence Rl 'be wages of sin Is death." Andso with this ition. It Is of age, and It can do what it ol eases; it can spurn tbe traditions of the past, m can repudiate tbe principles upon which ie nation rests: it can employ foroe instead Q, reason; it can substitute might for right; it b. ib conquer weaker people; it can exploit D ieir|lands,appropriate their property.and kilt lelr people; but it cannot repeal the moral E( w or escape the punishment decreed for the olatlon of human rights. Would we tread in paths of tyranny, ?i Nor reckon tbe tyrant's cost ? h 'bo taketb another's liberty ? His freedom is also lost. rould we win as the strong have ever won, Make ready to pay th? debt, , or tbe God who reigned over Babylon H. Is the God who is reigning yet." "Some argue that American rule In the h' billpplne Islands will result In tbe better a! lucatlon of the Filipinos. Be not deceived. D r we expect to maintain a colonial policy, ft e shall not find it to our advantage to edu- ]t ite the people. The educated Fllipplnos are jj ow in revolt against us, and the most lgno- n int ones have made tbe least resistance to n ur domination. If we are to govern tbem 0 ithout their oonsent and give them no voice 0 i determining the taxes they must pay, we tl are not educate them, lest they learn to 0 sad the Declaration of Independence and the (institution of the United states and mock u 8 for our inconsistency. H ' The principle argument, however, ad- n vanced by those who enter upon a defense n of Imperialism are? "First: That we must improve the present opportunity to become a world d power and enter Into international politics. "Second : That our commercial Interests in the Philippine Islands and in the Orient make it necessary for us to hold the islands permanently. "Third: That the spread of the Christian religion will be facilitated by a colonial policy. u Fourth : That there is no honorable retreat trom the position which the nation lias taken. " The first argument is addressed to tbe lation's pride and the second to the nation's locket-book. The third is intended for the ;hurch member and the fourth for the partlau. ' It. Is a sullicient answer to the first argunent to say that for more than a century this jatlon lias been a world power. For teu de ades It has been the most potent Influence In lie world. Not only has it been a world power, but It ban done more to affect the politics of the humnn race than all the other aatious of the world combined. Kecause our Declaration of Independence was promulgated jthers have been promulgated ; because the patriots of 177(i fought for liberty others have lougbt for it: because our constitution was idopted, other constitutions have been adopted. The growth ol the principle of self government , planted on American soil, has been Lhe overshadowing political fact of the nineteenth century. It has made this nation conspicuous among the nations and given it a place lr, history such as no other nation has ever fen Joyed. Nothing has been able tocheck the onward maroh of this idea. " ikia not willing that this nation shall cast aside/the omnipotent weapons of truth to seize .'.gain the weapon of physical warfare. 1 would not exchange the glory or this republic for the glory of all the empires that have risen and fallen since time began. The oermanent chairman of the last Republican national convention presented the pecuniary argument in all Its baldness, when he saht : " 'W?? "tiake no hypocritioal pretenses of being int -ited in the Philippines solely on account 'hers. While we regard the welfare ot tliOHi , <>ople as a sacred' trust, we regard 1 the welfare of the American people first. We Ree our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We believe In trade expansion. By every legitimate means within the province of government and constitution, we mean to stimulate the expansion of our trade and open new markets.' "This Is the commercial argument. It Is based upon the theory that war can be rightly waged for pecuniary advantages, and that It Is profitable to purchase trade by force and violence. Franklin denied both of these propositions. When Lord Howe asserted that the acts of parliament, which brought on the revolution, were necessary to prevent American trade, from passing Into foreign channels. Franklin replied: " 'To me It seems that neither theobtalnlng nor retaining ot any trade, how valuable soever, ie an object for which men may Justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities, and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and holding It by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and unwise.' "I place the phllosphy of Franklin against the sordid dootrlne of those who would put a price upon the bead of an American soldier ind luatlft a warof oonouPHt uDon the ground Lhat it wlft pay. The Democratic party Is Id favor of tbe expansion of trade. It would extend our trade by every legitimate and peaceful means; but It is Dot willing to make merchandise of human blood. "Buta war of oonqoest Is as unwise as It Is jnrigbteous. A harbor and coaling station ; n tbe Philippines would answer every trade >nd military necessity, and such a concession ould have been secured at any time without 11 (Acuity. "It is not necessary to own people In order 1 o trade with them. We carry on trade with ivery part of the world, aDd our commerce las expanded more rapidly than the comxierce of any European empire. We do not >wn Japan or China, but we trade with their J people. We have not absorbed tbe republics I >1 Central and 8outb America, but we trade | vlth them. It has not been necessary to I lave any political connection with Canada < ir tbe natlODH of Europe in order to trade I rllb them. Trade cannot be permanently irofitable unless it Is voluntary. When trade I s secured by force, tbe cost of securing It and etalnlng It must be taken outof the profits, < ,nd tbe profits are never large enough to < over tbe expenses. Such a aystem would lever l?e defended bat for tbe fact that tbe ex- < tense 18 borne by all tbe people, while the < iroflts are enjoyed by the few. J "Imperialism would be profitable to tbe < roay contractors; 11 wouia oe proiuaoie 10 he ship owners, wbo would carry live solHere to the Philippines and bring dead solleu back; it would be profitable to those ;ho would seize upon the franchises, and 11 roatd be profitable to ihe officials whose salalea would be fixed here and paid over there ; ut to the farmer, to the laboring map, and to be vast majority of those engaged in other ccapatlons it would orlng expenditure withntreturh and risk without reward. "Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule, mall Incomes and, under systems which lace the lax upon consumption, pay more ban their fair share of the expenses of overnment. Thus the very people wbo ecelve least benefit from imperialism will be ijured most by the military burdens which ccompany It. "In addition to the evils which he and the irmer share In common, the laboring man 'ill be the first to suffer if oriental subjects jek work in the Untied States, the first to iiffer if American capital leaves oar shores to in ploy oriental labor in Philippines to suply the trade of Cblna and Japan; the first >sufierfrom the violence which the mill- 1 try spirit arouses ana menrsiiosuuer waen ; ie methods of Imperialism are applied to oar J averoment. f "It Is not strange, therefore, that the labor < rganlzatlons have been quick to note the" 1 pproacb of these dangers and prompt to pro* )Rt against both militarism and Imperialism. "The peounlary argument, though more Jectlve with oertaln classes. Is not likely to Bused so often or presented with so much mpbasls as the religious argument. If what as been termed tbe 'gun-powdergospel' were rged against tbe Filipinos only It would be'a s ifflclent answer to say that a majority of tbe 111 pin os are now members of one branch or ie Christian church: but the principle lnol ved Is one of much wider application and lallenees serious consideration. "Tbe religious argument varies in posltiveesa from a passive belief tbat Providence silvered the Filipinos Into our bands, for g lelr good and our glory, to tbe exultation of ie minister who said tbat we ought to brash the natives (Filipinos) until they uneretand who we are,' and that 'every bullet rnt, every cannon shot and every flag wav1 means righteousness.' *YC wxuuumj/piuToui tuiouwviiuc iu uuc lace unless we are willing to apply it every- * here. If tbere Is poison In tbe blood of the J and, it will ultimately reach tbe beart. It i equally true that forcible Christianity, If lanted under the American flag In the far E way Orient, will sooner or later be trans lanted upon American soil. If true Chrisanity consists in carrying out in our dally f ves the teachings of Christ, who will say I lat we are commanded to civilize with I y namlte and proselyte with tbe sword ? I "He who-would declare the Divine will iust prove his authority either by Holy Writ s r bv evidence of a special dispensation, p he command.'Go ye Into ail the world and t reach tbe gospel to every creature' has no I tiling gun attachment. t "WheD Jesus visited a village of Samaria id tbe people refused to receive him, some r : the disciples suggested that fire should be a UltHJ uuwu iiuuj iictivcu iu Mverugo tue lu | C lit; but tbe Master rebuked tbem and said : e know Dot what manner of spirit ye are i, for tbe son of Man IB not come to destroy ten's Uvea, but to save tbem.' Suppose be nd said, 'We will thrash tbem until tbey I derstand who we are,' bow different would ave been the history of Christianity ! Coraare, If you will, the swaggering, bullying, rutal, doctrine of Imperialism with the >lden rule and tbe commandment, 'Thou mit love thy neighbor as thyself.' Love, not force, was the weapon of the Nazrene; sacrifice lor others, not tbe exploltaod of tbem, was bis method of reaching the uman heart. A missionary recently told ie tbat the stars and stripes once saved his fe because bis assailant recognized our flag s a Aug tbat bad no blood upon it. Let It be nown that our missionaries are seeking )uis Instead of soverignty; let It be known lat instead of being the advance guard of >nquerlng armies, tbey are going forth to elp and to uplift, having their loins girt bout with truth and tbeir feet shod with tbe reparation of tbe Gospel of Peace, wearing ie breastplate of righteousness and carrylg tbe sword of tbe spirit; let it be known aat they are the citizens of a nation which aspects the rlgnts of tbe citizens of other attons as carefully as it protects the rights fits own citizens, and the welcome given to ur missionaries will be more cordial than ae weloome extended to tbe missionaries f any other nation. "The argument made by some tbat It was nfortunate for the nation that It had anything to do with tbe Philippine islands, but r, bat tbe naval victory at Manila made tbe ermanent acquisition of those islands necesary, 1? also unsound. The victory at Santiao did not compel us to hold Cuba. The shedIng of American blood in tbe Philippine glands does not make It Imperative tbat we hould retain possession forever: American lood whs shed at San Juan Hill and El 1 :aney. and yet the president bas promised he Cubans Independence. The fact that the American flag floats over Manila does not ompel ua to exercise perpetual sovereignty ?ver tbe islands; tbat flag waves over Havana c oday, but tbe president has promised to baul t down when tbe tiag of the Cuban republic s ready to rise In its place. "Better a thousand times tbat our flag In he Orient give way to a flag representing the dea o( Heir-government than tbat the flaijf of .Uls republic Bhould become tbe flag ot an , jinplre. "There in an easy. honest, honorable solu- . ,lon of the Philippine question.- It Is set 'orth In tbe Democratic platform and It 1b lubmltted with confidence to the American jeople. This plan I unreservedly Indorse, [f elected, I shall convene congress in exLraordlnary session as soon as I am Inaugurated, and recommend an immediate | jeciaratlon of the nation's purpose, first, to ! BsUbllsh a stable form of government In the Philippine islands, just as we are now establishing a stable form of government in the island of Cuba; second, to give independence Lo the Filipinos,Just as we promised to give Independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the Filipinos from outside interference while they work out their destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central and i South America, and are, by the Monroe I doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba. "An Kuropean protectorate often results in j me GAi'iuimnuu 01 luu w#iu uy mo guardian. Au American protectorate gives to the nation | protected tbe advantage of our strength with- i out making it tbe victim of our greed. I-'or j three-quarters of a century the Monroe doc- i trine has been a shield to neighboring repub- j lies, and yet It has imposed no pecuniary burden upon us. After the Filipinos bad! aided us In the war against Spain, we could not honorably turn them over to their former musters; we could not leave them to be the victims ol the ambitious designs of the European nations, and since we do not desire t? make lliein a part ol us, or lo hold tlieui hn ] 1 ? subjects, we propose that tbe only alternative Is namely, to give them Independence and guard them against molestation from without. When our opponents are unable to defend their position by argument they fall back up on tbe assertion that it is destiny, and insist that we must submit to it, no matter how much It violates moral precepts and our principles of government. This is a complacent pbllosphy. It obliterates the distinction between right and wrong and makes Individuals and nations tbe helpless victims of circumstance. "Destiny Is the snbterfuge of the inverts brate, wbo, lacking tbe courage to oppose error, seeks some plausible excuse for supporting it. Washington said that tbe destiny of the republican form of government was deeply, If nor. finally, staked on tbe experiment entrusted to tbe Amerloan people. How different Washington's definition of destiny from the Repnbli. can definition ! Tbe Republicans say that tbe nation Is In the hands of destiny; Washington believed that not only the destiny of our own nation, but the destiny of the republican form of government throughout tbe world was entrusted to American hands. Wnnhlncrf/in una riohL The dfistlnv Of thisl republic in Id tbe hands or it* own people; upon the success of the experiment here rests tbe hope of humanity. No exterior force can disturb this republic, and no foreign Influence should be permitted to change its course. What tbe future has In store for this .natlbn no one has authority to declare, but eaob Individual has bis own Idea of tbe nation's mission and be owes it.to bis country as well as to himself to contribute as best be may to tbe fulfillment of that mission. "Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of tbe Committee ; I can never fully discbarge tbe debt of gratitude which I owe to my countrymen for tbe boDors wblcb tbey have s>> generously bestowed upon me; bot, sirs, wueiherltbe my lot to occupy the high offloe for wblcb tbe convention has named me, or to spend tbe remainder of my days In private life, it suall be my constant ambition and my con- . trollng purpose to aid In realizing tbe high Ideals of those whose wisdom and courage ind sacrifices brought this republic Into existence. "I can conceive of a national destiny surpassing the glories of tbe present and tbe past -a destiny which meeU the responsibilities Df today and measures up to tbe possibilities if tbe future. "Behold a republic resting securely upjn the foundation atones quarried by revolutionary patriots from the mountain or uernal truth?a republic applying In practice and proclaiming to tbe world the ielf-evldcnt proposition that all men are sreated equal; tbat they are endowed with oallenable rights; tbat governments are nstltuted among men toseoure these rights; ,bat governments derive meir just powers j rom tbe consent of the governed. Behold a eouollc In which civil and religious liberty itlmuiate all to earnest endeavor'and In vblch tbe law restrains every band uplifted or a neighbor's lojury?a republic In whlcb ; ivery citizen Is a sovereign, but In which no ' >ne cares to wear a crown. "Behold a republic standing erect while , mplres all around are bowed beneath the 1 velgbt of their own armaments?a republic vbos4 flag is loved while ot^ier flags are only eared. "Behold a republic moreasing In population, b wealth, in strength and In lnfluenoe, solv- < ng the problems of civilization and hasten- ] ng the coming of an universal brotherhood? i republlo which shakes thrones and dls- ' tolves aristocracies by iu silent example and 1 ;lves light and inspiration to those who sit ] n darkness. "Behold a republic gradually but surely i tecoming the supreme moral factor in the eorld's progress and tbe accepted arbiter of be world's disputes?a republic wtiose bis- ] ory, like tbe path of tbe Just, "Is as the shinng light that sbineth more and more unto he perfect day.'" \ W. D. Barksdnle Locals. j Tbe finest flour. Try "Grandeur." ' Good stock of stoves all sizes. Come and J ee tb'em. Fruit Jars all sizes. Extra rubbers. A splendid lot of slope? crockery. Canned goods ot all kinds. 1 Hams, breakfast bacon. New white oottolene, verv fine. Nice Irencb candy in bulk. , Pare muscovada molases tbe finest we can I et. All kinds of goods at low prices. Come In, , June 5.1900. W. D. Barksdale. i . ? f For a strictly hfgh grade shoe, one that will I lways look nice and hold Its shape. Buy 1 araes A. Banister's shoe from Cobb & MoDavid. The place to get what yon want, Speed . )rug Company. ) Our fee returned if we fail. Any one sending j ketch and description of any invention will j promptly receive our opinion free concerning j he patentability of same. " How to Obtain a 1 'atcnt" sent upon request. Patents f-ecured hrough us advertised for sale at our expense. Patents taken out through us receive special lotice, without charge, in The Patent Record, in illustrated and widely circulated journal, onsulted by Manufacturers and Investors. Send for sample copy FREE. Address, . VICTOR J. EVANS & CO. < (Patent Attorneys,) ivans Building, WASHINGTON, D. C j PR^Hl^EADW^R ' or tbe Indies can always be found at our ] establishment. We have , J> All Latest Fall Styles. We have gathered them from the centers ol . ash Ion, and they form a GLORIOUS GALAXY >f good things. Ladles, you can save money. "patience, time, by buying your Millinery of us. For your own satisfaction, pay uh a visit. Mrs. Mary Taggart. OSBORNE FARM IMPLEHENT5 SUCCEED WHFPF OTHERS FAIL. GKT OUR PRICES ON MOWERS AND RAKES. ABBEVILLE HI CO. "KHiiiMp Kami IniplrtunniM. : ; Silk Waist Patterns that were $6.50 now $3.25. Those at $5 now $2.50. Those at $4 now $2. Those that were $2 now at $1, The very best 85 jj cts. Taffeta, all colors, at 62 l-2c. during the Good-bye Sale. Smith's Dry Goods and Millinery. '' l,M i i a/ / % 1 6. A. Douglass. \ ' y -J <su -3 % jr | <S> -/$> I SOUTHERN RAILWAY. * j Cond?n*ed Schedule io EBlNt May 6th, 1900. .w| STATlOMa ""tg*! jCT, Lv. Charleston 11 00 p m 700am " Summerville 1- 00 n't 7 41 t m " Branchville 155am 8 66 a m " Orangeburg 2 50am 023am " Klngvllle 4 80 a m 10 15 a m Lv. Savannah 12 06 a m " Barnwell 4 00 a m w" Blackrille 4 IS a'm m Lt. Columbia 7 00 a m 11 06 a m )j " Prosperity 8 14 a m 12 10 n'n " NewDerry 830am 12 25pm .. ?iJB " Ninety-Six. 930am 120p " Greenwood. 9 60am 166pm Lr. Hodgea 10 15 a m 2 16 p m Lv. Abbevllla 9 86am 186 pm At- UaHnn 11 IK b m O lfl ? m Lv. Anderson '10 am 2 86 p m jr. Qreenvllls. 12 20 p m ilt pa Lr. Atlanta.(Qen.Tlme) 8 66 p m 6 00 p m STATIONS. N1^ ''J Lit. Green villa. -5 30 p m 10 16 a m ;| " Piedmont 6 00 p in 10 40 a m ? wiiHftm?ton 6 22pm 10 66 * m Lf. Anderson ..." 7 16 p m 11 40 a*m Lv.Belton . 645pm 11 15 a m ix- Donnalds 7 16 p m 11 40 t mLr. Abbevllls 8 10 p m ITltt p m jV. Hodges 7 35 p m 11 (6 t > Lr. Greenwood 766pm 12 20pm. * Ninety-Six 8 83pml3fllpm - Newberry 9 80pm 2 00pm ? Prosperity- 0 46pm 2 14pm -rui u Columbia 11 80 p m 8 89 -p m Lr. Blackvill?~~.... i ~ 8 05 a m " Barnwell 8 20 a m ' Savannah 6 15 a n , ' * >. Kingville TBTm 4 48 p m v " Orangeburg 846am 6 88pm " Branchville 4 25am ( lp p D " Summervilla ?. 6 52am 7 !8 p n lr. Charleston .. 7 00 a m 8 li p m % SSHSi STATIONS. 1^71^7 omP ?2?a^c0harieston"Ar SWpTWi '! I?a Sunmorvllle " 7 28 p 6 58a lKa 8 86a '1 .Branchville. " flSpiSi 3 60? 9 28 a "Orangeburg" 6 88 p 8 4ft a u' 4 80 ? 10 15 a " . Kiagvilla . " 4 48p 182a 3 06a Lt..Savannah At TUa 4 00a M ..Barnwell.. " ? iSa 4 16a....... " -Bi&ckville.. ' 8 Sa 8 82 a ii * - Columbia.. 8 SOp 6 90p Jjttb 9 V?a 12 20p ....Alston.... u 2 80 p 8 60^ 6B9 10 04a 1 23p " ...Santao... " l ?$ ? ,0 20a 2 OOp " Union M 12 2p 7 10d ib jS |0 88 a 2 22 p ..Jonesville.. " U ?6p 6 fln "H isasg?^5feteLV?s!!l? "P'p. m. "A"a. m. DOUBLE DAILY 8HRVIGB CHARLEStON AND GRBHNVILLB. ' Pullman palace alee] carton Trains80and 16,87 and 88, on A. ana C. division. DUOngaaFs jnthw* trains Berve all meals enromta. Trains laave Spartanburg, A. A A divttfan. lorthbound, Tr06 a.m., 8:8? p.m./fljistvhl 'VestibuleLlniited); southbound litfifl a m.' 1:16 p. mv 11;84 a. m., (Vestibule Limited.) ' Trains leave Greenville, A. and a divirion. lorthbouna, 6:00 a. m., 2:84 p. m. and 6 :SS a. mT Vestibuled Limited) {southbound. 1:88 ? tiT' 1:80 p. m., 12:30 p. m. (Vestibuled Limited! Trains 18 ana 14?Elegant Pullman Parlor .?r? V>Afc\ri?en Charleston and Aihevilla will b? anugurated about Juno 1st. Trains 15 and 16?Pullman Sleeping car* between Charleston and Columbia; reaay for oompauoy at both points at 9.80 P. m. Elegant Pullman Drawing-Room Sleeping ?r8 between Savannah and Asheville en route Laily between Jacksonville and Cincinnati . CRANK 8. GANNON, J. M. CULP" I Third V*P. & Gen. Mgr., Traf. Ukauv, :< Washington, D. C. Washlngtciyp. 01 ?j N. A. TURK, S. H. HARDWICJ&. j 9ou. Pas. Agent, A. Gen. Pas. Agent, 2 Washington. P. C. Atlanta, G% Charleston and Western Carolina R. R Augusta and Aehcville Short Line? In effect Mny Lv Augusta ? 40 am 1 40 pm A.r Greenwood 12 15 pm , \r Harris .Springs 12 52 pm Ar Anderson 8 10 pm ' Ar Laurens 1 20 pin 6 35 am \r Greenville - 3 00 pm 9 00 ?m Ar Glenn Springs 4 00 pm ? Ar Spartanburg...... 3 10 pm 10 20 am ? At Saluda 5 88 pm Ar Hendersonvllle. 6 03 pm Ar Aehevlllo 7 00 pm Lv Aahovlllo 8 20 am Lt Spartanburg 11 45 am 4 10 pm Lv Glenn Springs. 10 00 am Lv Greenville 12 01 am 4 00 pm Lv Laurens 1 37 pm Lv Anderson 6 36 am Lv Greenwood 2 37 pm 4 SO am Ar Augusta^. 5 10 pm 10 4S am Lv Augusta 1 55 pm Ar Allendale 3 58 pm Ar Fairfax 4 12 pm Ar Yemasseo 9 00 am 5 20 pm 111 i* A 1* nni Ar Port K<>yal 10 30 am 6 IV) pra Ar Savannah Ar Charleston.. Lv Charleston 5 30 am Lv Port Royal 1 00 pm f! 25 am Lv Beaufort 1 16 pm (i 35 am Lv Yemassee 2 30 pm 7 20 am Lv Fairfax 8 33 am * ,, Lv Allendale 8 41 am Ar Angnsta 10 45 " Lv Greenwood - 4 06 am Ar Laurens 6 0() am Lv Laurens 6 15 am Ar Spartanburg 9 CO am Lv Spartanburg 4 10 pm Ly Laurens 7 30 pm Ar Greenwood 9 00 pm Close connections at Greenwood for all points on S. A. L. aud 0. & 6. Kallways, and at Spartanburg with Southern Railway. For any information relative to tickets, rates, schedule, etc., address W. .1. CBAIG. Gen. Pass. Agent, Augusta, Go. E. M. NORTH. Hoi. Agent T. M. EMEKSON, Traffic Manaser. llm fiirinalileliydt. lot* ralarrli :tinl Hsy bVver. no eniv iiii p:iy (mi sttli' hI Ml i lords J?rU|' Sinri'. I'lioue luZ.