University of South Carolina Libraries
Ox which tkey liar# beca compelled to oc-? fcipy ? It was clear, with our joint forces, r? ?eou!ti utterly overthrow and demolish -i?:u : Uut it was no less clear, that the victo ? if wuuM inure, not to us, but-exclusively to !*e benefit of our allies and their cause. Tlnty were the most numerous and powerful, m<J rhe point of assault on the position which the party to be assaulted had taken in relation tj the banks, would have greatly stiengthened settled principles and policy of the Na- | tional party, and weakened in the same do- j iree ours. Thcv are, and ever have been, ! . 1 the decided advocates of a National Bank, jnd are now in favor of one, with a capital so ?im;>!e as to be sufficient to control the State institution*, and to regulate the exchanges 1 4n i currency of the country. To join them, with their avowed object in the attack, to overthrow those in power, on the ground they occupied against a bank, would, of course, not only have placed the government and j country in their hands without opposition, but would have committed us, beyond the possibility of extrication, for a bank, and ab sorbed our party in the ranks of the National Republicans. The first fruits of tho victory would have been an overshadowing National Bank, with an immense capital not less than from fifty to a hundred millions, which would have centralized the currency and exchanges, aud with them the commerce and capital of the country, in whatever section the head of the institution might be placed. The next would be the indissoluble union of the politi cal and money power in the hands of our old 4 political opponents, whose principles and po licy are so opposite to. ours, and so daugerous c to qui institutions, as well as oppressive to us. Such clearly, would hare been the inevita , result, if we had joined in the assault no. .those iu power, in the position they had been j S^SoBsfra'med to occupyr+andhe roust indeed ir^t&e blind ? all past experience must be lost on who does not see that so infatuated a - --course would have been fatal to us and ours. ^?*^4eonnexton between the government and, L H would, by necessary consequence, r lands of that party, have fec^to a re- , ofthat system of unequal and oppres * " in, which has impoverished -the .,v_&from which we hare e?K such peril, and difficulty. v-The ri?,jwhen united with the Government, is Ural ally of high duties and extravagant! r Iture* . The greater the revenue, and tire more profuse the disb urseraeots, the grea ter its. circulation, and the more ample its de eg. This tenancy on the part of this utios, and the known principles and of policy of the party, would have co :ed,with irresistible force, to renew th? ^ em we have polled down with so much ? Jahor, with, an aggravation of its oppression far bey sndany- thi ug we have ever yet expe rienced, and thus the fruits of all our exer I - tions and strugglesagainst the system, would h*ve been lost? forever lost. ; P~$?y taking the opposite course, the reverse ?f idi this will follow, if our State Rights par tv be hut firmly united and true to their greueiples. Never was there before and never jagfr rrihafcfo- will there be again, so fair an oppor-^ teas tf to carry out fully our principles and ?P|p&cy, and to reap the fruits of our long and jsgStrdaous. struggle. By keeping the banks and ^ the government separated, we effectually pre ^zjgaaL the. centralization of the currency and w^fcehangest, of the country at any one point, ife-'gSfaf coarse the commerce and the capital, leaving each to enjoy that portion, which its ~ ?aturaf advantages' may command. By re jfitisiDg to join our late allies in their attack on V f&ose in power, where they have sheltered iihemselve^, we prevent the complete ascen dency ofthegartyand their principles,which must have followed, and. gain the only op portunity we could have oC rallying anew the State Rights . party of 1821, in the ground &ey then occupied, as an opposing power, to fcotd in check their old opponents, the Na tional Republican party. It would also give si* -the chance of effecting, what is still more emportaot to us, the union of the entire South. The Southern division of the Administration ?>arty must re-occupy the old State Rights ground. ; They have no alternative; and un- < i-ss we, who have so long and underso many ?Jiilficulties adhered to it, shall now desert **!*r stand, theSouth must be united. If once . aisnted, we will rally round the old state rights J ^ar^w ;all, in every section, who are opposed ?consolidation or the over action of the csenfcsd government ; and the political par r^fe?s -will agaiu be formed on the old and. Avisien of state rights and national,. 3f".- s^jich divided tifcem at the commencement-of j *%lfce government, and which experience J *:<si?wn, isthat division of party most cong our system, and most favorable ro its ~<^ps^s obvious as all this must appear, J ' l&at I assumed a heavy responsibyift&||Ptak #*g the course I did. It was impossible that the circumstances and motives, under - wrhtch I acted, could at once be -generally ?mderstoed, and, of course, the parti was compelled to take was liable to be reisconceiv ^ & grossly misrepresented- We had been 5 so long contending against the abuses- and eaeroachments of the Executive power, as to :g? <5?rget that thfcy originated in the prior abuses ?aad encroachments of Congress, and were v accordingly exclusively intent on expell -tag from office, those who had acquired and J* exercised their authority in a manner so dan " gerous, without reflecting into whose hands the power would go, and what principles and policy would gain the ascendency. With ' this state of feelings on the part of our friends, saw it was impossible to take a position, which bv consequence was calculated to cov eztiiose in power, however urgent the cause, ' >*khoat occasioning a shock, in the first^in 0 stance, and the imputation of unworthy mo : fives, to meet which, however transient the misapprehension might be, required some ^resolution and firmness- But there were ~ ot&er, and far greater causes of responsibility, to which this was as nothing. Of all the in ^vterests ia the community, the banking is by the most influential and formidable ? the truest active, and the most concentrated and ^/pervading; and of all the points within the "immense circle of this interest, there is none relation to which the banks are more sen- j *irive and tenacious, than their union with the political power of the country. This is the source of a vast amount of their profits, and of a still larger portion of their respecta bility and influence. To touch their interest i on this tender point is to combine all in one u :.ted and zealous opposition, with some exceptions in our portion of the community, ^'rjei'e the union of the two powers acts injuri f:-islv to the banking, as well as to the com- | ?..ercial and other great interests of the sec : .a. To encounter so formidable an oppo x -ton, supported by a powerful political party | ,th whom I had been acting for some years -ainsr entire power, and who regarded the unicn ?i' the government and the banks as Mjt-ai to the suionot the states themselves, ' ?> assume a hea3^ responsibility, under t:,.. ..lost favoraWecircumstances ; but to back | ^Ii^.)5taiq insuch opp^itioij, in wtose j jse s .c in wbdom, flrmnes# atitJ patriotism, I Lav# no reason to confide, ami over whom I have no control, is to double that responsibility. ! This responsibility I have voluntarily as 1 sunied. Desiring neither office nor power, 1 and having nothing to hope personally j from the movement, no motive, but the disastrous political consequences, which I clearly saw must follow from any other : course, to the country and its institu ' tions generally, and our section in particular, and a deep sense of duty, could have induced me to take the step I did. That it has met die approbation of so respectable a portion of my old constituents and friends, to whose ear ly and steadfast supj^rt, under every trial and difficulty, I am so nr^rh indebted, is a source | of deep gratification which I shall long re ; member and acknowledge. With great respect, I am, <5cc. J. C.CALHOUN. | To Messrs. J. Bauskett and others , Committee. From the Charleston Courier. ; THE LEGISLATURE AND SUB . TREASURY. It seems that this question is to be brought before the Legislature for its opinion. When that opiuion is expressed, it will be the opinion of as many gentlemen as the Le gislature of South Carolina is composed of. The people have had no opportunity of ex pressing any opinion, and have expressed 110 opinion in any form. If elections had been held since the proposition by the President, to collect the revenue of the country in gold and silver and deposite it in the hands of individuals, there to lie dead and useless . then the representatives thus elected would have carried with them the icill of the peo ple of South Carolina on the point. If the proposition had been placed directly before the people ; shall not- the. General Govern ment receive the same money, which is good ; enough for the payment of State taxes, and r .which is received id payment .of debt by the people at large, or shall it be permitted to - \ discredit this moneys repudiate the paper of rspecie paying banks, arid . demand from the geople what the people cannot demand from >eaph other, and what the States cannot de- 1 mand in payment of their revenue, without j bringing swift destruction upon: the whole country? then their response to. this ques tion would have carried its proper weight. Hut if will not be pretended that^ any one "point ittvolved in the Sub-Treasury scheme has been passed upon by the people? or that any set of men are at present charged with the expression of their opinion. ; The Leg islature of South Carolina is about to in struct the . Congress of the United States to be satisfied with nothing but gold arid silver, when at the same time it expresses^ itself content with the paper of the Banks. It does seem a monstrous proceeding. Before the Legislature has a right to call upon Con gress to take nothing but gold and silver, it should set the example, and wring from the people the State taxes in hard money. -They should stow some faith in their (ncn principle by adopting it in their oicn- business , and the management of their oicn concerns . If it is right and proper that one. part of the govern ment of the people should demand specie and be satisfied with nothing less, why should the other portion of the government not da. the same thing ? s And if the General Gov ernment withdraws its countenance and sanction from specie-paying banks, why should not the State Government! Is the Federal Government ^entitled to bet ter money than the State Government 1 Why do gentlemeu shrink from carrying out their principle 1 Are they afraid to bring it home to the people? Is it because -merchants Jfeire to pay the taxes of. the General Gov ernment, and the body of the people have to pay the State taxes ? Le.C the .question be brought near to the people : let them see it in its breadth and length : don't keep at a distance,* where they "cannot see its true pro portions and its. monstrous features.. If the taxetrif the General Government , instead of \being paid by the merchants at the Custom Hot&e, had to be; paid by the people them selvejg by a direct tax \ as they pay Oieir State taxes, is it to be believed, for one moment, that a-ny statesman in the country icould counsel neral Government to take from the peo ple nothing but golfi and silver-? to refuse the p&er of good Banks in their pockets which they are glad to receive for a remuneration of labor ; to refuse the money which is Mod enough for themselves and good enough jpr State taxes, and send them in search of Wetter. There is not a statesman in the fcountry, who would have the hardihood to do it. The people of the country would then see how barbarous is the principle of the Sub-Treasury scheme; how totally at war with the spirit of our institutions ; how opposed to the settled habits of the country; what a war it wages upon the enterprize of the citizen ; how it would paralyze credit ; to what extent it would curtail the active capital of the country. If the Sub-Treasury men, then, have any faith in their own principle, let them com mence the reform in the State. Let them try the principle on a small scale. But let them not present to the people the folly of precept in one direction, while they set the example of walking in another. B? From tie Augrtsta Chronicle. Strange things will happen.*. In 1821, the Legislature" of South Carolina passed a preamble and resolutions, in reply to a reso lution from the Legislature of Pennsylvania, proposing an amendment to the Constitution, i so. as to take away from Congress the power fo incorporate a National Bank, or any Bank except within the District of Columbia. The Legislature of South Carolina, in its reply to this; proposition, said, ""'that as Congress is ; constitutionally vested xciih the right to incor porate a Bank , it would be unicise and impol - I itic to restrict its operations within such narrow Umits^as the District of Columbia A reso lution is before the Legislature of South Carolina, now in session, and. will no doubt be passed, declaring a National Bank uncon stitutional and inexpedient. We should like ! to see the yeas and nays both in 1821 and in' I 183-7. ' . . ! But this is not the only strange thing that | has happened. Wrilson Lumpkin and Alfred^ Cuthbert are now the Senators in Congress | from Georgia, and are heralded forth to the I world as "anti-U. S. Bank men," both upon the grounds of its " unconstitutionality" and ! inexpediency. Now it so happens that both ! these gentlemen were Members of Congress j in 1817, and both voted for the Bill charter j ing the United States Bank! ! Aye, gentle | reader, they both voted to give life and being ! to that 44 Monster! !" ? Bat this is still not the only strange thing that has happened ! The bill chartering the United States Bank in 1816, was passed by a majority of only nine votes in the House of Representatives. Of the members from South Carolina, SEVEN out of eight , with Mr. ? v-' \ - '*,??' --v ' . CailiouQ and Mr. Lo.wndei at tiiair Lead, voted for it!! Haxl these seven voted the other way the bill would have been lost ! Of the members from Georgia, FIVE out of six voted for it!! These five were Wilson Lump kin , Alfred Cut fiber t, John Forsyth , Richard Henry Wilde and Edward Telfair! Had these five voted against the bill it would have been lost ! ! Thus, either Georgia or South Carolina could have prevented the charter ? but they voted for it, and. so did a majority of the members from the Southern States, while it was opposed by a majority of the members from the Northern States! It was then a republican measure ? the measure of a repub lican administration ? but now if any man in the South ventures the humble opinion that such an institution is necessary to carry on the fiscal concerns of the nation, & to aid our commerce, he is denounced and damned from Dan to Beersheba as a vile federalist plotting against the rights and interests of the South! From the National Intelligencer. . Treasury Notes. ? One of the principal inducements assigned for calling Congress together at the extra session in September last was to enable the Government to pay its creditors in some other than the depreciated, irredeemable currency, which the general j suspension of payment had imposed upon the country. The Government had already undertaken to collect its dues from the Post Office, Lands and Customs, in specie, with out the aid of any new legislation. But still, from the scantiness of this resource, beirg deficient in means to meet its indispensable engagements, it became necessary to call Congress together, in order that those means might be provided. , An issue of Treasury notes was recom mended by the Executive ; and it became a question whether they shpuld be issued free from interest, or bearing an interest at the rate of two per cent., or at such rate of in terest, not exceeding six per cent., as would make them equivalent to the legal curency. The two former propositions were negatived, and in passing the Treasury note bill, both Houses of Congress gave a marked and de cided expression of opinion that the creditors of the Government should be paid-in the legal currency, or its equivalent, provided an interest.nbt exceeding six per cent, upon the Treasury notes would effect that object. What has been tlie. result? Th^ Presi dent,*' or the Secretary of the Treasury, mis apprehending or disregarding the clear and positiVe intent and meaning oftbe lav which had clothed the Executive with ever} neces sary power, made an experimental We of . Treasury notes at two per cent, interest. ? These notes, it was immediately seen, would be worth no more than the depreciated* irre deemable paper of the banks, whict, the organs of the-- Government are so constantly declaiming against. * Complex forms is to calculations of . interest accompanied ' this issue, which the disbursing officers foujd it Impracticable to carry out i? practice, f To extricate the Administration from this liffi culty the Treasury .Department has, we -learn, resorted to an issue of post notes, at twelve months, bearing an interest of onemill per hundred dollars per annum,, ? which are now daily forced off upon the public creditors, instead of specie, or its equivalent, in *hicli Congress intended they should be paid. In fact, .we understand fiom those who have dealings with the Treasury, that collecting a debt from the Government at present is like picking out something that is least bad among an insolvent's unavailable effects ? a draft on a broken bank at Natchez at. 2Q_per cent, ^discount, or a draft on Nashville at 12 per cent, discount, or a draft upon Richmond at 7 per cent, discount, or post notes at 12 months,' without interest, at 5 per cent, dis count, (that is, in. each case, so much below ,the par of specie.) * - It is represented to us that the provisions of the law were amply sufficient for the pur poses intended, and that the Secretary of the Treasury could, at any tune since its passage, have obtained specie at par in exchange for^ Treasury notes, bearing an interest at the rate provided for in the act. Why does the Executive adhere to a depreciated paper in paving the public creditors, when it has the ability of paying all its creditors alike in hard 'money, or its equivalent | -We have heard of a -wealthy gentleman somewhere who never had anything but 'out-of-town monej,' as it was called, to>ay his family expenses with. - This he kept himself regularly sup plied with bv the brokers. But surely so narrow a policy is unworthy of the Govern ment of a great nation, which ought to be just -at least, if not magnanimous, in its treatment of its creditors. ? : ? -? -The Louisville Journal says: "Another village Postmaster in Virginia has run away. Thus vanishes another of the administration's deposite banks. . The government will soon find out, that it is guilty of a very great error in having banks with legs to them." J ' .Y s ? ? ? A Sub-Treasury Operation.? -The Cincinnati Gazette gives an account of a sjib Treasury transaction in that city, which is a practical illustration of the .beauty of the "divorce system." A Treasury draft for $13 000 in favor of the Surveyor General of Ohio, on the receiver, of public moneys at Cincinnati, was paid over in the constitutional currency. From the sub-Treasury office the specie was conveyed 44 to an office where about 1,000,000 of specie had bren purchas ed since Mav last, and exported to Philadel phia," and where the surveyor received the handsome premium of $780 ! i - ? - . . -v,' From the Richmond Whig; - ^ THE " DOOMED ADMINISTRATION." . We think it requires no logic to prove that the present is emphatically a " Doomed Ad ministration," and that power Is destined in evitably to depart from the hands of the party now' wielding it. We "believe^ that rational and candid men of all parties admit this, aod that Mr. Van Buren himself has no hope of rescue, except , by throwing himself upon some of the favorite dogmas of a portion of the -Southern Whigs. Such a calculation, we know, -is made, but we are inclined to think it is but a false hope of the despairing. We do not see how matters can possibly change, so as to produce a better result for Mr. Van Buren, than a neutralization of the votes of a few of the Southern States which lately appeared certainly to be against him. In the North and West he is irretrievably beaten, and without the aid of his own State and Pennsylvania, his vote must necessarily be meager and insignificant. The changes since March last are unpre^ cedented in the history of this country. Ev ery State which has voted, with the excep tion of Virginia, (and here no issue was made up,) has given unequivocal marks of wnnjng affection for Gen. Jackson's 11 successor" Let us take a glancc. In Maine, the . changes have astonished both parties, Last Jfovejub^ tb* V?p Bu ten majority Wiu *,661. TLk year the Whig majority is 200, after rejecting 700 votes for informality. The Whig majority in the Le gislature, on joint ballot, is 1'2. In Massachusetts the Whig cause has con tinued to advance, and the majority is so de cisive as to leave not the slightest hope to the administration in that quarter. * In Vermont the Whigs have gained a few hundred, with scarcely an effort. In New York the Whig gain has been nearly 50,000. In Rhode Island, since the presidential election, it is about 1,300. In Connecticut, as far back as April last, the Whigs, without an effort, gained three in the Senate and twelve in the House ? and the local elections in October leave no room to doubt that the State is thoroughly revolution ized. In Pennsylvania, the last local elections afforded nothing to cheer the sinking party. The Whigs have gained five members in the Senate, and sixteen in the House. In New Jersey the Whig gain at the Oc tober election was 662. In Maryland, the increase, though small, is sufficient to guaranty the proper result when the day of trial comes. In North Carolina, the difference in favor of the Whigs, since the electoral vote, amounts to near 8,000. In Mississippi, the Whig majority may now be fairly set down at 3,000. In Tennessee, it is not much short of j 20,000, and is not likely to recede. In Kentucky, it is nearly as great? and it is probable that in a contest between Clay and Van Buren, it would far exceed that amount. In Indiana, the Whig cause has progress ed with astonishing power. The Adminis-. tration party secured but one member of Congress, and he by the meagre majority of 57. . r ' 7' In Arkansas, the Van Buren majority has been reduced one half. It now only amounts to 6 or 700 ? in November, 1836, it was 1,162. In Michigan, the Van Buren majority 1b November, 1836, was 3,280. The last elec- | tion reduced it to less than 1,000. - - , In Alabama, there has been but little change ? the administration still has the ma jority, though the representation in Congress consists of three Whigs and two Van Buren men. _ . , ^ ?v- . . In Ohio, notwithstanding the outrageous system of Gerrymandering the districts, the Whig majority on joint ballot of the Legis lature, is 13. The popular vote is not ascer tained. . In Georgia, the electioif for Governor dis closed a continued Whig majority; though by an unjust system of districting, a Van Buren majority was secured in the Legisla ture. - ? Here, theu, are the indications in eighteen of the twenty-six States, which cannot be mistaken. The signs are 'unequivocal, that the people have become* disgusted with the men in authority, and that they are deter mined, in despite of all sinister influences or devices, to make a change. There is nothing in the history or character of Mr. Van Bu ren to produce a re-action in his favor ? he has no shining or attractive personal quali ties, to unite men to him with ardor or con stancy ? and his principles are so indefinite, uncertain and intangible, that he cannot make a rally upon any specific ground. Besides, he has lately been thrown, by inclination or evil counsels, info the ranks of the Destruc tives, whom one of his own followers de scribes as the "floating scum," ? and no re treat can now save him. Men of property, and character, who have left him bee; use of I his willingness to sacrifice their rights and interests, can never trust him again. AH the coaxings, whinings, flatteries, fooleries and flourishes of the Argns and Enquirer, can not re unite the brojeen legions, nor give the Administration "a clear sky." JThey may prate 'about the dangers of a " high protec: live-tariff," and-.a Monster Bank ? but the people have passed the sentence of condem nation, and nothing can avert the inevitable doom of the faithless and recreant herd. Charleston and Hamburg Rail Road . ? During the month of November, 8,562 bales of cotton were brought down by the road, the freight of which amounted to 812,682 19 cts. ? other freight down $160 31. - The amount received for freight up, was $11,055 66 dts.r The number of passengers going up was 1808, paying $7,235 71- ? down 2,225, pay ing $6,156 32 cts. Total receipts for the month of November, $37,290 19 cts. The following is a statement of the receipts, in round numbers, 'for the three past months, compared with the corresponding months of last year: - \ 1837. ' 1836. September, $23,000 $18,000 ; October, 35,400 23,100 November, 37,250 27,500 ?- -? - .$95,550 $68,600 December 7, 1837. U. S. CONGRESS. IN SENATE. The following committees were announced from the Vice President as having been ap pointed by him in pursuance of the vote of yesterday: A On Foreign Relations. ? Messrs. Buchan an, Tallmadge, Clay, Rives, and King, ofj Alabama. On Finance.? Messrs. Wright, Webster, Nicholas, Benton, and Hubbard. On Commerce. ? Messrs. King, of Alabama, Davis, Brown, Ruggles, and Norvell. On Indian Affairs. ? Messrs. White; Se vier, Tipton, Linn, and Swift. On Manufactures. ? Messrs. Niles, Bu clw.nSrt, Preston, Stranee, and Pierce. On Public Lands. ? Messrs. Walker, Ful ton, Clay, of Alabama, Allen, and Prentiss. On Private Land Claims. ? Messrs. Linn, Sevier, Bayard, Mouton, and Lyon. V- . * On the Post Office and Post Roads. ? Messrs. Robinson, Grundy, Knight, Brown, and Niles. Of Claims. ? Messrs. Hubbard, Tipton, Crittenden, Spence, and Young. , On Revolutionary Claims. ? Messrs. Brown, White, Crittenden, Norvell, and Smith, of Connecticut. On the Judiciary. ? Messrs. Grundy, Mor ris, Wall, Clayton, and Strange. On Naval Affairs. ? Messrs. Rives, South ard, Tallmadge, Cuthbert, and Williams. On Agriculture. ? Messrs. Smith, of Conn Spence, Linn, M'Kean, and Black. On Military Affairs^M^sxs, Benton, Preston, Tipton, Wall, and Allen. On the Militia*? Messrs. Wall, Swift, Clay, of Alabama, vMoutqq, ancj Smith, of Indiana. On Patents and the Patent Office,? Messrs, Ruggles, Strange, Davis, Prentiss, and Rob inson, On Roads and Canals. ? Messrs. Tipton, M'Kean, Nicholas, Young, and Lyon On Pension*. ? Messrs. Morria, Preatisa, Pierce, Roane, and Williams. For the District of Columbia. ? Messrs. Roane, Williams, Nicholas, Spence, and Bayard. On Engrossed Bills. ? Messrs. Clay, of Alabama, Smith, of Indiana, and Norvell. To audit and control Contingent Expenses of the Senate. ? Messrs. M'Kean, Fulton, and Black. Select Committee on Steamboats? Messrs. Grundy, Wall, Clayton, Benton, Calhoun, Webster, and Walker. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Wednesday, December 20. Mr. Slade having on a former day pre sented two memorials from V ermont, praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and having moved that they be referred to a select committee, and debate threatening to arise thereon, the motion was laid over until this day ; and the quesjion on such reference coming up in order as the first business before the House, Mr. Slade read one of the memorials, and then proceeded to address the H?useat large in support o: <s motion. Mr. S. having an imadverted with some severity on the course pursued in the House in regard to memori als on this subject, and spoken of it as re duced to a matter of system, by an under standing which resulted in Southern gen tlemen invariably rising and moving to lay all motions for the reference of these memo rials on the table-^ Mr. Wise interposed, and with some warmth repelled the idea of any preconcert or understanding on his own part (and he had most frequently made the motion to lay on the table) with a single individual ; and, so far from there being a systematic arrange ment among Southern gentlemen, on ? the matter, there was, on the contrary, a /total; want of concert ; and as to the promptitude^ of the, Chair in anticipating such motions j before they were completely uttered, he | would do the Speaker the justice to testify that never had a word, or even intimation, passed between the Chair and any Southern gentlemen in relation to these motions. ? r~ Mr: Slade disclaimed any personahcharge either on the getitjeman from Virginia or the Speaker. The'promptitude ofthe \ Chair was proper, and arose from a d esire to^ save time. - ,-t^v -.Jrs Mr. S. then resumed his speech, ^but^had proceeded but a little further; whenf ? Mr. Dawson called upon him for an* ex planation of a remark he had made, that" the course pursued in relation to these abolition memorials would have mantled the cheek of a British Parliament with honest shame and indianation. Did the gentleman 5n^an to charge that Mr. D. had ever so acted in " this ^ matter as would mantle the cheek -bf an hon est man with indignation, either in"^ Parlia ment or any where else .f ? Mr. Slade said that he meaiitjo giye^ap-* plication to the remark no farther -than the language itself imp! ! ed;- T; He then \resumed; and having, after some time, concluded Vhat he had to say on the manner of- treating these memorials, and what he considered as a more manly and dignified course to be pur sued in relation to the whole subject, by^re ferring them to a select committee, -he .-pro-.^ ceeded to the subject of the memorial itself^ which pray cc* for the' abolitionV-of slavery within the Di irict of Columbia. And what^ asked Mr. S., is slavery V: [The Chair here interposed, and observed that Mr. S. could not discuss the merits of the memorial on a mere motion for its com mitment. The question before, the ' House was the question of commitment alone ; and to that Mr. S. must confine his remarks.? The motion for commitment had beeu ac companied with no instruction had it^ been, the whole field would have been opened;] V Mr. Slade submitted to the decision of the* Chair, and forthwith modified his motion for the commitment of these memorials .to a select committee, by adding "with, instrac-, tions to report a bill abolishing slavery within the District of Columbia." ? ? . ^ Mr. Wise inquired whether the_ motion, thus modified, must not lie over one day ? - The Chair replied that the memorial hav ing been received, and the motion entertained for its reference to a committee, such would not be the case. . _ - ? - ? * Mr. Slade was about to resume ; when \ . Mr. Legare," of South Carolinar asked leave to say a word.* . % ' , Mr. Slade pausing ? v v Mr. Legare said he wished to implore -the gentleman from Vermont solemnly to ' con sider what he was doing. He supplicated him for the sake of his own constituents, for the sake of those of Mr. for the* sake- of us all, to pause and seriously to- reflect be fore he took another step ot>; tfae" ground before him.?" Mr. L's constituents had- not directed him thus to interfere-, bttty ashman, as an American citizen, he wotrfcJ supplicate the gentleman to take further time to e?m sider. If it was true, as the gentleman bad said, that a spirit had been awakened on this subject which could never be suppressed or chidden into submission, when the most; solemn ^and explicit . contracts forbade" itsTf indulgence, when the agitation of the ques-; tion might involve the fate of a nation, o(2a continent, nay, of the entire world, let that gentleman be assured, (and he warned him not in the language of defiance, for that he well knew brave men every where despised,) but let the gentleman be well assured that tliat spirit would be encountered by another as incapable to the full of being repressed by any human power. If the question must be forced upon them, they were perfectly and promptly ready to take up the gauntlet.?. Let him tell the gentleman most solemnly and seriously that he had had occasion to look at the Question in as deliberate and philosophical a manner as the gentleman had proposed it should be examined in a committee ; and he had come to the con clusion that there was more to be found in the systems of philosophy, and in the - body^ of Christian doctrine against both property and war, than against slavery. The gentle man might as well look there for grounds to advocate a community of goods, as to abolish slavery. There had not been, for more than 1200 years after the introduction of ^Christi anity, the least possible pretext brought from its precepts in favor of war, even wherip np previous stipulation, as in this case, existed for the preservation of peace. (Mr. L>. spoke with great veherpepce, and we could, at times, with difficulty catch bis language; but the above conveys, we beheve, the sub stance pf bis meaning.) Could gentlemfeQ wonder that Southern mep were e*cite<J on this occasion? Hia constituent* Jiad not sent hijn there to listen to these things? to hear, from day to day, the most worn-out common-places brought up and reiterated in his ears? to hear all that was vital to thq safety of their firesides and the very struck ture of Southern society .vilified as an offenc e against God and' man*. Not oDty ^ wa^ijj wearisome and disgusting beyond endurance# but he trembled at its obvious practical , re sults. ? - . Mr. Slade resumed, when Mr. Dawson asked him for the floor, that he might move an adjournment. Mr. Slade refused to yield the floor. Mr. Legare apologized for having said more than he had at first intended, when he asked his indulgence to yield the floor for a moment. Mr. Slade resumed, and expressed his ap proval of the gentleman's ardor, though he could not agree with him in sentiment. He had proceeded for a few minutes, again in quiring what slavery was ? and was proceed ing to define it, when? Mr. Dawson again asked him for the floor and some agitation began to be manifest in ? the House. Mr. Slade again insisted on his right to* the floor, and, continuing to occupy it, pro ceeded to quote from the authority of af> Southern Judge as to the nature and effect of slavery in reducing the slave to a chattel,- > &c. when ? Mr. Wise appealed "to the Chair. Thef^.. gentleman from Vermont was discussing th? -* question of slavery within the States, when ^ his motion was to refer' a memorial for the V 1 abolition of slavery within", the District of ^ Columbia. ^He was plainly trenching ground held by ali tobeintiolable.v The Speaker said that it .was not "in order -Jf to discuss the subject of slavery" wkWn an/" * of the States..^ Mr. Slade denied that he* was " doing so. He had quoted the authority, as lie might * the House adjourn.v . ?- ? The Chair pronounced the motion out ot^ order, while a member was in possessiontvdf^ - the floor and - addressing the House. - would, however, suggest to the gentleman -from Veircont^who v could not but observe - the state of the House, to confine himself? strictly to the subject of his motion. ^ , / Mrs Slade resumed. After he had pro Srceeded some time, ? t - ^ Mr. Dawson inquired of lhe.^Jhair whether. themornmg hbur hadnot expired! - ^ ^ " The Chair replied'tfiat the restriction of^r one hour iveryl morning was /confined to_ir?^ "ports and resolutions-: but did^jot-extend-to v; memorials.^ M '"n" ? longer, when ^ jjj i-ftynr - ->'< ^ *> r ? ***?*? Mr. Petrikitf called him to order. ? ^ - Mr. Stade called Mr. Petrikio toorderfor-r f'ThelchaU a?cl?ed "Mr. Slide in ord?K^^ >? He proceeded at length, quoting jhe I ?s-.- J ilarationbf Indjf?ndence,Jand theConstitu . tions of several of the States, and had go. to [that' of Vi rginia^ wheiyw^fc*?*? 2?? * , leave Of the Hotf^ w ; % ftfr. Wise-Vaid thajTthe gentleman T>ad wantonly discussed the abstract question o ? Wooing ^acfe.A-'the.ve.ry daj of s ^SKr WtieDiitnit. Congress in relation to.it; - He w no . amining the State Constitutions to .bow Ssl existed-ffi the State. it-was aga.n?:_ , them, and aga^^^O^?d *??" {; "gu^ ?t0T^d cation ofhis course, <ran4 was about ?o read , a memorial of Pr.T?oklm,_ and an opmiou of MriMadisoff pn jhe, subject of slavery., ^The reading was objected to ^Mr^ fin, of South Carolraa. - ? v ^ # k* ^ The Chair said i^paperJ. M.uld not be read without permission,* f.L . 1 Mr. Slade. Then hsend,themt?r the Mr. Slade proceeded to read tWpai^ an^g comment on them as he *en* J*?/ iio? l?3<f ^ then about to go back and v slitjvr WMJ - O been the date of the memonal of Franklin. , ^ Mr. jRhett, of South Carplina/lnquired^f , ^Kir wtot the had to do with the quesuon before theHou*#!. The Chair was about to * m ; Mr. Wise rose with .warmth, .and said, he. hasTiiscussed the whole abstract ^estioa ^ slavery : of slavery in Virginia ; of slyeiy.^ tdy Vwn district ; \ asl all my colleague.. to retire with me from this Hall. Slade. Mr. Speaker, I do no. lkMrVHorsey. I ast the ; de?rgia delegatipi^ t0Mt!BheT''Tbe South Carolina deteg^.; ifoWtfc- already C-onsult^^^^; agreed to have a meeting at 3 o committee room of the District of Columbisr. The Speaker hese said ?hat tib wntlematf >. froUr Verment bad been reminded by the chair, that As dSscuseien of slavery, * exist ing within the -States, was i?t m he was desirous to read.! paper ^ objected to,,?be Chair bad stopped hre?, the objection had been withdrawn, and MBfe-v Slade had been suffered to proceed; he was now about to read another paper ??d objec^ lion was made ; the Chair wouldi therefereK ; take the question on permitting it to^be read. ^ [Mr? Robertson, Mr. Rheft apd other., rose and addressed the Chair ; a good ' ^^4 confusion prevailed ; portions of the . outhem^ members were leaving the bali.j ^ > Mr. Rhett rose to order. He asked U. in^ I * v-i r Vermont had a right to dis-_ gentleman. (rom^ rg|averyin Vi rginia? Ho -- cuss the the whole Souths ' thought not ; an _ ^ the slaveholding . I?tes: mgm?t forthwith in the CoWi??^| ?T^e s'peakCTagain recapitulated anivini.;: \he, t^ correcrtiess of his own course, ^ the rules^of the House, , what bis personal feelings had been m^, Tasi ly be conjectured ; had it been >nfa? PO?- ? ef to restrain the discussion, he shouli, promptly have'exetcised the power, , but, ? . was not. i--.- v VMr. Slade was an Act The Ch?ir"'was about tp. put the question v ftin leay^whe^ ^ . Mr. William Co?tJ[ohflSpn inquired of the ) Chaif^ whether it would be in order for the ^ House to vote that the gentleman from Ver mont be nbt permitted to proceed ? . | ... The Chair' Replied it would not. ; Mr. McKay, of N, Q.t said that the gen-/* tleman had been pronounced out of order int^ I discussing slavery ip the States ; and the rule declared- that, when V jnember was so pro nounced- by the Chair^ be should take hia^ seat, and if any ptit objected tov his proceed? '> cft iinlo?? Kv ?