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5Ys Mr. Bur*e, "that the people ol ?n .jTand have learned to feel the pulse of lib- j frtv. ami. as they find th nt beat, they think hesuselves sick or sound." Thinking thus, could 1 be rn favor of the j union of ?>ank and State ? Far from it. Hence, ! and hence only, have I always regarded a Bank of the United States, as a formidable weapon in the hands of the Federal Govern ment. Nor did 1 so much dread it for -itself, as because it was forced froai the very shield, which the wisdom of our English Ancestors had pnt into onr hand$, as 'out best defence i against usurpation and expression. Wise by the;r teaching, we ttsed it with effect, against the accessions' of the British Government: ! but* when that struggle was over, we flung it from us, fondly imagining that the paper de- | fcnces of a "written Constitution would sup- j ply its place. Ofjhi* io< onsideraie rashness i we are now paying the penally-. No, sir! No man is farther than I from ; desiring the connection or Bank and State, j The anion of Church and Sfate was, in its j day, not marc pernicious. Each was alike | the device of power to league itself with the master passion of the ag^ ? fanaticism or ava tjce ? the worship of Saints and Images, or! the worship of Mamrron. But what was gain- | ed to freedom of conscience, when the Tyrant j Bigot Henry VIII. abjuring the Pope, pro claimed HittSELv the Head of the Church, and Defender of the Faith ? And what shalh j we gain by exchanging the late liaison ?(for it was no more) betw-een the moneyed and the poetical rwwerofthe Union, for a regular mar riage in facie Ecclesa, whereby "they twain shall become o ire?" Let the Sub-Treasury Bill be passed* aud, from that time, there is a complete merger of the monetary in the political power. The union of wealth and power will be complete; aud money, from be ing the rival of power, will become its instru ment. The snion of wealth and numbers will becoraplete, and w?a!kh will become the spoil of numbers, instead of beiug, as }?enetofore, a salutary check and counterpoise. The uni ted force of all, becomes at once the instru ment of one man. The powers of the Shark nd the Eagle are added to the powers of the Tiger, "and the beasts of the field, and the fishes of t*he deep, *ud the birds of the air, are alike his subjects and fers prey. Believe me, sir, the reciprocal tendencies of mooev and power to each other, need no prompting. They are natural as those of the sexes. ? Their -strifes are like Lover's quar rels, and, left to themselves, soon end in the same way. The problem of free government is tf? make them irreconcilable. The art of the Pe-frtrcal Philosopher is to play the mis chief maker, and fix them in an antagonist nftttocle and disposition. How strikingly are the truth and impor tance of these ideas proved and illustrated by late events I No man can have forgotten how, a few years ago, the Colossal power of Andrew Jackson bestrode the land. Who re sisted his will ? Principle went down before fen*, jrnd the four and twenty States " cast their .crowns before the Throne, sayiug, 4 T Hotr art worthy to reccive Glory and Hon or aud Power, and for thv pleasure all things are, and were created'"!! ! Does Mr. Cal houn remember, how, iu that day, they wtyo huljust before them been most vociferous io devoting 44 lives and fortuues and sacred hon or,," in oppositions Federal nsurpation, were heard to'**ca$ upon the Ts^antains to cover them/rom the wrath of Him who sat upon the Throne V* Has he forgotten the sinking own heart, and how he, the champion of the South, sought refuge with you in a dastarl compromise, by which he bound him self to bear Tor eight years more, what he h i-I ja^t declared to be intolerable, on the faith of what he pretendecfto understand as a promise, that, at the end of that time, the o vit should be removed ? Let those who re member the horrors of that day, and the ea ger despair with which they looked around for soaie defence against the Usurper : let them remember, hpw even then a power ?arose, before unthought of, which showed it self equal'to the encounter, and defied, and sacessfully withstood* him. I am aware that there are a sort of politicans among us who place tire at the head of the charges agamst Mr. BiJsHc. Xr. Calhoun himself is among I the ouiAber, and (with what consistency, he | can of course explain) regards it as a mon- i strous evi4> that there should have been any I interest in tie State {Assessing cottrage and j adlress to defend itself. Yoa, sir, I am per- j sanded think <tifferc?nily, and I trust that in i the result of the struggle, you have seen a ! proof tfie ^alae of some great head of the moneyed interest, which, in time of need, i may serveasa rallying p >iut for all the prop- j erty of the country, in any contest with pow- ! er, whether Executive or Legislative. The | conclasion.to which I would lead your mind is this? "that the proposed agent should be ' so coostitmted as to be no otherwise subject I t? the authority ?f Government, than as all ; things, whether persons or property, are tie- j cessarily subjected to it. Thus alone can it be relied on as a check on lawless domination. On the opposite plan, it becomes the instru ment of oppression." I know not whether the faculty of resis tance, displayed by the Bank of the United States, wa3 wholly in the elastic and indom itable energy of the moneyed interest, or, in part, in the personal qualities of him who managed if. I have not the pleasui^ of that gentleman's acquaintance. But I find my self his debtor for a lesson in political philoso phy, -which I can never forget. If he be not an extraordinary raau, he is at least fortunate in having been called to act a part which will give him a place in history, and a high rank among the defenders of liberty. I know no man of this day so truly enviable. ? When I see him guiding his gailaut ship over the tossing waves of the great sea of Commerce, heaving from its lowest depths ? when I see him sitting at the helm in conscious securi ty amid the tempest that shakes the solid earth, ?** (ike a great tea mark, standing every flaw, And saving thea that eye him," I should be mortiSed that he should con descend to exchange his w.ive-rocked for tress far a palace and 'a throne. I find my self applying to him the noble language of the noblest of Poets. Lie is to us *" a symbol and a sign." u For ra the patient en?rgy, la ;he endurance and repuke Of his unpenetrable spirit, Which Earth and Heaven ce?ld not repul?e, A mighty lewon we inherit." I have ^pleasure in believing that much of this Sentiment u ilue to the raan himself. ? Bat 1st ns aot in this lose sight of the impor tant political trath which theexample teach es. Circumstances make men -The great ?aa is "he wh? ases circumstances. But oottfc ?sa a work without them. Paper has beea to 5Ir. B'uWIe what eottoa was to Gen -eral Jackson? Let the flatterers of the latter assure themselves^ that this is the highest pra'aethat history will award him. It is his due- I gwe it freely. Let military men Jesrn what tliey maj from the example set them by this untaught warrior ol rhe nildei 1 uess. Let profit by that of his great rival, I trust I need not deduce fo you, at length, the argument it affords in favor of such a constitution of the Bank of the United States, as may array the power of the moneyed in terest on the side of the States, in any future struggle with the overgrown power of the General Government. A FRIEND OF STATE RIGHTS. From the Baltimore Put riot. U. S. SENATE, Junk 28, 1338. ! [Alter describing the passes between Mr. Buck a.n an and Mr. Ca-lhoun, the corres i pondent of the Patriot proceeds thus:] Mr. Clay next rose, and, in a strain of de lightful badinage, commented on the differ ences jtibt exhi bited by two such good friends as the Senators fiom South Carolina and Pennsylvania. He was sorry to witness their difference, and would-be glad to see a recon cilation between two gentlemen who were such staunch supporters of the Administra tion. Mr. Clay rhen referred to the declaration by Messrs. Calhoun and Stransk t>f their readiness to. go before the country on that bill which had been so signally defeated by | the People's representatives. He assured I them, for himself and friends, that the sat ; isCaction of the opponents of the measure f^ruld be equally great at going before the ! nation on that decision. For the People | have already giver, their verdict against the I sub-Treasury from one end of the Union to the other. But if the gentlemen are anxious for another appeal, let them have it ! At the next session you will find yourself prostrated beyond a chanccof recovery. Mr. Clay alluded, in a strain of great spir 1 it and liveliness, to the remark of Mr. Cal ! Hou.v, that the responsibility rests now on the Whigs. What ! said he, gentlemen, do you then acknowledge that you are defeated ? Then give up your seats like men ? resign your posts ? go home ? let us have the pow er along with the responsibility, and, my word for it, we will, within sixty days, bring about a restoration of confidence and pros perity. But at the very moment in which we are told that we alone are responsible, the Senator from South Carolina also de clares he will vote against us ? and vote a g-aTBst his friends! Really, with such a set of perverse, obstinate, impracticable gentle men, who will support nothing, let it come from friend or foe, we mtist be oontent to do the best we can. The great object should be to restore the confidence and prosperity of the country; and this he maintained was the purpose of the bill introduced by his friend i from Massachusetts. Mr. Clay then curiously reviewed the most j important provisions of that measure, and j I urged its adoption. He contrasted it with | the substitute, and pronounced the latter to ? be a straoge compound of distrust and confi- i dence. You confide, said he, in the banks so far as to receive their notes, but, in the very act of converting them into specie, there is an implied distrust. It is the waut of con fidence which has been so fatal to the pros perity of the country ; and in keeping up that distrust the substitute would be most in jurious. If Mr. Wkbster's measure should fail, Mr. Clay said the responsibility would rest on those who were so obstinate and infatuated as to refuse any measure bat that odious and pernicious one which had already brought to | the Administration a Waterloo defeat ? that bill which is now dead as any man that has been hanged on a gibbet ? a measure carried here in defiance of the expressed wishes of the constituents of "Senators, and attempted to be forced through the House of Represen tatives in the face of the known will of the People. Mr. Calhoun rejoined. He said that Mr. Clay charged him with being a partisan of the Administration. This he denied r and, as usnal, talked and argued some time about his consistency. It was not, he declared, in the power of Mr. Clay to give him his politi cal position. * Mr. Calhoun then tried to cheer on his troops by a jubillant strain. They were not orerthrown? not they! Mr. Clay, he said, was quite mistaken. The battle was not yet fought out. They had ouly a slight skirmislfc Mr. Clay would find when the fight should take place ou the true issue between his bank, which he (John C. Calhoun, of all men living) styled a monarchical institution, and the Sub-Treasury, that the latter would triumph. There would be two to one against it ? Waterloo defeat?inglorious discomfiture, &c. In this strata did Mr. Calhoun con tinue for half an hour. Mr. Clay rejoined most felicitously. He said he certainly did not desire to locate the Senator from South Carolina. He would never aim at so impracticable an object. But he maintained that Mr. Calhoun's own lan guage warranted every one in classing him with the friends of the Administration'. The Senator (said Mr. Clat) talks of be longing to no party. But have we not heard him repeatedly talking of making a rally ? of the party of 1827 ? of the party of '98. Have we not heard him speak of uniting the whole South ? Is he of that ? the South-uniting party ? He calls (continued Mr. Clay) the end of the sub-Treasurv bill a mere "skirmish." * Why, it has been defeated two times, at the beginning and end of the Congressional year, by the Representatives of the People; and the public voice proclaims the country's ap proval of the decision. Mr. Clay gave the "honest nullifier" pro phecy "for prophecy. The House of Repre sentatives, in the year 1839, will open, he said, with a majority of two-thirds against the Ad ministration, if these measures are persisted in ; and we shall have some changes too in the Senate, (added Mr. C., looking archly round to the quarter of the "instructed.") M. Clay repelled the accusation that the bank he proposed had any thing of a mon archical character ; but if it had, Mr. Cal houn's lips are shut against it, for he support ed such a one twice. But it is quite chimeri cal to talk of the monarchical character ot a national institution. We had such a one for i forty years, and our liberties were never in | danger, until the power of the Executive was i exercised to draw it to his footstool. i Mr. Clay concluded by declaring that, al S though he was for a national bank, he would not present a scheme for such an institution, if he were not assured the People were for it ; and he assured Mr. Calhoun that he would be found ever as ready to carry out the will of the People as that Senator had shown himself zealous to obstruct it. Mr. Calhoun made a brief rejoinder, of which the whole purpose was to attempt to L hold up Mr. Clay as an enemy of the South ; and to contrast his own course in organizing a Southern party, to procuie a greater equal ization of the burdens of Government, with that of Mr. Clay, who, he intimated, was looking to other "quarters for support and po pularity. Mr. Clay indignantly repelled tfeis insinua tion. lie looked to no section, lie said, for support. All the Government measures in which he had any agency had reference to the prosperity of the Union, and the whole Union. The distinguished orator then broke forth in astiain of the most impassioned eloquence, denouncing every attempt to unite the peo ple of any section of the country in a commu nity of interests separate from the people of the other sections. Any man who would set abroad such a work aided to produce the occurrence of the greatest misfortune which could possibly befall the American People, lie may succeed in conciliating sectional fa Vor ? he may disclaim all ambitious views ? he may trample under foot every imputation of his designs ; but the tendency of such opin ionsand principles is directly to that catastro phe ? a dissolution of the Union. Mr. Calhoun now repeated those insinua tions?for they had hardly the character of charges ? in which he had indulged against Mr. Clay during the abolition debates of the last winter, of being less ardent in defence of the domestic institutions of the South than he ought to be. Mr. Clay repelled the imputation, and declared with peculiar emphasis, that if the day should arrive when an attack would be made upon the domestic institutions of the ?South, Mr. Calhoun never would b? found iu lront of him in resisting those attacks. Rut he believed that the course of that Senator itself had done more to multiply abolitionists than all other causes combined. He again urged in a lofty strain of elo quence the obligation to maintain the Union, and declared that the love of the Union, so deeply planted in the hearts of the American People, would crush every one opposed to it. &oimnbta iEclesropc, SATURDAY, JULY 14, 1838. NOTICE. Iu order to give a hearty welcome to our distinguished Senator, Mr. Prestois, on his return from Washington, and to afford him an opportunity of addressing his constituents, a Barbacue Dinner will be given, at Colum bia, on Saturday, the 28th July, where all the citizens of Richland and the surroundiug country are invited to attend. The other members o^ Congress of this State are invited to be present and to address the people. JOSEFH A. BLACK, S, BOAT WRIGHT, JOHN McCULLY, T, CENTER, W. DEN LEY, J. D. MORDECAl, J. C. PHILLIPS; T. H. WADE, ROBERT ADAMS, Committee. i The vote on the sub-Treasury bill, in the House of Representatives, arranged by States, was as follows. For. Against. Maine 4 2 New Hampshire 5 ^ 0 Massachusetts 1 11 Rhode Island 0 2 Connecticut 6 0 Vermont 1 4 New York 25 14 New Jersey 0 6 Pennsylvania 17 11 Delaware 0 1 Maryland 3 5 j Virginia 12 9 North Carolina 6 7 South Carolina 6 3 Georgia 6 2 Kentucky * 1 12 Tennessee 2 10 Ohio 7 13 Louisiana 0 2 Indiana 1 6 Alabama 3 1 Illinois 1 2 Mississippi 0 2 Missouri 2 0 Arkansas cxl 0 Michigan U 0 Ill 125 By sections of country. For. Against The New England States 17 19 .The Middle States 42 32 The Southern Stares 36 31 The Western States 16 43 Now that the sub-Treasury scheme is dead, perhaps persons may be able to consider it with less prejudice, and reason on it more soberly. We Relieve that such countenance as it has received in this State, has been chiefly occasioned by want of information on the subject. The people, we are satisfied, know or care but little about it. We have cause to suspect that in the Legislature it self there are few gentlemen who have even read the bill. In the confidence of a much relying faith in its most conspicuous advo cate, every thing in its favour has been taken for granted. Iu the first place, it was asserted with great j effect that the sub-Treasury would restore to | the South the commerce which has quit its ! direct course and been carried to the North. How this was to be brought about by such means, we have never seen explained, and I cannot well imagine. If such be really the operation and intention of the measure, the vote ou it was extraordinary indeed. Look at the list. New England nearly equally divid ed, ? New York 25 for, 14 against ? Penn sylvania 17 to 11 ? According to the interpre tation of Mr. Calhoun and the Mercury, here we have two thirds of New York voting for taking trade from her great port, and sending it to oars! ? Two thirds of Pennsylvania vot ing against Philadelphia, in favour of Char leston and Savannah.' ! ? and halfof New En gird voting for Southern interests, at her own expense ! ! ! ? In these day9 of change, much may be beiieved; but even yet it is not quite to. be credited that under the Van Bureu administration the people of the North have become so generous and self-safc rificing as to be now endeavouring to make the South richer, and themselves poorer. Secondly, it was to "restore the constitution al currency that is, gold and silver. What has given the people of South Carolina this sudden fondness for "the semi-barbarous cur rency of metal," as Mr. F. W. Davie used to call it ? Everyone must remember what was thought of it when Benton proposed it about three years ago. It went by the name of "the Benton Hard Money Humbug," (see the Telegraph and Mercury of those days) and as such was put down with ridicule and scorn. Has silver changed its nature since that time ? Why is not Benton's silver dollar or "yellow boy" as good as another man's. ? How is it that precisely the same thing is so bad when proposed by Benton, and so good when proposed by Mr. Calhoun? It was also said that the sub-Treasury would "divorce" the money power from the politi cal power ? the union of which two powers is so formidable to liberty. Any one who will take the trouble to read the bill will see that its effect is just the contrary to that pretended. It puts the whole revenue of the Country, 30 or 40 millions a year, into the control of the President, as effectually as if it were in his breeches's pocket. A Rew sort of " divorce" this. Mr. Calhoun says that jt would diminish the patronage and influence of the Executive. How! Diminish the patronage of Mr. Van Buren by giving "him the appointment and direction of a host of salaried officers! ? diminish his influence by placing in his hands 30 or 40 millions of dollars a year! "The Columbia Telescopc and its contributors continue to harp with much biiterness and personal rancour upon the letters received from the majority of our delegation in Congress, by certain members of the majority of our Slate Legislature, who represent ed at the extra session the majority oj the people of South Carolina , by taking ground against the Na tionals and their Southern allies. We have seen se veral of those letters, and they are not such that the writers should grieve much to see them in print. But were ihere no other letters? ? Were the majority of our delegation at Washington alone guilty of the high crime and misdemeanor of writing letters to their friends in our Legislature, in tending to effect its action ? Was not some action on the Sub- Treasury question by our Legislaiure an ticipated before a caucus w&3 called, and before it was known that accounts had been received at Co lumbia of the state of things at Washington ? It has been proved by testimony which the Telescope party will Tiot dispute, that preparations to move on the question had "been made nt home before the Leg islature met. But we put the question, did not the minority of our delegation at Washington apprehend that our Legislature would speak out on the ques tion ? They did If we are not much mistaken in our information, a letter or letters from a very high source in the National ranks came to Columbia about the opening of the extra session, dictating the plan ?oPthe minority campaign. If a certain member of the Legislature moved in the matter, it was suggest ed that his zeal should be tamed, or his influence weakened, by industriously circulating imputations against biro Selfish and unworthy motives were to be imputed ; it was to be spread that he was only anxious to kill off Mr. A. to make room for Mr. B. ? &c. &c. This generous and magnanimous mode of warfare was we understand, partially acted upon, but with not much success. So much for letters from Washington ! As it regards the charges of arrogance, persecu iion, &c. so thickly showered upon tho majority of our Legislature, we believe them to be bitter in pro portion to the disappointments of those who are maimed by the reaction of their own schemes of proscription. There was a grand marshalling of the anti-CALtiouN powers before the last regular meet ing of our Legislature. Mr. Calhoxjn was the man to be put down, and his influence in the State E rostrated. To be sure, much of theanti-CALiiouN j ost was a mere vision of fevered ambition Col. ?was to bring up the Peedee country. Gen. was to march up from Savannah RiVter, and Mr- K. was to carry with him in regal pomp, the Whole Union party of Charleston The Telescope counted on nine tenths of the people : and it is even said thai the resolutions for censuring or instructing Mr. Calhoun were ready cut and dry. Had the political foresight of the minority leaders been greater ? had the grand schemes and calcula tions above mentioned been as sagacious as they were sweeping ? had not the Colonel from Pedee, and the General from Savannah River, and the Li nton Party of Charleston (deserting their "tower of strength") all gone for the Sub-Treasury ; h'ad the people been all dupes , Mf. Calhoun would had been denounced in South Carolina, and the grand Nation al consummation obtai led ? Mr- Calhoun b oken down, somebody else would have been exalted, and the influence of South Carolina been thrown in to .he scale of the Nationals. We wou'd have been on the winning side of Washington ? and nominations to federal office and to foreign missions, might have come to South Carolina politicians as a matter of course But the people stood in the way of all this ? and hence these resentments. Mr Calhoun And his friends stood on the defensive, and they act on the defensive now ; but let their assailants know that they will maintain their position ? by fiword as well as shield." We republish the above article from the Mercury, which we request our friends to read attentively, that they may observe whe ther we omit to answer fully any of its char ges and insinuations. We presume, of course, that the Mercury, having " put the questions," will give publicity to our reply. To the best of our knowledge and belief, " the majority of our delegation at Washing ton" were 44 alone guilty of the high crime and misdemeanor of writing letters to their friends in our Legislatnre, intending to affect its action." If there was any " action on the sub-Trea sury question by our Legislature anticipated before a caucus was called, and before it was known that accounts had been received, at Columbia, of the state of things at WashingT ton," we are now to learn it for the first time, having never heard of any thing of the sort, then or since, from friend or foe. The first suggestion we had of the probable agitation of that question was the notice for the cau cus placarded on the door of* the State House. Nor are we aware of any 44 testimo ny" that " preparations to move on the ques tion had been made at home before the Le gislature met unless indeed the Mercury alludes to Mr. Albert Rhett's assertion, which certainly we "will not dispute," that 44 two weeks before the Legislature met, without consultation, or concert with any member of Congress or the Legislature, and when I thought the sub-Treasury bill dead, I drew, with my own hand, resolutions simi lar to those passed, which I should have brought forward on my own responsibility, though not a word had coine from Wash ington city on the subject, though no cau cus had been held, and though not ten men in the House had agreed to vote for them." But Mr. Albert Rbett is not the Legislature, Dor the party either, (for he did not agree with them even on the meaning of the reso lutions; contending that they were Dot iu structionL; notwithstanding that the leader of the j am. who introduced them, affirmed througnout the debate that such was their intention :) and we do not sve that this u tes ' timony" is any otherwise important, than to show the precise weight of responsibility that Mr. Rhett, in his own private mind, conceived his shoulders to be adequate to bear. 44 Did not the minority of our delegation at Washington apprehend that the Legisla ture would speak out on the question?" They did not. The Mercuiy is "much mis taken in its information" that 14 a letter or letters from a very high source in the Na tional ranks came to Columbia about the opening of the extra session, dictating the plan of the minority campaign." As "Na tional" is the nickname the Mercury is pleased to attach to the minority of our rep resentation in Congress, we presume one of them is alluded to. We have seen many I letters from Messrs. Preston and Thompson to their numetous friends in this place, as well before and about, as after the extra ses sion, and in no one of them was any hint of the remotest suspicion 44 that the Legislature would speak out on the question," nor the most distant suggestion of any plan whatev er of a 44 minority campaign." As to the 44 grand marshalling of the anti Calhoun powers before the last regular meet ing of our Legislature," we never yet have been in the sccret of it ; nor are we aware of any movement of any individual whatsoever, opposed to the sub-Treasury, to make that measure a party question in this State, until, | at the extra session, it was announced by the majority , upon the floor of the House, that they intended to set it upon that footing. That any plan such as delineated by the Mercury, or any other plan of opposition to Mr. Calhoun; or any instructions, or cen sure, or other motion to the prejudice of that gentleman or his friends, was ever proposed by any party in Columbia, or with the know ledge and connivance of any party in Co lumbia, previous to the close of the extra session ; or that any thing ever occurred here to give the least foundation to there port of such proceedings, we pronounce to be absolutely false. But there is one article of the insinuations of the Mercury, which we have not noticeJ in order, on account of its pecuharchai'acter. It is no less than a grave charge, ? not upon suspicion, but on information, ? of a conspi racy between persons at Washington, irot named, but said to be of high standing, and others at Columbia, deliberately to defame and impugn the character and motives of some member of the Legislature, also an onymous, in case he should pursue a certain obuoxious course. This accusation so deep ly implicates the character either of the ac cuser or the accused, that it would be imper tinent on our part to meddle with it further ; though it will appear, from what we have already stated, that we utterly disbelieve it. There is rank villainy on the one hand, or tire vilest calumny on the other. The Mercury will see the propriety ? indeed the necessity for its own sake ? of being definite upon this matter, as well in regard to the names of the parties arraigned and their intended victim, as to the authority on which it grounds so grave an accusation. It has been our lot for a few short months to differ very much from the Mercury as to the light in which we have seen the same things : we believe however that we have never stated facts which we were not ready to sustain before the world by the same evidence that satisfied ourselves. To expect the same from the Mercury is only to expect fairness and honour. Let this matter be sift ed to the bottom : let the dealer in the 44 Black art" of detraction* wherever he may be found in either camp^ be drummed out of the ranks and branded with disgrace. With 44 sword as well as shield" we are willing to meet the Mercury and its friends, but not with poison. The Hon. W. C. Prestos has returned from Washington to his residence in this place. The Hon. W. Thompson is here, on his way home. The Charleston Courier gives a statement of the sums collected in different States for the benefit of the sufferers by the gieat fire in that city. The amount is ?180,506 87. Andrew Wallace, Esq. was on the 7th inst. elected President of the Board of Re gents of the Lunatic Asylum, in the place of N. Herbemont, deceased. Congress adjourned on Monday last. The subject of the currency and the custody of the revenue, is still left in an indefinite and unsettled condition. A vast deal has been gained, however, in the defeat of the sub Treasury bill; and the oppressive effect of the Treasury Circular and other measures of I the Administration, is considerably mitigated by the new regulations in regard to the banks. The corrupt party in power is at least arrest ed, aud the future looks more encouraging. Mr. Grundy has been appointed Attorney ! General. Mr. Buchanan is spoken of as Se j cretary of State, and Mr. Forsyth as Ambas | sador to England. In Equity . LEXINGTON DISTRICT. John J. Sligh and wife vs. Jesse Mathias and oth ers, heirs of John Mathias. IN obedience to an order of the Court of Equity in the above case, expose for sale at public auction, at Lexington Court House, on the first Mon day in August next, the following tracts of Land : ? One tract situated in Lexington District, containing one hundred and twenty-seven aires, (more or less,) bounded by lands belonging to John Metz, David Counts, George Bouknight, and others. One other tract, containing one hundred and ninety-five acres, (more or less) bounded by lands belonging to Geo. Lerick, Thomas Shulec, and others. Terras of Sale. ? Cash enough to pay the costs of j the case, and the balance on a credit of three equal I annual instalments, with interest from the first of January, 1839? the first of which instalments to be payable on the first of January, 1840. The purcha sers to give bonds with personal eccurity and a mort gage of the premises. J. A. ADDISON, C. E. L. D. July 7, 1833 28 lin Mr. Kditok, ? I find that many of the friends of the sub-Treasury bill are expres sing great regret that the Slate is to be torn up into hostile parties on account of Messrs. Calhoun and Preston. I regret it too ; but it is quite natural that those who are attack ed should deitnd themselves. Is it to be de nied for a moment, that The attack was first made and long made Ly the -friends of Mr. Calhoun against Col. Preston ! When the unexampled and most unfair letters of in struction came from Washington to instruct Col. Preston out -of his seat in the Senate, did those letters emanate from the friends of Col. Preston or of Mr. Calhoun? It is very we H to beat and abuse a maD, and then advise him to remain quiet and make no resistance, for fear of raising a dis turbance ?tid breaking the peace of society^ Would any of Mr. Calhoun's friends thus act ! No ; they have forced on the issue be tween the friends and the opponents of tho sub-Treasury plan, and also between Colonel Preston and Mr. Calhoun. They have viru lently, openly, secretly, and heedlessly with al, conuected Col. Preston individually with the political question. They have not only opposed him as a politician, but endeavored to destroy bis political character and influ ence, and to turn him ignom'raiously out of his seat in the Senate : and now these gen tlemen are pleased to say, What a pity it is the country should be disturbed by quarrels about these two politicians!" So say b But who began it 1 TRUTH. Passages from the Life of a Great Statesman. NO. III. "My lord, you have changcd your opinion; per mit nie to ail here to your former opinion, I really be lieve it to be the best." ? Voltaire. In my last I promised to conduct Mr. Cal houn through his course, and I have dene so ? " Pea-vined" him (as Mr. Randolph would have said) from 1816, when he stood by William Lowndes, of South Carolina, sustaining a U. S. Bank, to 1838, when he stands by Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri, opposing one. Yet I ilo not conclude this sentence with a note of admiration : far from it. If Chaubert or Adrian were to close his performance by swallowing his own head, whether iu the bills of the evening or not, who would be surprised? Surprised indeed! Manifestations of the marvellous are the sum mit of the art; and if that be attained, there is reason that bystanders should be satisfied, but noce that they should be surprised. In deed, there is a class of persons, as well as a sphere of action, in which, and of whom, skill and dexterity are alone expected. If your gladiator fight well, what mattere it whether he contend with the javelin or the net ? The casting of the character is of sub ordinate consequence to the execution of the part. Has this not become the estab lished relation between Mr. Calhoun and the Ainericau public ? A passage at arms" is all that is expected of him, and with what or with whom be contends is a matter of en tirely secondary import, so that the weapon, the adversary, and the contest waged, be so appointed as fully to develope his astonish ing powers. In all probability he is uncon scious of this ; though I have seen few pri vileged persons who were ignorant of their prerogative. I doubt not that for purity he is upon fair average ground with his contem poraries ; but I doubt just as little that his immunities, in whatever they may be found ed, are more freely used, and more fully tol erated, than the same exemrise of the same license would be, in any othei statesman in the country. I am far from conceiving, how ever, that Mr. Calhoun is at all conscious of having changed his position. The more I contemplate this great statesman, in many respects the most extraordinary in the coun try, and in all respects a study, the more I am satisfied that he is of that class of enthu siasts which has furnished to the world so many self-imagined Messiahs; and I would as soon believe tj^at Brothers or Matthias doubted his own divinity, as that Mr. Cal houn could be brought either to suspect himself of a possibility to change, or enter taiu even a momentary doubt of his perpetu al and unerring consistency. Hence his un rivalled influence on the imaginations of oth ers. It is remarked by Sir Walter Scott of an illustrious Charlatan, (a greater man by far than any of this age,) that, being first thevic tim of his awn delusion , the deception of oth ers was of easy achievement. If the Arabi an Impostor had doubted his own plenary in spiration, think you he would have taken rank even as a prophet in the East ? The vast and shadowy outline, combined with the intensity, self-reliance, rapidity, perseve rance, flexibility, and subtleness, which com plete the picttire of this great man, are well calculated to exalt him into, elevated con trast with ordinary minds, and to stamp his image Vith an intellectual grandeur upon the imaginations of those who are regarding his course. But there, unfortunately, the im pression mUst end. Neither the affections nor the confidence of his country are for Mr. Calhoun ; though in noticing the fact, I must forbear to participate in the conclu sion, so far as it involves an impeachment of his purity. Not being its champion, I forbear to be its assailant; though I must say that I should be the last to be surprised if, during the current Presidential term, he were found supporting the charter of a gen eral bank of his own proposing, and so vin dicating his consistency in the act as to com mand the confidence of some and the guar antee of others. Indeed, so far from being surprised that Mr. Calhoun should return to a support of a United States Bank, I now feel myself fully authorized, from his own showing, to anticipate it with confidence. ? In his speech of the 22d of March last, in reply to Mr. Webster, he says : 41 The only practical alternative was at that period be tween a league of State banks and a bank of the United States, as the fiscal, agent of the