Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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?(jt &fjm6liran. 8ATURDAY, MAY, 21, 1S70. REVOLUTIONS. The Columbia Phcenix, in a recent issue, gives an article on what it considers indicaa1 *V,a nnminir SlimmAr will he UD- I WVU9 lUUb tuo vvuiiug precedentedly marked by labor disturbances throughout the world. It thinks that " ere long fully one-fourth of the artisan population of Europe will become, not only nonproducing, but possibly arrayed, against the 1 good order and interests of society." It then refers to the gradual organization and con- 1 wiidation of Labor, which, it declares, is < eyery day growing more pressing in exac- < tions and more determinedly hostile. Labor, as suggested by the above, is doubtleas on the march; it is doubtless growing ?more restless, more sinewy and aggressive. ^?|Te aro heartily glad of it; for our glasses do Bfit, in their sweep over the fields ahead, reveal anf of the dismal scenes predicted. The laborer is coming to know more and more of the mighty power he possesses; that is all. That isn't such a tremendously startling ftwt, is it? He has power; has had it these thousands of years; and can one think of any earthly reason why he shouldn't feel it, know it as a verity, and put it forth? There is no such reason save that which class and oaste have builded up?and that they have iwnlried hadlv in the main is very oertain. It only remains to see what wil1 make that power dangerous, and to remove such evil. The power will assuredly be increasingly felt and used; therefore make it & power for good. That is what is meant by the grand $>mmon school systems of various sections of our country. We apprehend that the key to certain of the'propositions of the Phcenix is to be found in the fact that that journal is too much inolined to consider the "societyr" it speaks of as simply the few, the very few " blue-blooded" families of any community. If these aro the only one? it means when it speaks of a the good order and interests of society," then we must protest. The idea of " society " < it getting every day broader than that. It j includes all classes. It means the poor as < well as the rich, the laborer as well as the < idler. The real " order and interests of so- < oiety " embraces all. j Doubtless there will be more or less of dis- i turbance before the laborer has his full ] rights. lie has gained what he has through j disturbance, and quite likely this and that \ man's little plannings may be broken up be- ' fore everything is adjusted. But we advise i hun to keep on disturbing, so long as he runs i tile agitation along the grooves of right and J < rtte&Sm. - ??- ~ -s^r^ ?r~~?rro Many men in discussing these questions j would forget the agitation kept up nearly t oversince Eden by the " first families." And | vre suppose it is not so much to be wondered i at when we remember that the world gene- i rally gives a one-sided snap judgment in \ the matter, calling as it does the agitation of j aristocrats by the nicest of names, such as l<Civil necessity," "diplomacy," "glorious \ war," &c., and at the same time calling the ] agitations of workingmen, no matter, 6ome- j times, how just those agitations may be, by ( the barsbest names. , Some men believe in the right of revolu- j lion for their own class and not for any other. ] As for us, we are radical enough to believe < in the sacred right of revolution for all. i ?? i EMIGRATION BY COLONIES. j We recently urged that the class of immigrants to be sought for by us all is the olass having families and a little money; . possessing also something of education and character, such as will become small proprietors rather than simple laborers. This class of immigrants are much more likely to come in colonies than singly. Particularly, if they are sought from the Northern and Middle States, is this true. The system of emigration by colonies is just now ax citing much attention. Several large colonies have boen formed for the West during the past year, two, at least, of more than one hundred families each; and several more, Deluding one for middle North Carolina, are already in process of formation. This method will become more and more popular year by year, as its advantages become more evident. People will learn that a colony of twenty families can take with them and readily support a good school teacher and a library; that they can have Sabbath religious services if they desire it; that they can be sure of congenial society, of sympathy and * * - J ** C 1 oare in sioaness, ai\u 01 manj ui wo uatuioi associations of the homes they leave. If the o&lony reach one hundred families, they can be Bare of a physician of their own choice, a municipal organization if they wish?in faot, of a rising town at the very beginning. All these things are becoming more and more pearly understood, and the idea of concerted Mid oo-operative action more and more popm!ar. We should take advantage of this tendency and try to secure immigrants in groups or colonies. If in any neighborhood there be an intelligent, thrifty German, let the proposed organization for the county in which he lives be centered about bim. Let planters near him set aside one-half their lands for immigrants. Send this mar, or some good man to Germany to go among his own kindred and acquaintances to urge them to ' come?ten, twenty, or forty families together ?to settle around him, assuring them of kind reception, good land, friends of their own close by. The presentation and the plan will be attractive. Such a settlement once formed will grow of itself rapidly. So of other nationalities. The same is true of Northern men. If you have active, efficient, trusty Northern men at any point, open the lands around them, send one or more of them North to assure families that they can find cheap and good lands where they can cluster in hamlets, retaining some sweet old associations till new ones have been formed and become pleasant. We are fully convinced that the successful seekers after immigrants will be those who offer lands to families to settle in groups or colonics. Wc are sure, too, that those who make strenuous effort will also make money. LABORERS VS. PROPRIETORS. The Immigration Convention presented a detailed plan for the introduction of people into our State. The plan has excellent features. It may be too cumbrous to be carried out. It may be, as it has often been in the South, that her citizens have planned far better than they will execute. We fear so. We fear that the Convention will be of little service save as its deliberations and publications serve to excite interest in the general subject and to disseminate good ideas. Be "this as it may, the increased liberality and good sense of the opinions expressed was to us a most gratifying indication. Our whole people certainly are making unquestionable progress. They are being gradually Republicanized in sentiment. One radical error, we believe, the members of the Convention generally entertained, namely: that the immigrants to be sought for are poor laborers rather than proprietors. They are for the most part conscious that their chief want is workmen for the shop or the plantation. They therefore reason that the immigrants they want are those who have neither ability nor means to work for themselves, and who must, therefore, work all their1 lives for others. No greater mistake could be made. This class Df laborers are the poorest and most unprofitable. The very best men are the best workers. The German who has a few hundred dollars to purchase a small tract :>f land for himself will be able to work a few days in the most pressing time just when he is most wanted by his neighbor the planter. He will be a prompt, intelligent laborer, earning his high wages far better than the shiftless worker earns his low wages. Then the growing children of this ? 1? ? AW/1 trixrnwlr OlclIJ, iruiut'u LU BICOUJ (UIU ll^viuuu nv>~, will be ready to hire out, and will furnish a :lass of the best employees ever hired in the 'amilies are wanted to set the example of iiligence and thrift, and the pattern of lonest and thorough daily labor. They are iceded to lead the gangs of laborers in the aelds, excite their ambition, and get from :he loiterers an unusual quantity of work m the allotted hours. Besides this, every small proprietor begins j :o enhance the value of the land and to bear ais share of the public burdens, thus lightening the burden of all. his neighbors. His savings increase the general wealth, and aggregate into capital for manufacturing purposes. He is decently connected in the mother country, and can write to his relatives and Iriends ot tno same sianaing in sucitaj, and encourage them to come among us and swell our numbers. When we get one good thrifty family snugly located in any inviting portion of our State, we may be sure that in a few years several families will follow without further effort, and then moro families will follow each of the new-comers, and thus forward indefinitely. But the poorer class of laborers have no such connections or influence. It is clear to us that while we should welcome every one who will come, we should make strenuous efforts, and offer our special inducements to families of thrifty farming people from abroad or from the North. Some of the members of the Convention expressed ideas similar to our own. We are sure that the more they reflect the more thoroughly they will be convinced of the correctness of these views. A NEW TARIFF POLICY. The high tariff men begin to see that which, if 6een from the first, might have saved them not only time and expense but even danger of losing present rates of tariff. Col. Forney, writing for the Philadelphia Press, undoubtedly indicates the present programme when he says : " There is a straight, honest way out of tho peril. Let the Dresent tariff stand with certain practi cal additions to tbe free list, the removal of the tax on tea and coffee, the decrease of the list of incomes taxed, and tbe inorease of the tax on spirits.. That, in a general sense, wonld be at once a relief and a rescue." A bill of this sort can be passed. A bill of the kind, suggested by Mr. Sargent, of California, reducing the import duties ten per cent., and the internal revenue taxes fifteen per cent., pro rata, except on spirits and tobacco, can be passed. We apprehend now that the struggle will come between the two bills herein suggested. Either will, for the present, satisfy tho country. From year to year reductions must be steadily made. Let protectionists comprehend this, and they, doubtless, will be able for years yet to give to so much of tariff as is imposed protective features. THE RE COMPENSATORY PENALTIES. Some o( the English humanitarians are reviewing the discussion of tho proper theory and practice of punishment for crime. They call for a radical reform, and for treatment based on the theory of compensation and reformation. So far as treatment of persons convicted of theft is concerned, they are clearly right. The present mode of action neither restores the property stolen to the man ruT>l>cd nor conveys any lesson to the guilty person. The penal reformers claim that the criminal should be taught that it is cheaper to earn money than to steal it. This can be done bjr the following plan: Put the convicted felo* at work in prison, at a fair price for his dai* ly labor,charge him a fixed moderate price for his plain food and clothing, and whatever else is allowed him. Credit him with the * r t i 11. - balance ot his earnings, luaxe mm aemoi to the cash value of the articles stolen b/ him, and to the cost of his apprehension and trial. When the credits on his account balance, give him a discharge from the prison. He then works till he saves, from his own h*. bor, the exact amount that he got by theft By that time he, doubtless, will have fully learned that it is far cheaper and better to earn money than to steal it, for, during the toil of every day, he knows that he is putting by money, and how much, to replace just what he took. Of course, there is room for commutation, for credits, for good conduct, for merciful amelioration in every reasonable way, but the essence of compensatory punishment still remains the same. The treatment cannot apply in cases of great robbers. But exceptions do not vitiate the general principles. Then, if on the thief any portion of the I ' lIP 1 .1 ? stolen property lgiuuuu, mcuwuci ^uuiauj \ gets it. But if nothing is recaptured, noth-1 ing is restored. Under the system recom-1 mended the State can do more than catch the j rogue. It can, in whole or in part, make the loss of the citizen good. And until this is done, in part at least, we submit that the du- ! ty of the Government, in protection of property, is not fully done. Of course, the State or National Government can reimburse itself from the earnings of the captured criminal. I These two features, compensation and reformation, properly limited, must enter into any good system of criminal jurisprudence. LIGHT OUT OF GREAT DARKNESS. The Kentucky Democrats refused to renominate Golloday for re-election. They ordered the election before the Republicans there had really time to get well organized. Yet, with organization very incomplete, the Republican* vote in cue of the strongest creased from 2,934 to 5,279. The comparison between the vote in the Presidential election and this is instructive. In 1868, Grant (Rep.) received 2,994, Seymour (Dem.) 10,915; in 1870, Lowry (Republican candidate for Congress) received 5,279; Lewis, (Deraocraticcandidate for Congress) received ! ~ ??-? - r? e ?? t GOI ins majority lurocjiuoui *?no <,c*x, the majority for Lewis 4,568. Net Republican pain 3,353. This gratifying result illustrates very clearly what the Chairman of the Republican I State Committee of Kentucky has repeatedly declared, that a large number of white Union men will now act with the Republican party, and indicates that in some of the closer Districts the Republicans certainly will elect members of Congress. The Fifteenth Amendment is working wonders even in besotted Kentucky. M FARLAND AGAIN ON TRIAL. | Mr. Daniel McFarland was indicted by a Xew York grand jury for murder, and afier a protracted trial was convicted, by an ict commodating petit jury, of insanity in tie first degree. The farce has its appropriite climax in the full discharge of a homicUal maniac?so adjudged?who to-day is chickling over the integrity of his spinal colunn, and devoutly thanking God that the fooli on I the jury lists are not all dead. But quick upon the heels of his acquittal ( of murder comes another indictment driwn | by his wife. It is a document made ui of many counts, and by it he will gain anenduring, infamous notoriety. The Xew York Tribune contains a nine column commurica| tion from Mrs. McFarland, (a synopsii of which we print elsewhere) in which she gives a full history of her marital experitnee | and of her relations with the victim of her , husband's bullet, Mr. Richardson, and which I bears upon every line the impress of troth, i In it McFarland is presented to the world in his true character, a willing pensioner npon the hard-earned gains of a faithful, deroted, self-sacrificing, talented wife; an incariation of drunken brutality and jealous pa?sion; and a treacherous serpent who tried to sting the very men anu women who had befriended him when in his sorest need. This indictment will be tried before* jury made up of every man and woman in America. No demurrer will rule it out of eourt? no citation of Greenleaf on Evidence can keep the facts from those who sit in judgment; the billingsgate of counsel will never divert their minds from the real issue; nor can a convenient plea of insanity exculpate him from the results of his wrong doings. The verdict will be one which will stamp the criminal with the brand of Cain, and compared with the load of infamy which 1PUBLICAN. he must carry to his grave, the spasmodic agony of hanging would have been a light , punishment. LET US DRA W THE LINES. The leopard cannot change his spots. Some thing9 in their nature cannot change, i Of such we hold the Democratic party, 1 which, for convenience sake, we will call a party, although so demoralized, so disorganj ize<f as scarcely to be .worth the name?but 1 which, still true to its old legends, is trying to be builded up again under its old name or another. We have all along called the Citizens' party the Democratic party in disguise. We have been reviled for this; but we still hold | IU UUl U131 JUU^UiUUb Ul llliuitiuu 111 tug mnv ter, and could give many a sound reason for i it. The Democratic party of South Carolina has a long, bluck record, many of whose pages are all blood-stained and sickening. On reading it, one sees a gradual but steady growth from the good principles of the Jeffersonian school on to bad, jind from bad to worse, till the culmination was reached in j an idiotic pride, and the madness and wickedness of secession and rebellion, whereby the most sacred obligations were broken, and whereby the land was drenched in tears and blood, the whole line of horrors capped by the fearful climax of the murder of Federal 1 prisoners ; and then in the Presidential cam - -C 1DM Al j? A pmgn or iouo, iue murucr iu uuiu uiwu v/i unoffending men, simply because these loved liberty and would vote the Republican ticket; one sees a long line of as prejudiced aristocrats as ever shackled men and cursed a State ; not only colored men in cruel bondage, but 1 white workingmen crushed to earth; not only colored men trampled on as if they were cattle, but white men, natives of the State, kept in vassalage because poor, and then sneered at by these aristocrats as "low white trash j" while white foreigners were ruled i with a rod of iron: in short, in that record | of the Democratic party one sees aristocracy ; the meanest and most scornful pride; the 'shackling of the colored race ; the refusal or neglect to educate the poor whites ; the merciless treatment of foreigners ; and a conceit which was boundless and would have its way, even through murder. The strong, the appalling proof of the truth of this record may be found on the scarred backs of thousands of the living, in the neglect of education and the crushed rights of thousands and thousands more, and in the bleaching bones ot manj ot tne dead. We would be lenient and forgiving; but we cannot forget. We cannot forget the old, treacherous, perjured, blood-stained character of the Democracy of South Carolina. ? i.ii i n . ii 1 ? tne colored race and the wrongs of the poor whites. Especially can we not forget this when the Democratic party steps forward to ask for power from those they had so grievously wronged, asserting, as they do, something like repentance, and yet refusing to give the full fruits of repentance. * It is for the good of our citizens to study J long and well these weighty truths. The issues are too mighty, the risks too great, to act in any other way. If the Democratic party are sincere in their professions, they shall be forgiven. But what if they are not sincere ? "What if it be only a deep game they are playing ? .They made the like professions in Virginia and Tennessee; they were trusted, and they betrayed in the basest way those who trusted them. Shall we, brother Republicans, have the fatally treacherous role of Virginia and Tennessee re-enacted in South Carolina? Shall we tamely risk that which may trample the colored people down again, and thrust the workingmen, native and foreigner, down to the level they once occupied ? If the Democrats are really sincere in their professions of love for the masses, yet they can wait for the time of full trusting; they must and shall wait till their sincerity or insincerity may be fully proved by the lapse of ; time. It sincere, still common decency ae- < mands that they do not ask for implicit trust 1 till they have brought forth fruit; and if in- , sincere, they will, through blundering or de- \ spair, throw off the mask, and wc, if true to J ourselves, will not have lost. - ( "PUTNONE BUT REPUBLICANS ON 1 GUAR DP There is a general tendency to make ac- 1 cessions to a party in power, especially if | the continuance of that power be obvious to 1 all men. Tne Republican party of this State is in power, and in such a strongly entrenched position that the continuance of that power is assured; and so we shall have men joining us in "schools." And here a word of J warning is in place. We wisn an our party I to ponder it. Many from the Opposition have already joined the Republican party. Some of these are good, true men ; some only came to us from the most selfish motives. These last so much want place and power that they would be anything?Republican, Democratic, or even " Citizen," to secure it. As j in the past, so in the future?men will join our party from the Opposition who truly be- j lieve in our grand doctrines?and others will j join our party who care for nothing except j ! personal power. I There is danger to us in this. We must! be watchful, and trust no Democrat who joins us till we KNOW him to be an out* and-out, thorough RADICAL FROM CONVICTION. There is nothing but sound, wise policy in this. Those who become Republican from conviction ought not to feel aggrieved; those who assume the robes of Republicanism for unworthy purposes will be sloughed ofi and go where they belong, with other political rubbish. We say this particularly in view of the Republican State Convention in July. Soon we shall be '-ailed upon to select delegates to that Convention. Let us see to it that none but tried Republicans be elected delegates! The Bob-Tail#. To the Editor of the Republican: Sir: The awkward movements of the Democratic editors who are engineering the Citizens* party in this State are not nnlike those of a small cnnu piaying wim a large ^uujpiu uuuo* ?u? delusiveid4*v that it TffilTi OMfhg?. "Constructive statesmanship requires either positive genius which arrives at conclusions and determines upon action by an enlarged intuition, or a marked ability to deduce from history those guides which will enable men to so frame and adapt governments as to best subserve the publlo interests. For a quarter of a century the leaders of the Democracy have failed in every policy they have inaugurated when in power, while their prognostics iu defeat have been uniformly belied by the course of events. In South Carolina, Democracy was synonymous with the slave code and caste. It meant social abysses which could not be bridged over. Lineage was everything, even though it began with hemp; merit could scarce gain a recognition, if it did not emanate from the charmed circle of coast aristocracy. Indeed, a self-elected coterie of politicians dictated the policy of the State; determined its laws; wrote the platforms of its conventions: and nominated its officers. Editors were whipped into line ; and whenever the nose of a Charleston leader Itched, local politicians sneezed over the entire State. But the eminently respectable gentlemen who so long governed the State are now shelved. They are fit subjects only for dissection and anatomical study. Live men are to shspethe destinlesoftheSouth in the future. TheRepubli can party have control of the State. Its principles have been and are those of hnman right and justice; and a large majority of our citizens favor its continuance in power. This the Democracy know full well. Hence the recent change of base by a portion of the opposition, from a professed hostility to measures to one of met). They seek a royal road to preferment on, and not with colored voters. But in adopting their devious policy, the leaders of the Citizens' party have shown a want of the most ordinary political sagacity. They are the most promising political paradox of the century. They call their party "Anti-Radical," and then proceed to swallow a whole box of Radical pills, and pretend that it is a dose which is altogether enticing and sweet. They cry out in stentorian tones that they "accept the situation," as if the alternative presented were not acceptance or Immigration. They are the sorriest specimens of political bob-tails that I have ever seen. They are a reproduction of the fox In the table. They lost their confederate tails In the trap of war, and are now trying to wheedle the unreconstructed into a dismemberment of their caudal appendages also. These new political lights urge that confederate tails serve no useful purpose, Indeed, that they are really a lug the graceful quirlwhlch^makST^Se"" fvo?t*rio-vert*brcnlio elongation of a pig "a tiling of beauty" If not "a Joy forever," their tails are valueless as ornaments. Bat somehow the old Confederate foxes do not see the fact In the light of this specious reasoning, and still less do the Republicans exhibit an undne baste to Join the bob-tall hosts. The Republican party is a national institution. It ramifies every State, and has its ma-, lorities in nearly all. The Republicans of South Carolina affiliate with this national party, and they will not cqt loose from It to Join a local anti-Radical party, professing Radical principles, made up of men of whom nearly every mother's son have opposed every principle of the Republican party, and to the very last momentareslsted the guarantee of any political or civil rights to the colored citizens who constitute the sreat majority of the Republican party In the South. To any man who comes Into the Republican camp, there is no disposition to ask any disagreeable conundrums In respect to the color of the uniform he wore during the recent civil war; bat the Radicals of Sooth Carolina propose to show those gentlemen who ilvlde their time between damning the Radical party and -stealing Radical principles, that their conversion to .Republican doctrines is too lecent and too sudden to be beyond the suspicion of danger that the proselytes may quite as suddenly fall from grace, and especially since they are ashamed to take the Republican name. The Radicals want men who seek preferment for, and not by, Republican principles; and when the bob-tails jhall join the Republican party, take the Republican name, and unite In a public declaration sustaining the Republican National Ad? ' ? ' ? I ?^ nt eKA*tnnoc rtr ill Ka LLliLl lSUUtlUlij iLieii uctuci Quvt buuio VViJA ^ overlooked, and their suggestions will be listened to and given the fall weight which their importance demands. But until they 44 bring forth works meet onto reDent-nncc" tr? net ->???? t-> _ 3onth Carolina to regard their ambitions suggest ions with any more favor than Democratic South Carolina regarded the wishes of the present Republican majority of the State before and during the war, and down to the adoption of 1 the Fitteenth Amendment. Hence, the Citizens' party omnibus Is not i overloaded with Radical passengers. Indeed, It Is not very apparent, as yet, where they are going to get Republicans to pat on their tickets ?State or local. They seek, yet do not And. Gentlemen do not usually court defeat when by It tney gain neither glory nor grab. Voteless and candidateless, so far as Republicans are concerned, the Citizens' party next get a fire in the rear from the " irreconellables," who rise np from the last ditch of the Cou ederacy, and tell the leaders of the new movement that the " stars and bars" Is the bui ting under which they will die, and that nnder no circumstances will they vote for or affiliate politically with 44 niggers." * ? q11Athpr n?v Henre auempuug m party, my advice to the Democratic editors of this State is, to purchase a work called " Statesmanship lu Six Easy Lessons." A diligent perusal of its pages will save them from very stupid blunders. Respectfully, Impromptu. Mark Time. [From the Knoxville Daily Chronicle.] The above is a military order with which, perhaps, almost all are familiar, and to those who understand it, it furnishes an apt illustration of the position of American Democracy. They have kept up a continual tramp, trump, tramp, for the last ten years, and 1870 finds them marking time in the same old ruts of 1860, with a faithfulness worthy more enterprising leaders. While it has been engaged in tbis useless shuffling of tbe feet, Re; ablicanism has marched forward with tbe elastic step of a volunteer brigade, and triumphed over every opposition. IMPORTANT CASK* United State* Court, in Cfcartoatoa. HO*. C. 8. BRTAH, PBE8I7>I59. May 12.?The cut of Thomas Branch and Fred. R. Scott, of Virginia, and Thomas P. Branch, of. Georgia, copartners as Branch, Sons A Co., vs Reuben Tomlinson, James W.Grace, et a!, of Sonth Carolina?a motion for an injunction to restrain the State from levying taxes upon the Sonth Carolina Railroad Company?was resumed in the United States Circuit Court yesterday. Hon. D. T. Corbin, United States District Attorney, opened the argument in behalf of the defenoa. After citing the various foots contained in the bill, he said the facts stated wore, perhaps, true, bat tha law asserted was subject to controversion; assum' T ?:-i-? ?r 1 A\A mm. lng lOttt lUC acb Ul UJO IM^JOISIUIV VI ivw empt the South Carolina Railroad property from taxation, and that this construction Lad beenaoted upon by the State until 1848,and assuming that the act of 1868 does impose a tax upon said property; was another remedy besides the one sought, and that was the remedy of law, which was full, adequate and complete. It was not the absolutely settled law of .the country, that a Legislature can tie the hands of subsequent Legislatures, so that they cannot tax proper ty within the State limits, and tax all equally and justly alike. He then. showed that there was a remedy prescribed by law for parties who deem themselves illegally taxed, and held that under the recent act of the Legislature the company would have to pay the tax. He held that the system of taxation in this State was precisely like that of the - t United States Qovernment,with this advantage,that the State Auditor, when he thought it neoenai% could convene the State Board Of^ Bqualisation fog the redress of grievances; and the tax-payer, if not then satisfied, could go into the courts to have bin vrmntra ???d. and there was no State in the'Union where appeals and opportunities bj law hare been more carefully provided for the tax-payer who considered himself illegally assessed. He admitted that a majority of the decisions of the Snpremo Conrt of the United States were in favor of one Legislature's tying the hands of succeeding Legislatures in such matters, but the Judges were, in such cases, generally equally divided. He stated that the South Carolina Railroad Company now owned one-tenth or one-twelfth of the eity property, and continually added to it. If the Company could J >ld all this property without paying taxes he would like to be informed hoe the eity debt oould ever be paid. He thought that if one Legislature was to be allowed to tie the hands of all sabsequent Legislatures, seed would be planted to destroy the government itself. Hon. D. H. Chamberlain, Attorney-General, fol- .lowed Mr. Corbin, for the State. He made an sbls argument, reiterating the assertions made by the District-Attorney, and claiming that no set of oos Legislature could be binding upon subsequent Legislatures. He held that the elaim of the South Carolina Railroad Company of peipetual exemp- . tion from payment of taxes, simply because % former Legislature had so decreed, was invalid, and that the law recently enacted was legal and binding. General James Conner followed with a brief address to the Conrt, in which he explained the aitaation of the Company; that in 18&:? a charter and perpetual exemption from taxation was granted them, and that for thirty-five years the State had nJHgroH tt\ that law. Subsequent to the deeisioa ... pr I j ,,. nm, Mlt i?u m the State vs. Hood, the act of 1870 was passed, bat for the provision of that act, the at'empt to levy a tax would have been met with either a writ of injunction, or one of prohibition in the State Conrt, which would have stayed the bauds of the tax collectors until the matter had been jud iciatly^decided. That power was taken from plaintiffs by the act of 1870, and the Company found themselves compelled to pay the tax. It wu therefore that corporator* and citixens of another State, seexing protection of their rights, come into this Court to stsy the hands of the collectors, until the legality of that tax was ascertained and determined. Hon. A. 6. Magrath followed next for the Company. He said that the arguments bad taken a narrow range, consisting mainly of two poiata: First, that there was an adequate remedy in leer, and that this Court should therefore not take jurisdiction, and second, the great question whether the act of 1835 was binding on subsequent Legislatures. On the first point beendearwed to show thai the remedy was inadequate, incomplete and uncertain, and upon the second point be eited from numerous authorities. First, that the charter of a private corporation was a oontract; second, as saoh it woald be protected by the courts under that provision of tbe United Statee-which prohibits any iitatefrofc pawing any law in violation of contracts. His Honor, Judge Bryan, delivered a verbal opinion. He decided that the injunction ask^t for was the apt remedy for tbe question brought before him. His determination, be said, aside from any other consideration, was based upcn the fact that it involved a franchise, and this was the more authoritative, direct and speedy mode of practically determining its exiatence.^enot a speedy one. It was dilatory in its very nature, and somewhat unocrtain, he thought, in Uf final execution. So far as the authority of the State was concerned to do what it had undertaken to do, in this matter, the action of this oourt, and the action from this cCurt, would bring tbe question directly to the ultimate tribunal, where a decision could be found binding on all parties, and the question at issue 'settled. I think, therefore, said his Honor, that the oomrt is more than justified in assuming jurisdiction, and the assumption of that jurisdiction will carry ne ' hardship, no harm to any party here, but settle speedily and distinctly the rights of the corporation and all other corporations identified with them in this question. The injunction will be simply provisional, and the great question in the matter may be fully argned hereafter. The temporary injunction and provision prayed for will be granted. * Return of Mr. Jllleon. Mr. Jillson has returned from the North. Amoag his other business was that of purchasing books for the South Carolina University Library, under iastructions from the' Board of Trustees. The statement of the correspondent of the Charleston JVetos, in regard to the closing of the Howard Sehool, if entirely false. The State has provided the'neoeasary funds. Preparations are b^ing made by the Ideational Bureau for the establishment of another colored school, and a school for white pupils as well.