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m BY A. S.JOHNSTON NEC DEESSE, NEC StTPERESSE REIPUBLlCiE. TOL. 24--NO. 39 COLUMBIA, f . C. JULY 14, 1838. PUBLISHED WEEKLY. $3 PER ANNUM. THE OOlUlIBLa. T2L3S3CP3 IS PUBLISHED BY A. S. JOHNSTON, > Every Saturday Morning-, *SU EVERY WEDNESD Y ASD SATURDAY MORNING D7K1SQ THE SESSI05 OF THE LEGISLATURE . TERMS: Three dollars per annum, if paid in advance, or Four dollars at the end of the year. Advertisements conspicuously inserted at 75 cents per square for the first insertion, and 37 i cents <or every subsequent insertion. Ail advertisements ordered in the inside every publication ? or inserted ?otherwise than regularly, to be charged as new for ?every insertion. Advertisements not having the -number of insertions marked on them will be contin ued till ordered out, and charged accordingly. JPolock^ Solomon , & Co. HAVE on hand the following articles, to which they invite the attention of their customers *nd dre public generally, and offer them for sale on (he usual terms. 500 sacks Liverpool Salt, large size ; 15 hhds. Sugars ; 120 ha^s Co free ; 10 hhds Matanzas Molasses ; 20 bbls New Orleans do, fine; New Orleans clarified Susfar ; Loaf and Lump do ; Crushed do ; Rice, middling and best qualities LJQCORS. Champagne Brandy, choice brand ; Cognac do, very old ; Jamaica Rnm : Holland Gin ; Peach Brandy, superior ; N E Rum ; North Carolina and Cincinnati Whiskey. WINES. Baskets^and boxes Champagne, choice brands ; Madeira and Tenerifie ; Sherry, Claret, and Muscat; 40 quarter casks Malaga, good article ; With an assortment of Cordials, Spices, Pickles, Hackerel, Salmon, Soap, Tallow and Sperm Can dles, some extra fine, Starch, Water and Bauer Crackers, Almonds and Raisius, Nuts of various Itinds, Spanish Cigars, &c. ALSO, A very superior article, SPERM OIL, (bleached.) BACON SIDES, prime quality, and a variety of ?ther articles, too numerous to particularize. Columbia, June 23, 1838 26 larery Stable. DISSOLUTION OF COPARTNERSHIP. THE Copartnership heretofore existing between John Cumpton and D. L. Bronson is this day dissolved, by mutoai consent. D. L. Bronson having purebasted the entire stock, will carry on the business, as beretotore, at the same oid stand, near Edgar's Hotel, wh*re, he hopes, by ( lose attention, to receive m share of the public patronage. Faithful Ostlersand Driver* will be in constant at tendance and no expense wiU be spared to render his customers comfortable. D. L. BRONSON. JOHN CUMPTON. June 30, 1838, 28. Fail not 1 1 Attend! THE Stockholders in the Limestone Springs are particularly requested to attend a meeting vf the Company (at the Springs) on Wednesday, 25th instint. 1 think any stockholder will feel him aelf fully compensated lor a ride of a hundred miles to see the improvements that have been made -within the last eight months. J. W. CLARK, Suptdt. Limestone Springs Co. July 7 28 Notice. DR. J. H. BO AT W KIGHT respectfully tenders his professional services to the citizens of Co lombia ?xid its vicinity. Office opposite Law Range. July 7 28 4t R List of Letters EMAINING in the Poat Office at Columbia, on the 1st July, 1S38. Lee, Dr. Alston, Joseph Allston, R. F- W. Aradale, John Van Alexander, Daniel Ayer, L. M Brockman, Thomas P- 2 Banskett, John 3 Boyce, Ker Boozer, L. Bonner, R. Bauskett & Wardia w. Bates, Zach Bacon, Augustus O. Bald wick, Mary F. Brown, Saml. Boycke, Henry Boa tick, Wjn. Clark, Asa T. Caldwell, John W. Campbell, W. L. Caldwell, Martha A. Coflyer, Jane 2 Cornelius, Herod Crow, Margaret B. Campbell, William Campbell, Drury J. Carroll, B. R. Dison, Lawrence Dantzler, Mary Anne Davis, Allen Douglass, Dr. John Evans, Thomas Evans, Eliza Faust, Casper 3 Fetner, Alexander Furnice, Martha Farmer, Sarah Owner, H. W. Goordine, T. L. Geiger, A. Guerin, P. J. George. R. K. Geiger, Alexander Geiger, Dr. D. Goodwyn, M. A. H. Ball, Mary Anne Hochstrasser, 0. Hart, 0. J. Hartin, Rosanna House, Bernethy Hogins, Ale ram Hodge, Mary Anne Heriot, John 0 Hoxaie, Thomas S. Honse, Hetry Jones, Frances M Lee, Uriah Lee, James Love, Win. H. Land, John Lucius, Albert Lead ingham, Jacob H. Morden, Henry Metis, Hannah McLaurin, Cornelius 2 McL3urm, Hugh Murrell, Eliza 2 Munday, Mary McKenzie, Mary Manning R. J. Moore, I)r. Monroe, Dr. C. McGee, Elizabeth McLauchlin, John McPherson, James Noble, John A. Nicoldson, Margaret Pearse, Eliza Peacha, Joseph A. Poole, William Packenham, Saml. Porcher, Henry Purse, W. H. Packenham, Wm. Price, Henry Ruse, Joseph Richardson, J. B. Rice, Wm. Rabb, John Randall, Caroline Robertson, Sarah Rug?ly, Edward Ruifin, A. R. Rose, J. & Wm. Ward, Smith, A. T. Sinkler, Wm. H. Seawrighr, Robt. Spann, K. R Swigert, John S. Self, Job C. Senn, Jacob Thompson, James 2 Tucker, Joel Tines, James B. Van Antwerp, G. Venle, Thomas L. Williams, John E. Williams, Mary "Wheeler, Amelia Williams, M Waugh, A. S. Johnsoj, Jim's, care for Whafey, W. J. Sophia Hall, Wulney, James H. Jumper, Martha Winganl, James A. Kincaid. William Woods, William Keys, Mrs. S. Wilds, W. W. BENJAMIN RAWLS, P. M. July 7 28 Bank of Georgetown , S. C. June 28, 1838 THE Board of Directors having declared a Divi dend of eighty-seven and a half cents per share on the capital stock of this institution, the same will be paid on and after the first of July ensuing, either at the Bank, or by Messr*. John Fraser & Co. in Charleston. 28 Im J- CHAPMAN, Cashier. Division Orders. HEAD QUARTERS, THIRD DIVISION'. } Winnsboeough, June 26, IS38. S J4.MES H. ADAMS having been dnly elected mid commissioned Brigadier General of the 3d Brigade ofCavairv, in the 3d Division S. C. Militia, he will be obeyed and respected accordingly By order of Mai Gen. BccHana.v. SAML. H. YONGUE, Aid-ds Camp. Orders i\o. 74. HEAD QUARTERS, f j Columbia, 5rh June, 1833. $ j THE following Regiments and Corps will parade for review and drill at the respective limes arid places following, viz : The 15th Regiment of Infantry at Williamson's, on Saturday the 23rd of June instant. The 43rd Regiment of Infantry at Beauford's Bridge, on Tuesday the 26th of June. The 3rd Regiment of Cavalry at Barnweli Court House, ori Thursday the 2Sth of June. The 11th Regiment of Infantry at Ashley's, on Saturday the 30th of June. The 7th Reeiment of Infantry at the Old Wells, on Tuesday the 3rd of July next. The yth Regiment of Infantry at Lowe's, on Thurs day the 5th of July. The 2nd Regiment of Cavalry at Lowe's on Sctur- j day the 7th otJuly. The 10th Regiment of Infantry at Richardson's, on j Tuesday the lUth of July. The 8th Regiment of Infantry at Morrow's old field, j on Saturday the 14th ?>{ July. The 6th Regiment of Infantry at Lomax's,on Tues day the 17th of July The 40th Regiment of Infantry at Boyd's on Thaw day the 19th July. 'file 41st Regiment of Infantry at Park's old field, on Saturday the 21st of July. The 10th Reetmentof Cavalry at Belfast, on Toes- J day the 24ih ofJuly. The 38th Regiment of Infantry at Keller's old field, ! on Thursday the 26th of July. The 3.^th Regiment of Infantry at Long's, on Sat urday the 23th of July. The 2 1th and 25th Regiments of Infantry at Win no. boro', on Tuesday the 31st of July. Tha 6th Regiment of Cavalry at Yongue's, on Thursday the 2nd of August next. The 26th and 27th Regiment of Infantry at Cbes ville,on Saturday the 4th of August. The 34th Regiment of Infantry at Yorkville, on Tuesday the 7th of August. The 46th Regiment of Infantry at Ebenezer, on I Thursday the 9th of August. The ?5th Regiment of Infantry at Union C. House, on Monday the 13th of August. The 45th Regiment of infantry at the Burnt Fac tory, on Wednesday the 15t"n of August. The 36th Regiment of Infantry at Timmon's old field, on Saturday the 18th of August. The 37th Regiment of Infantry, at Wilkins old field, on Tuesday the 21st of August The 9th Regiment of ( avalry at Gafneys old field, on Thursday the 22d of August. The Ut Regiment of Infantry at Bruton's, on Sat urday the 1st of September next. The 3rd Regiment of Infantry at Toney's old store, ? on Tuesday the 4th of September. The 1st Regiment of Cavalry at Pickensville, on Thursday the 6th of September. The 5th Regiment of infantry at Hunter's on Sat urday the 8th of September. The 2nd Regiment of Infantry at HalPs, on Tues day the 11th September. The 42nd Regiment of Infantry at Mintou's, on Thursday the 13th of September. The 4th Regiment of Infantry at Ycrrennes, on Saturday the 15th of September. The Officers and Sergeants of the 7th Brigade will assemble for Encampment near Society Hill, on Mon day the 1st of October next ; to remain Encamped six days. The 29th Regiment of Infantry will parade for re view and drill at Darlingto? C. House, on Monday the 8th of October. The 30th Regiment of Infantry at Bennetsville on Thursday the 1 1th of October The 28th Regiment of Infantry at Chesterfield Court House, on Saturday the 13th of October. The 21st Regiment of Infantry at Lancaster Court House, or Tuesday the 16th of October. The 22nd Regiment of Infantry at Camden, on Thursday the 18th of October. The 5th Regiment of Cavalry at Camden, on Sat urday tfcre 20th of October. The 20th Regiment of Infantry at the Swimming Pens, on T uesday the 23rd of October. The 44th Regiment of Infantry at Sumterville, on Thursday the S5th of October. The 31st Regiment of Infantry at Black Mings, on Tuesday the 30th of October. The 33rd Regiment of infantry at Conway borough, on Saturday the 3rd of November next. The 32nd Regiment of Infantry at Marion Court House, on Tuesday the 6?h of November. The Officers and Non-Commissioned Officers of the 35th Regiment will assemble on Saturday the ! llth of August for drill and instruction, the Officers j and Non Commissioned Officers of all other Regi ments will assemble for the like purpose, on the day previous to their respective reviews, except those of the 29th Regiment ot Infantry, who are excused from that duty in consequence of their encampment. Complete returns of the Militia of each Brigade, and public arms and equipments, wdl be made by the respective Brigadier (Generals to the Adjurant and ; Inspector General at Edgefield C House, before the | 1st of November next. The Major Generals and Brigadier Generals with their respective Staff, will atteud the reviews within their respective commands. By order of the Commander-in-chief. JAMES JONES. Adf t and Inspec'r Gen. June 6, 25, Dr. John Sappington's *?nti-Fever Pills ARE offered to the public as the most certain and effectual remedy for fevers of every descrip tion. The unprecedented success of this iredicine for ' the cure of fevers in various parts of the United | States, would seem to preclude the necessity of a 1 publication ; yet when it is believed that thousands are deprived of its incalculable advantages without8 such a communication, a sense of duty to my fellow man, as well as other considerations, have induced me to make my medicine generally known, so that all may try it and judge for themselves. For up wards of forty years 1 have treated fevers upon this plan now offered to the community, and have had ample evidence of its superior efficacy over any oth er mode of treating lev ers. The experience also of thousands of individuals in the Southern and West ern States, has induced them to write me of its hap py and wonderful effects. WHENEVER TRIED it ha* produced confidence upon its own intrinsic me rit, unaided by newspaper bombast or puffing, and now stands WITHOUT A RIVAL. Unlike most other medicines for the cure of fevers, it is possessed of the singular and admirable properties of neither i sickening the itomach nor operat-ng on the bowels as a purgative. It corrects the bile, gives tone and energy to the stomach and bowels, and thereby i communicates health and strength to the whole sys ! tem. It also breaks the Ague and Fever in l'rom 24 I to 48 hours, during which time the patient feels no ! sensible benefit from it, but finds himself suddenly j well without being conscious of its mode of opera J tion. Fevers of a different character (a description I of which will accompany each box of medicine) re | quire a longer time under any treatment ; but perse j vering regularly in the use of this medicine, they j will yield much sooner, and to a much greater cer ! tainty, than by any other treatment. It is also en tirely harmless. Persons laboring, travelling, or in any situation may take them, and at the same time use ordinary diet or drink with perfect safety. It al so has the effect of preventing the formation of le vers; I would therefore a vise persons residing in or travelling through sickly districts of country to use it as a preventive, particularly if indisposed, as such will often save time and prevent a protracted illness. For sale throughout the State. JOHN SAPPINGTOSL S lem Cit**., Mo. ?* The above Pills for sale at F. OGIER'S Drug Store, Columbia, S. C. July 7, 1338 6m tammilled TO the Jail of Richland District, as a Runaway, a Negro Man who calls his name CATO, and says he bt-longs to Mrs. Betsey Kinsade, of Fair field District. Cato is about 27 years of age, dark complexion, about five feet four inches high. His left elbow has been dislocated, and his left knee is also considerably injured, so as to cause a considera ble crook in his leg ax that joint. The owner is re quested to come forward, prove property, pay cliar ges, and take him away. JOSHUA SOWDEN, G. R D. July 7, 1838 28 THE SUN TO THE EARTH, ON THE DA^N OF MORNING. ?jv* BY THOMAS RAGG Rejoice ! rejoice ! let the valleys laugh. Let the mountains smile, and the hills look gay?k And flowers lift their heads as they fondly quafif J The beams of the bright returning day, I come T I corae in my splendour now, Chasing the gloom from the welkin's brow ; ? I come ! I corae with my gladdening ray, Driving the shades of the night away. Rejoice ! Rejoice ! let the rolling streams Pour forth their song to the morning breeze, Reflecting abroad my brilliant beams In forms like the dreamer's phantasies. 1 come ! I come on the wings of love, Let all to meet my embraces move ; I corae ! 1 come on the wings of day, To chase the shades of the night away. Rejoice ! rejoice ! let the woodlands ring, With music's sweetest gladdest sound; Let the lark ascend on delighted wing, And tell his joy to the heavens around. I come ! I come ! let the glad sound spread, And wake the drone from his drowsy bed, As my pioneer, the twilight gray, Scatters the shades of the night away, Rejoice ! rejoice ! let each waking eye Be gladly turned to the eastern sphere, And every heart be fill'd with joy, To see my beams of brilliance near. I come ! I come ! let all rejoice, And wake the song with a cheerful voice ; I come ! I corae ! with a flood of day, To sweep the shades of the night away. [From the Richmond Whig.~\ TO HENRY CLAY, ESQ.? Letter IV. Sir ? Id my lasH called your attention to the vast influence exercised by the President of the United States, in virtue of his coutiol over the monetary system of the country. ? Derived from his command ofthe abounding revenues of the Union, and organized by means of the banking system, it has estab lished a connection between his office and the prosperity, the comfort, the very subsis tence of private individuals, which has prov ed a source of fearful influence. But you may remember that, in adverting to this, I declared that I did not mean to press the ar gument against the constitutionality of a Bank, which might be deduced from the su perior efficiency, for all sinister purposes, of this implied power, to any and all the express powers of the Government. Nor did I press it. I did but propose to ask whether the equivocal generation ofa power so dangerous, does Dot make it the duty of those who call it into existence, so to place it, and so to hedge it round with restrictions, and so to fetter it, as to'njford some hope of safety from the wounds it might inflict on the public happi ness, liberty and peace. But I am sensible that this power, under some modification, is inseparable from the nature of the thing. Somewhere it must be placed ; and I acknowledge that in urgS% the necessity of withdrawing the command of it from the Federal Executive, I am proposing only to chaDge the seat ofthe disease, and not to eradicate it. This may be impossible. If so, it is an evil which we cannot remove, and must be content to mitigate as we may. You, I am persuaded, sir, will agree with me, that the control of the monetary system of the whole country by any Department ofthe General Government, however desirable for commercial and financial purposes, must be a great ?; political evil. Should it not, then, be our study to devise some means to separate tne political mischief from the jiscal and com mercial advantages of a Bank ? It seems to be assumed that the Government cannot safely make use of a Bank of the Uni ted States as a fiscal agent, without reserving to itselfsuch a control of its operations as may guard against the indiscretion or dishonesty of the institution. That security against these things should be taken, is incontestible ? that, for this purpose the administration of the affairs of -the Bank should be controlled by some power from without, is not denied. But give me leave to ask, 44 is it necessary that this power, in whole or in part, should be ex ercised by the Federal Government in any of its departments V I am sensible it must seem presumptuous in a nameless individual, to suggest a thought on this critical arid delicate subject. Nay more ? I am sensible that it is presumptuous ? and I frankly own, that, were it in my power to carr y into practical operation the ideas that I am about to present, I should tremble to j assume the responsibility. But it is said, and truly, that 44 wise men learn more froln fools, than fools from wise men." Bear with my folly, then, I pray you. I think it may be safely assumed that the States collectively can never find an interest in acting dishouestly in mere money matters by the Government of the Union. What, then, would be the effect of reserving to the several States a part of the stock of a Bank of the United States, proportioned to theii representation in the two Houses of Con gress, and such in its total amount, as to se cure to them an efficient control ofthe oper ations of the institution. The States at this moment hold, on deposile from the Govern ment of the Uuited States, a sum of money not much short of thirty millions of dollars. For the reimbursement of this shim, they are liable to be called on by Congress. What if it were provided that each State should be forever discharged of this liability by taking stock to that amount, to be reserved for them ? This sum would be more than halfof the cap ital of fifty millions proposed by you, and would justly secure to the States a majority in the directory. It cannot be supposed that a Bank directed and chiefly owned by the States, would fail to execute, in good faith, all its engagements with the General Government, which is but the creature and agent of the States them selves, established for their use. No case can be supposed in which they would choose to embarrass its finances, but one of infidelity on the part of the General Government to its proper duties. To suppose that they would descend to any thing like dishonesty to the prejudice of their own affairs, would be absurd, even if the respect due to Sovereign i States did not forbid such an idea in any case whatever. On this side there could be no danger. But might not great benefit arise ! from such an arrangement ? Would it not I be<a great achievement, if, by such means, the States could be enabled to oppose a coun- I ter-check to the influence which the Fede ral Government derives from its vast revenues, not only through its patronage, but yet more through its power over the prosperity and subsistence of individuals ? I frankly own, sir, that, in discussing the constitutionality of a Bank of theUnited States, I may some times have opposed an uncandid dullness to the arguments of its advocates. I am not conscious of having done so. But convinced, as I am, of the mischievous political effects of any Bank of the U. S. heretofore establish ed, my mind may have taken a perverted view of the constitutional question. But let me see a Bank so constituted as to be an instru ment of control in the hands of the States, and I should certainly wish to find in the Constitution some authority for its establish ment. I might not find it ; but we must for get the marvellous aptitude of the human mind to find reasons for approving what it ea gerly desires, before we can doubt, that, of the multitudes who deny the constitutionality of a Bank, many would be relieved of their scruples. In this view, I see no reason why the whole capital stockofsucha Bank might not be held by the States. Noue, why it might not be increased from time to time, as the growth and necessities of the country might require : None, why the charter might not be perpetual : None, why the Bank should not be established, by irrevoca ble contract, in the right to receive and keep all deposites : None, why the Government of the United States should have any more authority over the Bank than any other de positor, beyond the right to be kept advised of the condition ofiis affairs, I assure you, sir, I am profoundly sensible of my insufficiency to the task of suggesting any thing more than a hint, of the folly of which I am prepared to be convinced by a single word. I see the difficulty of or ganizing the directory of a Ba?k so constitu ted. But I understand, that among men skill ed in the business of Banking, an idea is be ginning to find favour, which might be ad vantageously applied in this case. If it be desirable, as some suppose, that every Bank should be organized with a legislative direc tory, possessing full power to regulate the principles and extent of the business of the Bank, and an executive directory, having no authority but to carry into effect the orders and enactments of the ether, then might this advantage be eminently enjoyed by such an institution as I am supposing. What should hinder the appointment of the Executive branch in the ordinary way ; while the other might be made to consist of a number of members, equal to the number of States one chosen by each State ? If necessary the concurrence of both bodies might be made indispensable to the adoptiou of measures of a high and extraordinary character. Of this kind 1 will mention as an example, all sus pensions of specie payments. IS or need we doubt of the ability with which the affairs of such an institution would be managed when we reflect, that the interest of each State would make it a measure of economy in her, J to establish at the seat of the Mother Bank, some intelligent citizen of her own, skilled in finance, to represent her in this legislative directory. Does it strike you, sir, that I have sketched the outline of a power, whose shadowy but gigantic dimensions, should make us pause and ponder before we resolve to give it a tangible and substantial existence? 41 See'st thou a dusk and shadowy form arise, Like an infernal god, from out the earth ?" Is it now you turn to doubt whether any fair construction of the Constitution can sanc tion an establishment which may predominate over the authority which gave it birth, and eventually reverse the preponderance of pow er in the Union ? Are such your thoughts ? Then look again, I pray you ! Its lineaments and propositions, indeed, are new to you ; but, in might and magnitude, it is but the same as that which the word of power spoken by that master sorcerer, to whose potent spells the art of the present magician is but a jug gler's trick, has lately exorcised a^d laid for ever? It is in detail alone, that .vhat I sug gest, differs from what has been. Admit the power of Congress to establish a Bank, and the rest follows of course. What constitu tional objections apply to the one, that may not as well be urged against the other? Does the Constitution admit a Bank with a charter for twenty years, and forbid one for a longer or an indefinite term ? Does the Constitution admit that States might be corporators, (as they clearly might,) and forbid them to be the sole corporators ? If this project startles you, is it not because it suggests an argument which, fairly applied, might lead you to doubt the constitutionality of any Bank of the United States? If so, give me the benefit of that doubt, and I am content. But, if not, then I beg you to observe, that the plan suggest ed, proposes to give no greater energy to the money power of the country, than belongs to the nature of the thing. It does but change the direction of that energy. In doing so, I own it makes it more conspicuous. The money power thrown into the already pre ponderating scale of the general goverment, seems but a superfluous make weight. There we are scarcely conscious of its effect on the balance, and have no means of estimating it, but transfer it to the scale of Slate sovereign ty, which now kicks the beam, and we shall be no longer at a loss to discover its efficacy as an element in the Constitution. If indeed, after the experience of the last five years, you still think it necessary to strengthen the feder al government, and to establish that central supremacy which to others seems so formid able, then the more my suggestions may promise to conduce to the end that I propose, the more decisively will you reject them, j But, if you think with me, that it is time to lift up the down-trod sovereignty of the States, and restore them to theirjust auttori^ ty, and their place in the estimation of men, you will gladly seize on any means of trans fering to them from the federal government, the all controlling money-power of this great commercial continent. If, as I wish to believe, you have not yt forgotten the teachings of that wise and good mac, at whose feet you were brought up, and from whose lips you learned your first lessons of political philosophy and constitutional law; some further remtffcfron thit subject may not be unacceptable!# JOIL At aoother time I sball take le3?e to resume it. A FRIEKD-OF STATE RIGHTS. y - ? [ From the Richmond Whig. ] TO HENRY OLAY, ESQ.-Letter V. ; Sir, ? In the histoid df our time, the phil-] osophical enquirer will tind no chapter more worthy to engage.his profoundest reflections, than that which s&all tell of the wars of the j Government on the Banks, and on the pros- 1 perity of the country. In it, a conspicuous place will be assigned to the view of the plans ao 1 purposes of the predominant faction, lately exhibited by you in the Senate of the United States. Whethe^what has been done, resulted from the mere^iotonness of power, or from a gratuitous love of mischief, and unforced choice of evil, or from a deep design against the liberties of the people, may be hard to decide ? More th^n once, a voice i has issued from the commanding us to put our trust in the Most High, and invi ting us to call on Him in all our troubles. In the disregard of this, was the sin and doom of Nullification. In the disregard of this, was the condemnation of the act renewing the charter of the Bank. But though we thus justly incurred the displeasure of our rulers, it can hardly be supposed that the Govern ment meant not only to distress the people, but also to embarrass itself. That they meant that the Pet Bank System should fail, cannot be doubted. ? Why else did they force it to work, first a plethora, and then a collapse ? But can we any more doubt that they meant to keep out of the vortex that was to swallow all besides ? Had they done this, and had they succeeded in defeating the Deposite Bill, can we fail to see that the Administra tion, with .fifty millions of hard money, would have been master of the subsistence and life of every individual of a beggared communi ty ?-Then would have been Mr. Van Burenvs time for a Sub-Treasury to garner up his gains. What would Mr. Calhoun have said to it then ? And what would JVIr. Van Buren have cared what he said ? Who would have disputed his will ? I maintain, and 1 said so from the first, that, in discrediting the Banks and ruining the country, he accomplished no more than he aimed at. His disappoint-' ment was in not getting hold of the money. Give him that again, or give him such a sum in specie, as a return of prosperity will presently bring into the Treasury, and then give him a place to keep it, and 44 Richard's himself again !" Can we believe that Mr. Calhoun does not see this? Shall he be al lowed so far to disable his own judgement, as to have us think him honest, when he pre tends not to see what is obvious to every eye ? But the President is to be rendered power less to all purposes of mischief, by the weight of his golden fetters ! What .then ! Will not any body cut them off for the filings ? If the plan does not suit hhn, wiH he not have it changed ? If public opinion be ever so much in favor of it, canaothe buy it up ? Or, if that be too costly, cannot lie make the scheme work its own destruction, by making 4ts operation oppressive and odious ? To an interpretation of the conduct of our rulers, which imputes to them such mon strous wickedness, mild charity suggests that " few are all evil." Be it so. But if there I be any such, shall we not seek them among those, the history of whose lives bears record i of no single virtue? And does the scheme argue a depth of design and reach of thought not to be expected from such men ? This is true. But Pharaoh found a Joseph, who in structed him, with the aid of alternate sea mns of abuudance and distress, to buy his people's birthright with the fruit of their own labor. But though we may be unable as yet to draw out the chain of cause and consequence in all its length, a part, at least, is before us. None will ever doubt that, not satisfied with the advantages of an alliance with the moneyed interest, secured by a connexion betweeo the Government and the acting head of that interest, the despotic temper of our late ruler would be content with nothing short of the absolute subserviency of his ally to his sovereign will and pleasure. Failing in this, a war of conquest was commenced, foi the purpose of making the Government itself the head of the monetary system of the United States. The struggle of this contest is now going on ? aod the desperate pertinucity with which it is urged, shows plainly the object of the assailants. In vain do Mr. Calhoun and his myrmidons pretend o support the lead ing measure of the Government, as a means of restraining the power and curtailing ;he patronage, and limiting the - influence of the Executive. How it is to produce this effect, though often urged, he has never condescend ed to explain. We were required to believe it on his hare word, while it was obvious that, among the advocates and opponents of the measure in the Senate, not one beside him self discovered in it any such tendency. We were required to believe that Mr. Van Bu- j ren, suddenly lired ofresponsibility, and wea- i ry of the exercise of his own sovereign will j and pleasure, was eagerly stretching forth | his hands to Congress, and entreating them to put manacles upon him ; and that you, sir, and your sagacious friends, out of mere per?) verseness, were unwilling to do him the favor. For not believing this, we are denounced as wilfully and corruptly blind ? as Federalists, (I, it seems, am a Federalist in disguise) ? as the hired tools of Banks ? and this denuncia tion waxe9 louder as its absurdity becomes more glaring. At this moment, a calculation is making of all the available force of the pBr* ty, and they are suddenly animated and cheer ed by the hope that the accidental absence of two or three members of the opposition, may j enable them to carry this measure through j the House of Representatives by ihe casting vote of the Speaker! And to what purpose: Is it not known that, of this accidental major ity, there will be many misrepresenting their constituents ; and that, in another Congress, there must be a majority, who, if true to those who send them there, will oppose the measure ? What then ? Shall Mr. Van Buren, who now wielding the power of his office 15 ALL ITS VIGOUR, his J?ATRO!*AOE AS YET USLOHTED, his IJfFLDE>*CE AS YET UN RESTRAINED, and aided by the mercenary trained-bands of his predecessor, depends on the accidental absence of members to s$ug. ^ the bill thrrogh Congress ? ?laJ! he, ; WHEN ALL THESK ADVANTAGES Alt TAKEN AWAY* have any hope to prevent its prctnpt repeal ? Are we Childr^fl to be deceiv?J by a pretence so shallow T Are we ID fce* lieve in this marvellous eagerness to break into gaol, without suspecting-,' that so soon as he succeeds in bis purpose, he will turn this gilded bastile into a fortress, and msn its walls with mercenaries, and hang out the banner of defiance to the people's will ?? What other calculation can he make ? Hear can he hope to secure his svstem from demo* lition, but by the means of corruption whrcb it wrtl again place in his hands ? And are we to shut our eyes to this at ihe bidding of one, who, at first assured the world, that to him, Mr. Van Baren and his corrupt crew wert still objects of unmitigated scorn and abbol* rence;and who almost lamented, that he was put to the alternative of renouncing his own favourite measure,, or entrusting its execution | to men, in whom he had no manner of confi dence 1 But what was Mr. Calhoun's coo due J, when certain under-stnppers of th(F party, who had twt made tfiemselve* too conspicuous in the drama, moved to strike out the only clause in the bill which bad en gaged his support ? Did he denounce then) as traitors to their principles and party ? O no ! He reserves such denunciations for us. Did he exchtim against the treachery of the party itself, and expose the trick they had pot upon him? Did he even expostulate "With them, and premonish them that the success of the amendment would drive him from their ranks? No sir, he suffered them to do their work ; and then, finding the bill would pass without him, with an amusing parade of philosophical calmness, assigned the rea sons why he must vote against it. Here then the campaign ended, and our political Ma jor Dalgetty was free, by the very terms of his enlistment, to quit the camp. Did he do so? What measure, what man of the party has faileJ of his supj>ort from that day to this ! But it was not of these things I meant to speak. It is not on these that the historian will bestow more than that passiog notice, which consigns to infamy the Wentwortha and Pulteneys, who devotes to the service of tyrants the powers which God had given for the use of mankind. But, in the history of the war of numbers, headed by Exeoutive pawer, their natural leader, and property beaded by the Bank of the United States, posterity will read a lesson of deep wisdom. May not- we profit by it, too? We are too near the time and scene of "action to see clearly the connexion of e vents with each other, and with their causes. But something we cau see, and that something it becomes us to study and apply. In such warfare, the lauded interest is the Ajax Tel amon of property. Resolute and strong for defence, it "screens with a mighty shade* all who take shelter behind its seven fold shield ; but sluggish and inert, its ponde rous blows are easily eluded. The enemy may indeed vainly waste his strength on its unwieldy, mass, "hut deficient in vigilance and activity, it gives him no fear of beiug at tacked in turn. It is tho moneyed interest, ALERT, JEALOUS INSATIABLE and KEEN, thi swift footed Achilles, " impiger iracundmt inexorabflu aer." To this belongs the duty of assault; to watch the movements of the eoemy ; to an ticipate his blows, and, in his hours of repose and fancied security, to break into his camp and scatter his forces. Statesmen have long been aware of this difference. Hence ftie aspiring usurper, when he would etcite the 1 multitude Jby -the pro mUe -erf- plunder; rareljf seeks to disturb the natural loyalty of the -te nant to his landlord, x>rof the prodigal labour er to his employer. He tells them of the money bagsot the great capitalist, and mvites them to unearth the secret hoards of the usu rer. Especially, he provokes them to rage against that sysmm of credit whicJfs*>?ui4i increases the activity and energy of wealth and by which in case of need, it can " take the wings of the morning, and hide itself in the uttermost parrs of the earth," from the. rapacity alike of the tyrant and the rabble.? With this interest it is, that, in modern times? the great battle of freedom is always fought. That sagacious and corrupt Statesman, Sir Robert Walpole, (in all but his ability* the prototype of our present rulers,) well kuew the prowess of this champion of the rights of property. 14 The country gentlemen/' said he, 44 good easy souls ! come up to be shoru, and lie as quietly as lambs while their fleeces are taken off. But touch one bristle of the mercantile interest, and instantly the whole stye is in an uproar. It is a shearing a hog* Great cry aud little wool J" l am aware, sir, that it is thought to be in bad taste'to speak favorably of a jealousy of the rights of property. The feelisg is too interested and selfish for this LiPEKAL and patriotic age and country. But let us be careful not to scan too closely the motive* of the individual mau in the struggle of free* dom against power, and property against j numbers. By doing so, in other casest we ; might be often tempted to tear the laurel front j the Hero's brow, and to strip the consecra ting Ivy from the tomb of him who died fighting in his country's cause. In this mixed mass of good and evil, we must take ; things as we find them. The passions of the I human heart are the instruments with which i the statesman must work out his great de ! signs. In these, are the springs of action? | the motive power, which it is nis business to | direct and regulate: and among these, there il j nons of such enduring energy, and so caps !ble of being applied to all good paiposes, as the desire of gain, connnnaHy stimulated by the habitual exercise of gainful occupation We may decry it as we will, and we may per mit ourselves to scorn it, as it show* itself in the conduct of Individuals; but in great mas ses, and under properrecnlation, it has achiev ed mpra for right andv liberty, than every otb#r passion of the burnao heart. It is to a knowledge of this truth, that the champions of Liberty, in England, owe their succebs, in | breaking up the strong holds of feudal tyran ! ny, in reducing the power of barons and kiags, and in establishing reign of law aid order, -and equal riglK. ThiaJi, at this day, the great corifceivative principle of British Fwedom; and its beneficial action Is only to be secured and perpetuated by keeping the power of the ipOoeyed interest ever in an antagonist tifcn tb Executive authority. ?*Kere ;t i?,"