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The l'rcss and Banner. BY 1IUGIL \V11 .SON7 " AltVlIlT I u/lvTl*. i.. FORMALLY NOTIFIED BRYAN AND SEWALL ACCEPT THE. NOMINATION. Brene Without, a Pnrelle'?Twenty TIioiinnlxl I'topln ?t MhiIIuoii Sqimre Nrw V?>rk?The JJecorHtlon* WVre Not (elaborate but In <>oo?l Tn~l?. New York, August \2 -That the interest of the whole city of New Yorkwas focus^ed today unon Madison ijquare Garden where Woi.J. Bryan of Nebraska and Arthur Sewall of Maine were to oe formally uolilied of their nomiualion hy the Democratic narty of the ollices of President and Vice President of the United States, was proven by the groups of sovereign ehctois which early as the middle of the afternoon began to come under the trees in Madison Square which by 5 o'clock had been reinforced bv hundieds, and at 0 o'clock was multiplied to expectant thousands ana ueiore t swelled to a slraiuing clamoring army. The Garden had been the stage for other events of the same character, political meetings had be.tn held in its walls witl^ut number Eight years ago Cleveland had been there notified of his selection to lead a second time the campaign of the Dcmocrav, but the speculation attached to all these events had been but shadows compared with the fierce light of curiosity which beat upon this night. President Cleveland had been a personage familarto New York but the younger Jeatler who had come out from the West to plant his standard in the lield cf the enemy, as lie called it, and there to open the battle of his campaign, was only a name in this city Therefore the assembly awaited eagerly to dis cover what manner of man he was of whom they had read so much and what manner of speech was his which had such power over a great party convention. On this sultry night the wid* oval of the Garden wasa furnance in which twenty thousand were to sutler a liery torture for enthusiasm's sake. The glass bad been removed from the acre of skylights in the roof and sheets of canvas hung below. The platform - - 1 - - ? *.T A I. was a smaJi auair erecieu at me norm side of the hall in the centre of one of the broad arcs of the oval, hardly more than twelve feet square and draped simply with American flags. The decorations were simple and not elaborate but in pood taste, consisting entirely of the national tricolor. The hands of the clock marked 7 when the main doors down at the West of the Garden swune inward and an nounced their opening-by tbe inrush of a yelling war cry. Then with a roar came people pouriug through the entrance and spreading over the floor like the unchaining of a flood ol water. Men and women swept down to the centre of the ball, climbing over chairs and obstructions like an infantry charge. Two or thr^e times as the crowd lushed in some enthusiast rose in the gallery and proposed three cheers for Bryan which exhortation broughtlhe expected shouts. But the lirsl real de monstration of the night was given to the wile of the Presidedlial candidate. It was 8 o'clock when Mrs. Bryan was seen climbing the steps that Jed to the first box railed otl' at the platform's right. She was on the arm of J Ion. William J'. St John, Treasurer of the Democratic Natioual Committee. As Mrs. Bryan swept her eyes across the hall they had a weary look and her face stemed very uale. It lifihttd with a brjgbt smile al the roar winch swept across the floor and onward through the galleries and which yrewinto a spelling cheer and rose and fell it a dozen wavts Twice Mis Hrjan bowul to the right and left and then she was seated. The cheer for Mrs Bryan Had not ended when the foremost personage o' the hour, the Derm crjt tie candidate for President, in the midst of a small group of h is chief supporters, appeared and pushed through the same doorway. The first glimpse was of a black coated, broad shouldeied man, with a roll of manusciipt held al his side, stepping with quick light stride up the short flieht of stairs. At his side and lowering over him was the strong ligure, clud in gray, of Set-alor Jones of Aikansas, the chairman ol 1 he Democratic committeeAs the smooth shaven, strong-facpd joung statesman from the West Mood at the front of the platform a ilag was raisrd and waved just above tjmi in the gallery so that ils folds swept down as a background for his form and made him the one ligure of the whole assemblage. The cheer that bioke forth was ol tremendous force. Certainly its recipient bad never heard its like but once before and that other was the cheer which followed the close of his now iamous speecn ueiore me i nicago convention. The cry was "Bryan! BryanI" reJeated until the great crowd wearied, t was only when he had sat down at the right of the stand thai the people look notice of the men who accompanied Mm. Foremost among them was Aulhur i^ewaJI, candidate for Vice President. There was (Jover nor Stone of Missiouri, and the presid ing ofiieer. Hon. Elliott Danforth, ex Tieasurer of thetttateof New York. There were no vacant chairs in the ball when the nominees mounted the platform and all standing space was tilled Auiout! the promiuent Dt mo crais arrayed back of the platform wt re ^Senators blancbard of I, juisiana, Gorman of Maryland, Roach of North t~\ ? ?n:11 ,.f o ?i a i ._ i; .UaKOm, unman ui cHJUiii i,annum, Congressmen Richardson and Ale Mi I iin of Tennessee, Livingston of Georgia, Rusk of Maryland, Governor Llogg of Texas and rnauy others who had borne parts Lu the convention t'.L ^ 1Mm l>Mr n WUK'LI uuuiiuaicu iur, uijau. It was twenty minutes after 8 o'clock when Senator Jones stepped to tbe front of the box and lifted bis hand for order. The response came in the form of calls for Bryan. After a r moment the Senator was able to bear himself introduce Mr. Danforth as the chairman of the meeting. Mr. I>auforth in his turn pouuded with a gavel on the rail and in his turn was showered with calls for Bryau. Mr. Danforth's speech was a brief one, a mere formal introduction of GoverI nor Stone. Governor Stone read his I notification from printed strips but | his voice carried almost to the ends of I the hall. Mil STONK'S SI'KRCIl. Mr. Stmie in opening expressed his regret tlat the pt rmanent cbairmau < r the C'hic?:?o convention. Senator \Vhi?e. could not be present to make , the < lli-rial nutilicHtion and explained that ilie duty h?.d hem delegated to hi'tt. He sp-'Ue fifelinjily of the long .stniiTt'le wit-iin the ranks of the Democratic party which had lesulted in the victory of the silver men. He described ihe victory of 1892 as a victory on the tariff issue despite the fact that many Democrats even then believed that the financial issue was paramount. His characterization of the action of the administration was very severe. "Wo ri'iniro,! in Mr (Mpvolsltuf's elt'Cliun" lie said, -'and confidently expected, us we , had a right to, that he would luing the tariff question to a speedy settlement, and strip niouopoly of its opportunity to plunder the people. Hut in this just expectation we were ; doomed to disappointment. Instead of devoting himself to a prompt and wise solution of the importaut issue upon which lie was elected he incontinently thrust it aside anil licgan, almost at the threshold of his administration, to exercise the great powers ot his oliice to commit the country to a financial system inaugurated hy the Republican party and which the Democratic parly had time and again condemned in both State and national conventions. In the beginning of this attempt the masses of the people, disappointed aud distressed, looked on in amazement. With absorbing interest and with constantly increasing resentment they watched the " rapid development of events. "As these events passed before them one by one in quick succession, aud when they came to understand their full meaning and effect, resentment turned to wrath and protest rose into revolt. Then began within the Democratic party one of the most remarkable struggles that have ever occurred in the political history of this country. It was a struggle for mastery between the national administration and the great masses of the plain people who constitute the party which created that administration. The prize they fought for was the national convention. That convention was to determine whether the Democratic party should abide by the traditions of the fathers aud adhere to its ancient faith; whether it should obsequiously abandon the principles of true Democracy i?.l lii'pnnic a nliiLnl. airen! to advance the mercenary ends of an insolent plutocracy. The people won. They won a glorious victory. The full significance of (heir triumph cannot be estimated at a glance. Suppose they had lost, what then? Suppose the Chicago convention had followed the servile example of the Republican convention, what then'.' If that had happened what hue would the skies now reveal to the uplifted eyes of the anxious millions'.' Would the star of hope then have risen luminous to the meridian or have fallen with waning light upon a clouded horizon ' Upon what statf would the toiling millions in field and shop then have rested their tired hands'.' What bulwark of defense would have then stood between the great industrial and producing classes, who constitute tbe solid strength aud safety of the Slate, against the combined aggressions of the foreign money changers and the anglicized American millionaires, upon what rock would the defenders of the Constitution, the champions of American ideas and the friends of American institu1 lions have then anchored their hopes for the future'.' The paramount. question before the country was and is: Shall this great republic confess tinat.cial servitude to Kuglaud or act independent for itself.'" "The voice of the Chicago convention," Mr. Stone continued, "was the voice of true Democracy, For a leader they chose one of their own, a plain man of the people. Ilia whole life aud lifework identify him in sympathy and interest with those who represent the great industrial forces of the country. Auioug theui he was born and reared and has lived and wrought all the days of his life. To their cause he has devoted all the splendid powers with which Cod endowed him. lie has been their constant and fearless champion. They know him, they trust him. Suave, yet firm; gentle, yet dauntless; warm hearted, yet deliberate; confident and selfpoised, but without vanity; learned in books and statecraft, but without pedantry or pretence; a superb orator, yet a man of the greatest caution and methods, equipped with large experience in public affairs, true to his couvictious, true to himself aud false to no man. William J. llryau is a model American gentleman and a peerless leader of the people. This man is our leader. Under his banner and guided by his wisdom we will go forth to con<|Uer. 1 h ive no doubt of victory. It is as sure to come :is the rising of the sun, and it will come like a sunburst scattering the mists, aud the nation, exultaut and happy, will leap forward like a^i;wu i ut i'.tixL"i iu unit "igu ucsmijr n mw designed to accomplish. This 111:111 will he President. His administration will he a shilling epoch in our history, for he will leave behind him a name made illustrious by great achievements and by deeds that will embalm him forever in the hearts and memory of his countrymen." Addressing Mr. Uryan, Mr. Stone said: "Mr. Ilr3-an, 1 esteem it a great honor, as it is most certainly a pleasure, to he made the instrument of informing you, as 1 now do, that yon were uouiiualed for the ollice ol President of the United States by the Democratic national convention which assembled at Chiengo in July last. 1 hand you this UUUUUiU.UU nied by a copy of the platform a?!ople?l by the convention :ind upon that platform 1 1 have the hoiior to request your acceptance ' of the uomiaatiou tendered. Vou are the j candidate of the Democratic parly, but you are more than that, you are the candidate of all the people, without regard to party, who believe in the purposes your election is in. tended to accomplish. This battle must be , fought upon grounds high above the level of partisanship. I hope to see you unfurl the flag in the name of America and American , manhood. In saying this 1 but repeat the expressed wish of the convention which nominated you. Do this, and though you will not have millions of money at your command, you will have millions of sturdy Americans at your back. Lead on and we 1 will i.'Hqw. Who will not follow here is unworthy fiMead in any cause. Lead on with unfaltering step and may God's blessing attend you and his omnipotent hand crowu you with success." Turning to the Presidential candi dale, who sat at his elbow us he h ushed liis speech with the formal address to Mr. Bryan, the Missouri Governor placed in tlie Nebraskau's hand a roll of parchment bearing the uotilicatiou proper. Ten minutes of chaos follow ed. Bryan stood alone at. lh? fronL of the stage with outstretched hands asking for silence, while his uudieuce stood on their chairs cheering fiercely and repeatedly Mud shouting Ins name in choius. After three or four miuuiei of this scene Bryan tired of waitiug for an opportunity to speak kuuk into his chair and the baud broke into a patriotic air. men Mr. uaniorui came to the rescue with his gavel and !iitally the speech begun. Talking from railroad trains hud told plainly upou the candidate's voice, its huskiuess was apparent and it could not b^gin lo (ill the hall until he warmed up to 1 his task. Unlike his Chicago speech. M i? ii i?on/i liSo I r\rii in .< n uscript. lie spoke slowly and was ; interrupted witli volleys of cheers. MR. BR VAN'S SPEECH. The following is a synopsis of the great speech delivered by Mr. Bryan: I Mr. Chairman, gentlemen of the commitniittee and fellow citizens: 1 shall, at a future day and in a formal letter, accept the nomination which i9 now tendered by the notification committee and I shall at that time touch upon the issues presented by the platform. It. is fitting, however, that at this lime, in the presence of those here assembled, I speak at some length in regard i#> the campaign upon which we arc now entering. We do not underestimate the forces arrayed against us nor are we unmindful of the importance of the struggle in which we are engaged: but relying for success upon the righteousness of our cause we shall defend with all possible vigor the positions taken by our parly. We arc not surprised that some of our opponents, in the absence of belter argument, resort to abusive epithets but lliey may rest assured that no language, however) violent, no invectives, however vehement, J will JeaU U8 10 uepart a single nair s nreauin from the course mirked out by the national i convention. The citizen, either public or private, who assails the character and qucs (ions (he patriotism of the delegates assembled in the Chicago convention assails tha character and questions the patriotism of the millions who have arrayed themselves uiider the banner there raised. It. has been charged by men standing high in business and political circles that our platform is a menace to private security and public safety; and it h.is bein asserted that those whom I have the honor, for Hie time being, to represent not only meditate an attack upon the rights of properly but are the foes of social order and national honor. Thoj-e who stand upon the Cliicigo platform are prepared to ni ike known and to defend IIUJIC WIIIUII llin|Mira VIIQIII. 1IIVJ uu<tv> stand the genius of our institutions, they are staunch supporters of the form of government under which we live and they Imild their faith upon foundations laid by the fathers. Andrew Jackson has stated with admirable clearness and with an emphasis which cannot be surpassed both in duty and spirit of government, lie said: "Distinctions in society will always exist under every just government. Equality of talents, of education, or of wealth cannot be produced by human institutions. In the full enjoyment of the gifts of lieaven and fruits of superior industry, economy and virtue, every man is equally entitled to protection by law." We yield to none in our devotion to the doctrine just enunciated. Our campaign has not for its dyect the recount r uclir... oni.iultf H'p (-111 11(11 illSllte to I lie vicious the fruits of a virtuous life; we would not invade the home of the provident in order to supply the wauts of the spendthrift; we don't propose to transfer tho rewards of industry to the lap of indolence. Poverty is and will remain the stimulus of endeavor and the compensation for toil. We believe, as asserted in the declaration of independence, that all men are created equal, hut that does not mean (hat all men are or can lie equal iu possession, in ability or in merit; it simply meaus that all shall staud equal before the law and that government officials shall not in making, cont rasting or enforcing the law, discriminate between citizens. 1 assert that properly rights, as well as the rights of persons, are safe in the hands of the common people. Abraham Lincoln in 1 : - 1" /'AMffMuu in hiinomKpp 1J13 nrui, IU vuiigiwa tu ^vwvmmv. , lbtil, said: "No men living are more worthy to be trusted tb:in those who toil; none are less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly earned." I repeat his language with unqualified approval and join with him in the warning which he adued, namely: "Let them beware of surrendering a political power which (hey already possess and which power, if snrrendered, will surely be used to close the doors of advancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities aud burdens upou them until all of liberty shall be lost." Those who daily follow the injunction: "In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread," are now, as they ever have beeu, the bulwark of law aud order?the source of our nation's greatness in time of peace aud its surest detendersiu time of war. But I have only read a part of Jackson's utterance, let me give you his couclufliou: "But when the laws undertake to add to those natural ami just advantages aruncini distinctions, to grant titles, gratitudes and exclusive privileges; to uiake the rich richer, and the potent more powerful; the humble members of society?the fanners, mechanics and the day laborers?who have neither the time nor (he means of securing like favors for themselves?have a right to complain of the injustice of their government." Those who support, the (Jhicago platform endorse all of the quotation from Jackson the latter part as well as the former part. We are not surprised to find arrayed against lis those whit are beneficiaries of government favoritism?they have read our platform. Nor are we surprised to learn lb at we must in tliis campaign face the hospitality of those who fiud a pecuniary advantage in advocating the doctrine of noninterference when great aggregations of wealth are trespassing upon the rights of individua s. We welcome such opposition?it is the highest endorsement which could be bestowed upon us. We are conteut to have the co-operation of those who desire to have the government administered without fear or favor. It is not the wish of the general public that trusts should spring into existence and override the weaker members of society; it is uotthe wish of the general public that these trusts should destroy competition and then collect such taxes they will from those who are at their mercy; nor is it the fault of the general public that the instrumentalities of the government have been so often prostituted to purposes of private gaiu. Those who stand upon the Chicago platform believe that the government should not only avoid wrong doing, but that it should also prevent wrong doing, and they believe that the law should be enfororced alike against all enemies of the public weal. They don't excuse petit larceny, but they declare that grand larceny is equally a crime; they defend the occupation of the highwayman who robs the unsuspecting traveler, but they include among the transgressors those who, through the more polite and less hazaardous means of legislation, appropriate to their own use the proceeds of the loil of others. Referring to the income tax plank of the Chicago platform Mr. I'ryan said: "For a hundred years the Supreme Court of the United Stales has sustained Ilie principle which underlies the income tax. Somo twenty years ago this same court sustained without a dissenting voice an income tax law almost identical with the one recently overthrown. Has not a future court as much right to return to the judicial precedents of a century as the present court had to depart from? When courts allow rehearings they admit that the error is possible; the late decision against the income tax was rendered by a majority of oue after a rehearing While the money questiou overshadows all the other question in importance 1 desire 11 UlSllUC!!)' UIKiei'SlOOU mai i nuaii otter no apology for the income lax plank of tin' Chicago platform. A law which collects trom some citizens more than their share of the taxes and collects from other citizens less than their share is simply an indirect means of transferring one man's properly to another man's pocket. Now let me ask you to consider the paramount ipiestion of the campaign the money question. Ii is scarcely necessary to defend the principle of bimetallism. No national party during the entire history of the United States has ever declared against it, and no party in this campaign has had the te merity to oppose it. 'i'nree parties?the Lie niocratic, Popoulist anu Silver parties?have uoi ouly declared for bimetallism, but have outlined their specific legislation necessary to restore silver lo its ancient position by the side of gold. The Republican platform expressly declares that bimetallism is desirable when it pledges the Republican party to aid in securing ii as soon as (he assistance of certain foreign nations can be obtained. Those who represented the minority sentiment in the Chicago convention opposed the free coinage of silver by the United State9 by independent astiou on the ground, that in their judgment., it "would retard or entirely prevent the establishment of international bimetallism to which the efforts of the government should be steadily directed. When they asserted that the eflorts of the i government should be steadily directed toward the establishment of international bi- : metal 1 ism they condemned monometallism. The gold standard has been weighed in the i balance and found wanting. Take from it the i powerful support of the money-owning and i t.hn n.oiiev-chansnne classes and k cannot i stand for one tiny in any nation in the world, i It was fastened upon the United Stated with- i out discussion before the people, and its friends have never yet been willing to risk a i verdict before the voters upon that issue. There can be no sympathy or co-operation i between the advocates of a universal gold standard and I he advocates of bimetallism, between bimetallism?whether independent or international?and the gold standard there is an impassible gulf. Is this quadrennial agitation in favor of international bi- i inetallism conducted in good faith, or do our opponents really desire to maintain the gold standard permanently? Arc they willing to confess the superiority of a double standard when joined in by the leading nations of the world or do they still insist that gold is the i only metal suitable for standard money < among civilized nations? If they are in fact desirous of securing bimetallism we may expect tlietu to point out the evils of a gold i standard and defend bimetallism*, * sysTem. IfT on the other hand, they are bend- i ing their energies toward the permanent es- ! tnblishment of a gold standard under cover of a declaration in favor of international bi- i metallism I am justified in suggesting that < honest money cannot be expected at the hands of those who deal dishonestly with the i American people. What is the test of honesty in money? It i must ccrtainly be found 111 the purchasing i power of the dollar. An absolutely honest dollar could not vary in its general purchasing power; it would be absolutely stable when measured by average prices. A dollar i which increases in purchasing power is just i as dishonest as a dollar whicu decreases in purchasing power. It cannot be successfully claimed that , monometallism or bimetallism, or any other ( system, gives an absolutely just standard of value. Under both monometallism and hi- | inetallism the government fixed the weight , and fineness of the dollar, invests it with le- , gal lender qualities and then extends the ( | minis to iLs unlimited coinage, the purchas ll!g power 01 llie uouur lo uc ucmUIIIIPI njr the number of dollars. Bimetallism is better tlrin monometallism, not because it gives us a perfect dollar?that in, a dollar absoluiely ( unvarying in its general purchasing power, , buL because it makes a nearer approach to < stability, to honesty, to justice, ttian a gold standard possibly can. ( Our opponents some limes admit that it | was a mistake to demonetize silver, but in- , sist I hat we should submit to present condi- , lion rather than return to the bimetallic system. They err in supposing that we have reached the end of the evil results of a gold standard; we have not reached the end. The itiinnir w <i pnniinninor one and no nerson *MJ"V " D ? ? r? can say how long the world is to suffer from the attempt to make gold the only standard money. So long as the scramble for gold continues prices must full, and a general fall in prices is but another definition of the hard limes. The farmers are opposed to the gold stand- i arc! because they have felt its effects. Since they sell at. wholesale and buy at retail they have lost more than they have gained by falling prices, and 'beside* this, they have found that certain fixed charges have not i fallen at all. Taxes hive not been perceptibly increased although it required more of i farm products now than formerly to secure the money with which to pay taxes. Debts have not fallen. The farmer who owed $1.000 i is still compelled to pay $1,000, although it may be twice as difficult as formerly to ob- i tain the dollar with which to pay the debt, i The waire earners have been iuiured by a gohl standard and have expressed them selves upon the subject with great emphasis. The farmers and wage earners together constitute a considerable majority of the peo- i pie of the country. Why should their interests be ignored in considering financial legislation'.' A monetary system which is pecu- i uiarily advantageous lo a few syndicates has less lo commend it than a system which would give hope and encouragement to those who create the naliou's worth. Our opponents have made a special appeal to those who hold tire and lite insurance policies, but these policy-holders say that since the total premiums received exceed the total losses paid a rising standard must be of more benefit to the companies than to the policy holders. Much solicitude has been expressed by our opponents for the depositors aud savings hank. They constantly parade before these depositors the advantages of a gohl standard, i but these appeals will be in vain, because saving bank depositors know that under a i gold standard there is increasing danger that they will lose their deposits because of the inability of the banks to collect their assets; aud they still further kuow that if the gold standard is 10 comiime lnueiimiciy lliey may be compelled to withdraw their deposits in order to pay living expenses. It is only necessary to note the increasing number of failures in order to know I hat a gold standard is ruinous lo merchants and manufacturers. These business men don't make their profits from the people from whom they borrow money, but from the people to whom they sell their goods. If the people cannot buy retailers cannot sell, and if retailers cannot sell wholesale merchants and manufacturers must go into bankruptcy. Those who hold as a permanent investment <! ? rnilivinil* unit of other entemris es?1 don't include (hose who speculate in stocks or use stockholdings as a means of obtaining inside advantage in contracts?arc injured by a gold standard. The rising dollar destroys the earning power of these enterprises without reducing their liabilities, and, as dividends cannot be paid until fixed charges have been satisfied, the stockholders must bear the burden of hard times. It is sometimes asserted by our opponents that a bank belongs to the debtor class, but this is not true of any solvent bank. Every statement published by a solvent bank shows that I lie assets exceed the liabilities. That is to say, while the bank owes a large amount of money to its depositors it not only has enough on band in money and notes t) pay its depositors, j but in addition thereto has enough lo cover its capital and surpluss. When the dollar is rising in value slowly, a bank may, by making short time loans and taking giod security, avoid loss, but when prices arc falling rapidly the bank is apt lu lose more money, because of bad debts, than it can gain by the increase in ihe purchasing power oi us capital ami surplus. It inusL be admitted, however, that some banks combine the business of a bond broker with ordinary banking business, and these inay make enough in ihe negotiations of loans lo offset the losses arisiug in legiti mate banking business. As long as human nature remains as it ig there will always be danger, that unless restrained by public opiuion or legal enactment, those who see a pecuniary protlt for themselves in a ctilain condition may yield to the teuiptatiou to bring about that condition, .leti'ersou has stated that one of the main duties of government is to prevent men from injuring one another and never was that duty more important than to-day. It is not strange that those who have made a profit by furnishing gold to the government in the hour of its extremity favor a tinaucial policy which will keep the government dependent upon them. Let me say a word now in regard to certain persons who are peculiarly benefitted bv a gold standard and who favor it, not 1 from a, desire to trespass upou the rights of I others, but because of the circumstances j / / which surround them. I shall ask you to consider I lie language of two gentlemen who<e long public service and high standing in the parly to which they belong will protect them from adverse criticism by our opponents. In 188'? Senator John Sherman said: "The contraction of the currency is a far more distressing operation than the Senators suppose. Our own and other nations have gone through that operation before. It is not possible to take that voyage without sorest distress. To every person, except a capitalist out of debt or a salaried oflicer or iinnuitant, it is a pgriod of loss, danger, lassi lude of trade, fall of wages, suspension of enterprise, bankruptcy and disaster. It means ruin to all dealers whose debts are twico their business capital, though oneLhird lesi than their actual property. It means the fall of all agricultural production without any great reduction ot taxes, wnat prudent man would dare to build a house, a railroad, a factory or a barn with this certain fact before him?" When Mr. Sherman describes contraction of the currency as disastrous to all the people except the capitalist, out of debt, and those who stand in a position similar to him, he is stating a truth which must be apparent, to every person who will give the matter careful consideration. Mr. Sherman was at that time speaking of the contraction of the contraction of the volume of paper currency, but. the principle which lie set forth applies if there is a contraction of the volume of the standard money of the world. Mi. r>'i?iu* the same principle in | connection witii the demoneii--l:?n of ?ilv<?r. | Speaking in the House of Representatives on February 7, 187o, he said: "I believe the struggle now going on in this country and nther countries for a single gold standard, would, if successful; produce widespread disaster in and throughout the commercial world. The destruction of silver as money and the establishing of gold as the sole unit of value must have a ruinous effect on all forms of property, except those invested which yield a fixed return in money. These would be enormously enhanced in value and would gain a disproportionate anil unfair advantage over every other species of property." Is it strange that the "holders of investments which yielded a fixed return in money" can regard the demonetization of silver with complacence? We may not expect the holders of other forms of property to protest against giving to money a "disproportionate aud unfair advantage over every other spec es of property." If the relatively few whose wealth consists largely in fixed investments have a right to use the ballot to enhance the value of their investments have not the rest of the people the right to use Ihe ballot to protect themselves from the disastrous consequence of a rising standard? Tne well being of ihe nation?aye, of civilization itself?depends upon the prosperity of the masses. What shall that profit a man to have a dollar which grows more valuable every day if such a dollar lowers the standard of civilization and brings distress to the people? What shall it profit us if in trying to raise our credit by increasing tLe purchase power of our dollar we destroy our ability to pay the debts already con racted by loweriug the purchasing power of the products with which those debts must be paid? If it is asserted, as it constantly is asserted, that the gold standard will enable us to borrow more money from abroad, I reply that the restoration of bimetallism will restore the parity between money and property, and thus permit an era of prosperity which will enable the American people to become loaners of money instead of perpetual borrowers. Even if we desire to borrow how long can we continue borrowing under a system which by lowering the value of property weakens the foundation upon which credit rejts? If the holders of fixed* investments will not listen to arguments based upon justice and equity I appeal to them to consider the interests of posterity. We don't live for ouraelves alone; our labor, our self-denial and our anxious care, all these are for those who are to come after us as much as for ourselves, but we cannot protect our condition beyond the period of our lives. Let those who are now reaping advantage from a vicious financial system remember that in the years to come their own children and their childrens children may, through the operation of this system, be made to pay tribute to the descendants of those who are wronged to day. If there are two kinds of money the opion must rest either with the debtor or with the creditor. Assuming that their rights are equal we must look at the interests of socieiy in general in order to determine which .side the option should he given. Under the bimetallic system gold and silver are linked together by law at a fixed ratio and any person or persons owing any (junantity of either metal can have the same converted into full legal tender money. If the creditor has the right to choose the metal in which payment shall be made it is reasonable to suppose that he will require the debtor to pay in the dearer metal if there is any perceptible difference between the bullion values of the metals. This new demand created for the dearer metal will make that metal dearer still, while the decreased demand for the cheaper metal will make that metal cheaper still. If, on the other hand, the debtor exerciscs the option suppose that he will pay in the cheper metal if one metal is perceptibly cheaper than the other. Cut the demand thus created for the cheaper metal will raise specie, while the lessened demand for the dearer metal will lower specie. In other words when the creditor has the option the metals are drawn apart, whereas when the debtor has the option the metals are held together approximately at the ratio fixed by law; provided the demand created is sufficient to absorb all of both metals presented at the mint. Society is therefore interested in having the option exercised by the debtor. Indeed there can be no such tiling as real inmeiauism unites me ujuiuu is exercised by the debtor. We are told thatany attempt on the part of the government at this time to redeem its obligations in silver would put the premium on gold, but why should it? The bank of France exercise the right to redeem all bank paper in eithar gold or silver and France maintains the parity between gold and sivler at the ratio of 151-2 to 1 and retains in circulation more silver per capita than we do in the United States. The government must either exercise the right to redeem its obligation in silver when silver is more convenient or it must retire all the silver and silver certificates from circulation and leave nothing but gold as legal tender money. Are our opponents willing to outline a financial system which will carry ouL their policy to its legitimate conclusion, or will they continue to cloak their designs in ambiguous phrases'.' Our opponents ignore the fact t it gold is now going abroad in spite of all KJslation intended to prevent it, and 110 silver is being coined to take its place. Not only is gold going abroad now hut it must continue to go abroad as long as the present financial policy is alhered to, unless we continue to borrow from across the ocean, and even then we ?<ininlv nostnoue the evil, because the amount borrowed together with interest upon il must lie repaid in appreciating dollars. There is only one way to stop the increasing flow of gold from our shores and that is to stop falling prices. The restoration of bimetallism will not only stop falling prices, but will, to some extent, restore prices by reducing the world's demand for goldPerhaps the moat persistent misrepresentation that we have to meet is the charge that we are advocating the payment of debts in fifty cent dollars. At the present time and under present laws a silver dollar when melted loses nearly half itu value, but that ?:11 l ~ ' "? tnl.i.n ?.-<> ntrain establish the Will UUL MO III*** HMV.. ~ ~0 mint price lor silver and leave no surplus silver upon Ihe market to drag down the price of bullion. Under bimetallism silver bullion will be worth as much as silver coin, just as gold bullion is now worth as much as - - *?/' .^ gold coin, and we believe that a-silver dollar will be worth as much as a gold dollar. The charge of repudiation comes with poor grace from those who are seeking to add to the weight of existing debts by legislation which makes money dearer and who conceal their designs against the general welfare under the euphonious pretense that they are upholding public credit and national honor. In answer to the charge that gold will go abroad it must lie remembered that no gold can leave this country until the owner of the gold receives something in return for it which he would rather have. In other words when gold leaves the country those who formerly owned it will be benefitted. There ia no process by which we can be compelled to part with our gold against our will nor is there any process by which si ver can ever be forced upon us without our consent. In reply to the argument that improved machinery has lessened the cost of producing silver it is sufficient to state that the same is true of the production of gold and notwithstanding that gold has risen fn value. If it is asserted by our opponents that the free coinage of silver is inteuded only for the mine owners, it must be remembered that free coinage cannot restore to the mine owners any more thad demonetization took away, and it must also be remembered tbat the loss which the demonetization of silver has brought to the mine owners is insignificant compared to the loss which the policy has brought to the rest of the world. We are told that the restoration of bimetallism would be a hardship upon those who have entered into contracts payable in gold coin hut this is a' mistake. It will be easier to obtain the gold with which to meet a gold contract, when most of the people can use silver, than it is now when we are trying to secure gold. There is another argument to which I ask your attention. Some of the opponents of free coinage point to ?the fact that thirteen months must elapse between the election and th .rst regular session of Congress and assert that during that time in case the people declare themselves in favor of free coinage all loans will be withdrawn and all mortgages foreclosed. If these are merely proph 1-1 1 L.. ?.UA ecies luiuugeu uy iuusc nuu huyc iui^uucu the provisions of the Constitutions it would be sufficient to remind them that the President is empowered to convene Congress in extra session whenever the public requires such action. If in November the people by their ballots declare themselves iu favor of the immediate restoration of bimetallism the system can be inaugurated within a few months. If, however, the assertion that loaus will be withdrawn and mortgages foreclosed is to prevent such political action as the people may believe to be necessary for the preservation of their rights when a new and vital issue is raised. Whenever it is necessary for the people as a whole to obtain consent from the owners of money, changers of money before they can legislate upou financial questions we shall have passed from a Democracy to plutocracy. But that time has not yet arrived. Threats and intimidation will be of no avail. In conclusion permit me to say a word in regard to international inonej. We are not 1 ?? Innlr. uppu.ltru IU ?U Ilitui iiikLiuitm .tgivviuvui. ?w? ing to the restoration of bimetallism throughout the world. The advocates of free coinage have on all occasions shown their willingness to co-operate with other natiocs for the reinstatement of silver, but they are not willing to await the pleasure of other governments when immediate relief is needed by the people of the United States, and they further believe that independent action offers belter assurance of international bimetallism than servile dependence upon foreign aid. For more than twenty years we have invited the assistance of European nations, but all progress in the direction of international bimetallism has been blocked by/the OppUSllLUU U1 LUU3C tthu uciifcu pvuu>?ij beuefit from the appreciation of gold. I have traveled from the centre of the continent io the seaboard that I might, in the very beginning of the campaign, bring you greetings from the people of the We9t and South and assure you that their desire is not to destroy but to hold up. They invite you to accept the principles of a living faith rather than listen to those who preach the gospel of despair and advise endurance of the ills you have. The advocates of free coinage believe that, in striving to secure the immediate restoration of bimetallism, they are lahoring in your behalf as well as in their own behalf. A few of your people may prosper under present conditions, but the permanent welfare of New Vork rests upon the producers of wealth. This great city is * 1. /v r\f t h<* nfltinn ATld ruust sutler if that commerce is impaired. You cannot sell unless the people have money with which to buy, and they cannot obtain the money with which to buy unless they are ahlc to sell their products at remunerative prices. Production of wealth goe9 before the exchange of wealth; those who create must secure a profit before they have anything to share wiih others. You cannot afford to join the money changers in supporting a financial policy which, by destroying the purchasing power of the products of toil, must in the end encourage the creation of wealth. I ask, I expect, your co-operation. It is true that a few of your financiers would fashion a new figure?a figure representing Columbia, her hands bound fast with fetters " ' 1 1 1 <ua l^a? ot gold and ner race uirneu luwuru mc appealing for assistance to those who live beyond the sea, but this tigure can never express your idea of this nation. You will rather lurn your face for inspiration to the heroic statue which guards the entrance to your city?a statue as patriotic in conception as it is colossal in proportion; it was the gracious gift of a sister republic and stands pon a pedestal which was built by the American people. That figure is emblematic of the mission of our nation among the nations of the earth. With a government which derives its powers from the consent of the governed, secures to all the people freedom of conscience, freedom of thought and freedom of speech, guarantees equal rights to all and promises special privileges to none, the United NUtes shall be an example in all that is good and the leading psirit in every movement which ha9 for its object the uplifting of the human race. Mr. Bryan spoke for one hour and fifty minutes and Ihe hands of the clock pointed to thirty-live minutes after 10 when he (iuished the eloquent peroratiou addressed to the citizens of New York, speaking witb uplifted arm and with manuscript thrown aside. The terrible heat had made the upper galleries almost unendurable before Mr. Bryan had finished, a majority of their occupants had deiiled through the doory. Candidate Sewall was very heartily cheered when he stepped forward after he. with "Silver Dick" Bland and other leaders on the stage, had grasped Bryan's hand in congratulation. Mr. Sewall wore a black frock coat buttoned about his breast tightly. Pie makts no pretension to oratory. Although his voice mi^ht fill an ordinary hull it was hardly tqual to Madison Square Harden with hundreds trump"iwmt i lia il.mi'v If is words were I few, aud at eight minutes of 11 Chairman Daiiforth declared the meeting adjourned, while the silver enthusiasm were calling for Williams, the young white metal advocate from Massachusetts.st:?l>i>e<l tu Deal It. London, Aug. 11.? At the Novelty theatre lust eveniug in a stabbing scene, the spring dagger made for ita?e uses failed to act, and an actor was stabbed to the heart so tbat he died iu a few minute?. The audience, not knowing that an accident had happened, loudly applauded the actor when he fell. / Th? Cotton Tie Fight. j The Columbia State says "the ques I tion of the utility of the wire cotton 1 tie as against the flat steel tie now J seems to be pretty thoroughly settled. 1 A test of binding a bale or two has alio ' ^ fceeu made in Georgia, and it proved jj even more satisfactory than that made ia this Stale. These bales are to be put through the otton compress in Augusta and will probably be more favorably commented upon than those Hj pressed in Charleston, as the wire used H is larger and more flexible. The res olutions of the Charleston Cotton ex cnange, published yesterday, wnue ~ym they are not exactly what the advo* 1 cates of the wire tie would have liked . to have indicate what may be expect- ^ ed when the cotton goes to the ports tied with wire. The crop is go- - H ing to ne short however, and the farmers knew that the buyers are not going to refuse to purchase th? cotton. At the same time they are not after send- '3 ing the cotton to market in any imijfc-'^ proper shape. The one thing tha^B^ they are a unit on is that they do no^B intend to give the steel tie trust onv dollar; they have determined tP fighv the trust to the bitter end, letthefighff cost what it may. Col D. P. Duncan! A the manager of the State Alliance ex* M change, in order to get a full aupplyl J of the ties on the market in the snort- H est time possible, will leave tomorrow gj lor me ease, ne goes on 10 vlbu one ? of the largest wire manufacturing con- -M cerns in this country, which has of- 1 fered special inducements on the kind of wire that the tests have proven to \31 be necessary. This company has of- :;|| J fered to put the wire up in neat bun dies, and will do anything that is deemed best in the making of a proper catch or buckle. Col. Duncan w!ligj| B consult with the wire people andacn^RH at once. He hopes to have the ties in | hand ready for sale in very short orGive the Public the Facta. Editor Columbia Register: I havo always been a Reformer and ; | am ready to do my duty in this line now. 1 am ready to vote for the man . [ think would represent my party j best, but I am not williD g to vote for any I man who has the least stain upon him, or the appearence of it. I owe to ri9 my family and my country first duty, ij^k ana a amy mat cans xorin my i**i manhood. We have plenty of men in the Reform party who are the best J men in the State, and who would lose their right arm before they would i vote for a nun who has a hurtful f?*9 charge against him, and will not pren - ;ia parties who are in possession of facts 4| to come out with them. Iam ready m to vote to day for Qovernor Evansif J he would force Mr. Mixson to say if vfl all of the charges made by Mr. Dan- M can are false?he owes this to himself, m and he owes it to us. Mr. Mixson, who is from our county, owes us 1 mora. He is from amoag us; he hat -M no more right to bold evidence that ; 4 belongs to the people than he has to hold money in public trust; neither I has he any right to hold to hi? office 1 ^ \ and hide crime if there is any crime. \ He should either turn over to the '4 people the office that belongs to them or tne evidence. 1 call upon him to --} set us right, and say if any of the J charges made by Mr. Duncjra in refei- J ence to rebates are true. Mr. Mixson W must come down with the facts. 0. S. Ddpuis. Allendale, S. C., Aug. 13,1896. A Horrible Affair, - J Mobile, Ala , Aug. 14.?A horrible ^3 affair was made known here to-day 6n :>! the arrival of Rev. Gardner C. Tucker, one of Mobiles most prominent Epis- '"SiS copal clergymen from Battle Wharf on the Eastern shore, where the fami- VVJ ly had been for the summer. Hia I five year old child was taken from her bed at midnight by a man, supposed J to be white, who took her to the woods and horribly outraged her, afterwards bringing her t back And de scut- l? .. ?. ?- , poses to charge an entrance fee of $5 to those who wish to see the tragedy, the proceeds to go to his family. This is at least more honorable than the methods of the man in Georgia who secured $50,000 life insurance and then positing1 his bleeding: ouraen on me porch. Two counties are shocked by the news and the Mobile police have . been called upon. Many mea have left here heavily armed and with dogs to scour the country and the fiend will have short shrift if caught. Aa to the Wire Tie. Charleston, Aug. 13.?The board of directors of the cotton exchange met today and adopted the following resolution in regard to the bale of cotton bound with wire which waa sent here to be tested afew days ago: Resolved, that the bale received was tested and stood thestrain of compressing; that so far as the exporting of cotton bound with these wires is concerned, this exchange cannot pass an official opinion in the absence of a majority of the exporters from the city, but as far as we can see at present we think the cotton baled in this way will be received by the exporters, provided the cotton in uncompressed and is wired as the sample bale sent us for inspection. '-m Fuslan In Washington. Ellensburgi, Wash., Aug., 15.?The Democratic free silver und the Repub lican and Populist free silver conventions are in session in this city for the - . . purpose of placing a fusion ticket in the field. Each convention has completed its organization and committees have been appointed to agree upon the tarms of fusion. A telegram signed by the chairman of each convention was sent to Mr. Brjan last night, promising him the electoral vote of the state. The Democratic convention has elected William II. White of Seattle to succeed Ilugn C. Wallace of Taco- ' ma, as a membet of the national com luto a Culvert. Cleveland, 0., Aug. 13.?A passenger train on the Lake Shore railway was wrecked Hear Otis, Ind., at 4 o'clock this morning by the washing away of a culvert. The engineer. James Griffin and fireman, Michael Roach, were killed, but the passengers almost miraculous!v escaped fatal in juries. The train consisted of three passenger coaches and two mail cars. An hour and 10 minutes before, a freight train had safely passed over the point where the accident occurred. The theory of the railroad officials is that a cloudburst washed away the culvert. A Danbury, Conn-, man has decided upon an original plan of committing suicide. He intends to enter &. cage containing a livi lion and allow himI ?ir? u.ilen tliA hoocf Ha nm.