Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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No subscription received for a shorter period than one year, end no paper discontinued until all atrearages are paid, except at the discretion of the Publisher. All subscriptions will be oontijHied unless otherwise notified previous to the endpf the year. No subscription will be received fruurt beyond the limits ef this State, unless accompanied by die Cath, or the name of some person who is known to us. Advcrtisements inserted at 75 cents per square for the first insertion, sud 37i cents for each continuance?longer ones charged in proportion. Advertisements published Monthly or -Quarterly, Oue Dollar for each insertion.? IboM not having the desired number of insertions merited tlium, will ou continues until oAlorod out, aiHTTlftart " ttf accord iagly. For announcing a Candidate, Throe Dollars in advance. For advertising Estrays Tolled, Two Dollars, to be paid by the Magistrate*. Mouoy can l>o roiuiUmd to the Publisher by mail, at his risk. Postmasters are allowed to frank letters (written by themselves) containing money for Newspaper subscription. , Cy Letters addressed to the Editor! must be post paid. I'V |. WEDDED LOVE. % BY ROBERT WALSH. We have somewhere seen tho doctrine that love in a state of courtship is the true beatitude of ( this life; and to be desired beyond any other food relation even for a thousand years ! 1 he writer of those opinions could t.ot have been married, or ut loast, not experienced a wedlock even commonly fortunate, otherwise his own happiness would have taught him a different and juster theory. In the conjugal union, love may lose some of its >t may he less vehement or rapturous; end the imagination, which, during courtship, commonly feeds, as it were, on nectar and ambrosia, u id sports on a bed of roses,?may become comp iratively inert and sterile; but tho pleasures of h?j, ul'iwu nuiimiiciiL, ?nu uounuicBs, mutual nfidonce, and the excitement of virtuous. and tender hope, are infinitely multiplied. Lord Verulam has truly said that marriage h. Ives griefs and doubles joy. It combines, in f\ct, and transfuses existence for each party; it Llends and identifies souls, so as to render cotn>. in to them their several susceptibilities of graduation and refinement; it creates new energies, .v d generous sympathies; now objects of endearment nnd reliance; numberless reflected and reciprocated fuvors of regard and respect. llut what gives it a superior character of inherent dignity und genuine enjoyment is the religious esconou peculiar to, it; the vein of duty which perv:.tes it; the consciousness of those who are suddenly allied in it, that they have ndopted a tie hall.1 tired by divine sanction, and aro fulfilling one of k. .. .. .*e vr The eostaoiesof courtship are dashed by fears, iealousics, misapprehensions, which are unknown to wedded partners of sound tninds and affectionate hearts, with them, all is trust and security; their faith is beyond the sphere of temptation or accident; their adversity, if misfortunes come, has onsolations derived from the most exalted sourc? i; from the invisible and holy world, as well as the present checkered scenes of human action. The qualified worship of an excellent fellowije.ng, natural and delightful as it is, involves something more rational and elevated, when the object ii a wife or husband, than when it refers to a more mistress or lover. In the first case, it assoc ates itself with duty, and implies an esteem the more proper and grateful as accompanied by intiMRli' Lii'iurliulun ? ? 0? In |>m|K>rtiou, however, as marriage is of a sailed and permanent nature, producing weighty obligations and liable to special and severe cures calamities, ought it to be cautiously, and delibe fttely, ond piously contracted. It is not to be >wed or anti?i|?atud u a.merely halcyon career, h as it often is in smiling prospects and auspicis events, ond screnoas it may be rendered in all it the human creature can control. A childish i kc/tanf, a calculation of convenience, a momenta caprice, form no warrant for it; though they be freijuontly the only incentives. Such a bond rcquiros matured and discriminating *' achment: comprehension of its good and evil; resignation to all the chances. But he or she who )i.j$ the right, intelligence, feeling and opportunity) ami yet avoids it, yielding to selfishness or cow*r<iice, sins against the designs of Providence, and ices the final rewards of courageous and successful trial. It was a favorite remark of tmrd Littleton, the % younger, that marriago is a Tottery, and that, of ourse, it is as preposterous to rejoice at a wedding, sa it would be to exult in purchasing a ticket for the State-wheel. According to the same questionable anthority, ?'i epithularniums are, therefore, at least premav - ?. > y * ? 4.- ?-4 ?--- -- 4.- \ connubial scheme should ascertain that ho has d'-awn a prize, before he indulges himself in solfvp ttulation, or welcomes the greeting of his friends. The analogy is not, however, exact?because it is iu the power of the bridal parties to .determine >?eir own fate, in a matyri|l decree. Life itself might lie equally styled a lottery, looking to the di versity of its chunces and the incertitude of its incidents; but it is, nevertheless, a positive blessbig with well constituted minds and healthful frames. So, likewise, is marriage, which should be undertaken as life is accepted,?-with stronger expectation of weal than wo:?with bright visions and cheerful resolutions; but, also with a spirit pf philosophical or christian submission to whatever Pipvidence may ordain to its course. The Greeks nfcde Hymen descend from Apollo, Urania, or T^liope. This origin from the fountain of harmony and light, and the twwRoblest of the muses, illustrates or shadows from the true character of thp espousals over which the garlanded god waves his ncr?, dying t?rdi, and" sheds His cetostml in flue nee. A Good Reason.?A few day sinco a grand jury out South ignored a bill against a huge negro for stealing chickens, and before discharging him from custody, the judge hade him stand a reproniand. Ho concluded as follows* "You may go now, John, (shaking his finger at at him.) let mo warn you never to appear here again." John, with dolight beaming from his big white eyes, and with a broad grin, displaying a row of beautiful ivory, replied: "I woudn't bin dlsunoc, Judge, only de consta blc fotcH me." etas of tub Mind rksfbcting thi pUTUB_ The common bias of the mind ?n^*^ihtodlv is (such is the benevolent appointment .r p?,vidence) to think favorably or the future OVer- sr value the chances of possible good, and to Vjj aj rate the risks of possible evil; and in the caj^ some fortunate individuals, this disposition rcm*,n| after many disappointments. To what this bi s of our nature is owing, it is not material for us ^ enquire ; the fact is certain, and it is an importan ^ one to our happiness. It supports us under th* real distress of life?cheers and animates all oi? labors; and, although it is sometimes apt to pro fa< dnce in a weak and iudolent mind, thdie deceitfu suggestions of ambition and vanity which lead ui to ssMfiiice the du'.ies and comforts of tbo pre | ^ sent," to romantic hopes and efnectations ; yet it , m??? k~ ...u~ -J* i ' c,r i/v aymiun IWVIKV Vp W UUI1 tUllIJCClCCl NV11U HH* bit? of activity, and regulated by a solid judg- 4 mcnt, to have a favorable effect on tho character, o prompt to grclViTnte^Ti^il'sufd^r^Tiecessary to ensure their success. When such a temper is d united with pleasing notions concerning the order u of the universe, concerning the condition and a prospects of tnan, is- places our happiness in a tl great measure, beyond the power of fortune.? o While it adds double relish to every enjoyment, ?y it blunts the edge of all our sufferings; and even a when human life presents to us no object on which ii our hopes cun rest, it invites the imagination be- fi yond the dark and troubled horizon which termi- G nates all our earthly prospects, to wander uncon- tl fined in the regions of futurity. A man of bene- v volence, whose mind is enlarged by philosophy, h will indulge the same agreeable anticipations with c respect to society ; will view "the different im- ii provements in arts, in commerce and in the sci- 'J enoes. as to co-operate in promoting the union, the n happiness, and virtuo of mankind; and amidst the tl political disorders resulting from the prejudices and follies of his own times, will look forward tl with transport to the blessings, which arc reserved h fWr fMtbtctiij iu Uiura .DMif/tW y Stcirart. o ^ c Gay SrntiTS.?It is a strange thing, but so it ;? ....... u-:n:?. ? v - oij uiimaiiL ?|iini8 are almost always the ' result of mental suffering, like the fever produced by n wound. I sometimes doubt tears; I often doubt the existence of that misery which flushes e the cheek und kindles the eye, and which makes the lip mock with sparkling words, the dark and * hidden world within. jj There is something in intense suffering, that tj seeks concealment?something that is fain to belie itself. In C?K?per's novel of the "Bravo," Jacijues conceals himself and his boat, by lying v where the moonlight dazzled on the wafer. We do the same with any great despair; we shroud in a glittering atmosphere of smiles and jests ; but the smiles are sneers, and the jests are sarcasms. ? There is always a vein of bitterness runs through ? these feverish spirits, they are tho very delirium c of sorrow seukim; to escape from itself, and vahich vuiiiiuu ous^oikk. duu -am i- ?u.ua^r oj rtn. j moonshine. f c t r? a u?ntlb?an.? i lie character of a gentleman may he explained nearly thus: a A blackguard is one who docs not care who he offends; a clown is n blockhead who does not know when he offends; a gentleman is one who understands and shows every murk of deference to the claims of self love in others, and exacts it in return from them. A man may have the manners of a gentleman without having the look, and he may huvo the charucter of a gentleman, in a more abstracted point of view, without the manners.? The feelings of a gentleman in this higher sense, only denote a more refined humanity?a spirit delicnto in itself, and unwilling to offend, either in the greatest or the smallest things. This maybe coupled with ahsense of mind, with ignorance of forms, nnd frequent blunders^ hut the will is good; the spring of gentle offices and truo regard is untainted. A person of this stamp blushes at an impropriety ho was guilty of twenty years bufo,-?. itiougb fie IS K_l.l.. tn ? w-imntow. "Blessings on the man who invented sleep" said the immortal Saticho Panzu, "for it covers one all over like a garment." We subjoin half n dozen proverbs, with which we huve met on the subject? One hour's sleep before midnight, is worth two after. The morning to the mountain, tho evening to the fountain. Go to bed with the lamb and rise with the lark. 1 he choleric drinks, the melancholic eats, the phlegmatic sleeps. Who sups well, sleeps well. Laconics.?Great minds express a good deal in a few words. Neither do nor say what you would not that the whole world should see or near. not caro to be thought so, and woul3f Fiave some < difference paid to their understanding. Hooks of devotion and those of love are alike bought. The only difference--is, that there are more who read books of love than buy them; and there are more who buy hooks of devotion than read them. An Italian philosopher expressed in his motto, that time was his estate : an estate, indeed, that will nr/vlnrn nntKmrt uritltAnl l^..? ?.*11 c ..... fr. fiiiiiV'Ub Ulllll TUIIUtJ) IJUt W1U * always abundantly repay the labors of industry, < and safety the most extensive desires, if no part of 1 it K; suffered to lie waste by negligence, to be over- ' run by noxious plants, or laid out for show rather than for use. < Colton, the author of Lacon says, "some females 1 will forgive a liberty but not a slight. You may steal her picture though it were set in gold with- * out ofTence?but if you steal the frame and leave the portrait, you arc a douimtl nm." 1 To weep for fear is childish; to weep for anger is womanish; to weep for grief is human; to weep for compassion is divine; but to weep for sin is . Christian. * r Variety.?No character will please long who g is uniform. To be always jocose is bufl'oonry; pa- } thetic, silly; always wise, sententious; always grave, tiresome. ( There are some folks write, talk and think so t much on virtue, that they hat e no lime toproclice c it. MR. McDU^Fl r'.^S,SjE^CH [coMflNV^^ ounds sotno of the provisiorf? [ act werc lop ted ?what, in noir.t of fee* * V*?e cha^ terof tbe act of 1816, so far as Ufan ^ c<?<,3,d* ed in tbe light of a protective k'j?"1* ?.nd the OVISO which is usually called' . lfl . muni iuse; and to that I call the spe?iai<?"*nUO" of e Senate, fop it has boon subject t( *">r? etansion .ban ,.?y of tbe p^01 * "J*" '' 1 his minimum clause assnmed tha \ ma?u* :tures of cottons costinjrless tlkn f Ce?U uare yard, should be deomnd ^ \^yo cost ?? its; and a duty of 20 per cent.!" wa, a ^ie<l on that assumed value, tim w icduty.n disguise, of 25 cwti^rn 25 cents ml &o^,8C0-^fc9? lh of the honressed to Mr. Lowndes by a Mr. Briggs, ft manfacturer of Massachusetts, in a bi4b he states that duty of 5 cents was wholly i adequate to give le necessary .protection j and fewest into a calulation to show that ^ duty of w (Cents a square ard would be equal to an ad valorem duty of umething over 30 per cent. 1 ano. discovered, i an essay published by tliat si ne gentleman, this ict, which I regard as imports it : he stated that leneral Smith, of Maryland, w io was at that time tio representative of the merca tile interest, and rho supported the principles o fro." trade during is whole life, had said in his p ice that the actual ost of the coarse cotton manu ctures then made i England was about 24 4-5 co is?hv square yard, ["bus it appears that tho assume b value of cotton lanufactures in the act of 1816jo!rrcsnondcd with lie actual cost at that time in ( rant Britain. 1 am aware there was a coai ;? fcnd iliiosy fabric tien imported from the East Juliet, called humums, which cost abroad less llv^Vi cents a square * "1 R.tr X orn oUo AWftM) Uujcclu f the mint mum clause of the of 1816, was to xclude this article ; for there w4s then ft univeral opinion prevalent among statoSHienofall parties, liat the East India trade, waich operutod as a onstant drain of our speoie, was injurious, and uglit to be discouraged. Now Mr. President, what verft the principles tnbodied in the act of 1816 1 Did it involve the iritibiples of a permanent and increasing tariff of >rotection 1 or a permanent ana decreasing tarf for revenue ? Beyond all question, it was of lie latter ehamrfor ?r>rl ?? It- - , M..V. ov iv vuiiviuai V tl J ojipeuro ipon the face of the act itself, which provides a emporary protection of 25 per cent, on cotton and vollen manufactures, for three years, to be then educed to 20 per cent. The honorable senator, [Mr. ^hoate,] in cxlounding the taritf of 1789, hus given Uc> the comneutary without the text. Nqw. sir, I have givin you the text of the act of laltf, and shall pro:eed to give you the commentary. To show you jjnr.if wija rc^nxrr^ etnarks of the mosrerninent stnstfan who were nigaged in its discussion. Wj1 i Mr. Webster proposed that the fluty on cotton ind woollen manufactures should commence at 30 >er cent, and come down tq 20 at the expiration >f four years, by two successive gradations. Mr. Jlny proposed that the duty should begin at 30 >er cent., and thut it should bo reduced to 20 in lix years, by three gradutions. Upon this the folowing conversation took place : Mr. Ltotvndcs remarked that "ho rejoiced to sec gentlemen who had manifested the strongest friendship for the manufacturing interest, the udvocates >f u proposition which would in prospect produce i return to correct principles." What said Mr. Calhoun 1?whom I suppq*f the jonoi able senator from Massachusetts means when u .l r\ i* ? ? n iL- ?ay? t^uuiu-vyurutina is me acinar 01 the protective system. In opposition to Mr. Clay's amendnent lie said : "He hoped tiie Amendment would lot prevail. He believed tbe\w><Wproposed by tie original mo poo was correctjL'?^^ that the pernanent duty of 20 per cent. w'Jt ample protec.ion." I have now given an exposition of the system ol L8K5?that protective system which the honorable icnator from Massachusetts has solemnly declared vas fatal to the commerce of the country, and comlelled Massachusetts to abandon navigation and sommerce, and embark against her will in the busness of producing manufactures ! ! If the honorible senator considers the act of 1816 as the origir if the protective system, will he be kind enougl ;o introduce a revenue bill providing the same rate if ad valorem duties! The bill I have introduced s founded upon the basis of that-act?the rate o luties it provides being, with a few exceptions precisely the same. And what do** the other hon irnblc senator from Massachusetts JJJjY of this bil if mine 1 Why, sir, with the act||p? 1816 staring lim in the face, and a proposition of Mr. Madisor nefore him, made in 1789, to impose only a dutj if 5 per cent, on all imports, lie is pleased to char ..... one Who assnmna tlia nnkCHi nM.iiii 1a <>vrnI-1 ?~ '6'" ~ Y"6".' ' nan his place, and give to everything its name, as *. "stupendous novelty a thing without exam lie in legislation, withdrawing* "all protcct'un whatever," and consigning the manufacturers tc inal and eternal perdition. And yet it gives ai ouch protection as the act of lSlCTwhich the oth >r senator from Massachusetts savfl destroyed com ncrce, and from six to ten times as much as tht ict of 1789, which the senator himself [Mr. Cho ite] said was then amply sufficient In what, then ioes this stupendous novelty consist ? Not, il teems in me rate ol duties, but in their uniformt'</ A horizontal tariff! an absolute Water level! in ?qual violation of the laws of hydrostatics and ol ho protective system ! Such a system, in the opinon of the honorable senator, would instantly cause he water wheel of every factory to stand as stock itill as the current of a standing pool, Such, Mr. President, is the profound and pliiosophical reasoning of the sena^*^. from Massaihusetts, from the historical progress of the proactive system, up to the year lff-ii. The next great era in the prqAwA Pro" octivo system was produced hytha tariff of 1824, >y which the duty on woollen tttuitifactures was aised from 2U to 33 1-2 per c**.;' * ? * on cotton nannfactures from 5 to 7 1-2 Ante a square yard, ind the duties upon Swedish iron and Russian temp in a still greater proportion. In the year 1820, when the increased duties aferwards imposed by the act of ]?24 were in agiation, Mr. Webster, at a public meeting in the own of Boston, over which Judf^o Story presided, leclercd that the protective duties then in contemplation were, in his opinion, of doubtful eonstitu tionality ; and that meeting passed a string of resolutions, which were lately read at the instance ol tho honorable senator from Alabama, [Mr. Bagby,] which furnished a clear and?conclusive answer to every argument now advanced in favor of the protective system/'^What then wore the principles of Massachusetts in 1821 1 She stood shoulder to shoulder with South-Carolina in opposition to the tariff of that year ; and it is worthy of special remark that, with tho exception of two or three votes from Western Virginia, there was not a single vote given in either branch of Congress from any State south or southwest of the Potomac, in favor nftknt in* - ? ...?v ...WU9UIV. iK a great ^uimuai alliance took place between the East and West, one of the fruits of which was soon seen in the new attitude suddenly assumed by Massachusetts in regard to the protective system. Mr. Webster from being the leading opponent of that system all at once became its prominent supporter. Anc 4glX7 rcuun umnlj alio "Jbrtlmji alcVr g'TC" VJ inn dtsringuisheu statesman for sacrificing his constitu tional scruples, his principles of political economy of political justice, and of equal taxation, was thu it had beoOtne the interest of Massachusetts to sup port a system which, (to use hi3 own language u 1820,) was calculated to "favor great capitalists rather than personal industry or the owners o small capitals:" to make "the fanner give mon than he now does for all he buys, and receive les for all he sells and finally, "to diminish the in dustry, impede the prosperity, and corrupt the morals of the people." Such, sir, were the con elusive arguments urged in advance against tin tariff of 1824, and such the groat principles o justice and equality which Massachusetts sac rificed at tho shrine of her own pecuniary interesl Accordingly Mr. Webster voted for the tariff <j 1828, and has ever since been a prominent sup porter of the interest of "large capitalists." makin, "the farmer give more for all lie buys and receiv less for all he sells;" and at thesamu time "dimir ishing the industry, impeding the prosperity, an f*Orniptin^ l)io uf tlir jMlViplc* But the honorable senator from Massachusett [Mr. Bates] has selected certain votes given by tli representatives of the South, including myself, ii creasing the duties upon certain articles in the tari of 1828. Now, I will inform that senator that thoso vote were given to defeat that "bill of abominations, urged upon the country to promoto the special it te rests of Massachusetts. We saw that this systei of protection was about to assume more gigant dimensions, and to devour the substance of tl: country, and we determined to put such iugrcd ents in the chalice as would poison the monster, ar commend it to his own lips. This is what is som times called "fighting the devil with fire," a polic which, though I did not altogether approve, adopted in deference to the opinions of those wi whom I acted. In 1832, the public debt havii been extinguished, the tariff of that year was pas ed, retaining all the more oppressive features the act of 1828, and relieving the manufaclurii f*raiT llnrrf -fl tli9 burden^, pf taxation,s iMnrf tmrin w^'ninnuuro u) wqatn-tjuioiina, st out of this grew the compromise of 1833, whit was regarded as a final adjustment of the cjuestit of protection, providing for a gradual reduction the duties'till they reached the revenue point 20 per cent. But in 1812 the manufactures aga besieged the Capitol ; and in violation of the fai solemnly plighted by the act of 1S33, induct i Congress to pass the present tariff, incomparab , more unjust and oppressive, as 1 shall hereafti show, than the tariff of 1S32. Having thus closed the historical review of tl protective system, I shall now proceed to auswi , some of the prominent arguments in favor of tl , tariff of 1842. And I shall first examine an argument of tl senator from Maine, which he ventures to dra from the historical facts I have disclosed. He sa 1 that, from 1789 to the present time, every increa of protective duties has invariably produced i increase of revenue, an increase of foreign coi werce, and a diminution of the price of inanufa tures. forcitru aud domestic. Now, sir I am ha py to meoi tho Jionorable senator upon u propositi! of fact so broad, tungible, and comprehensive. \> liat/A conn tkan ^ aw* w ovwii) viaviiy illUb U1W bWUipv/l Ui jr UUUC."J UI 1U f were 25 per cent., and that, after eight years hi ! elapsed, the nianufaturers caine to Congres ' though these temporary duties hud been prolong* ' till 1826, and declared that so far from being ah ' to undersell the foreign manufacturers with a pr ' tection of 25 per cent., they could not maintain t! ' competition unless the protective duties we 1 raised some 50 per cent, higher. This additior 1 protection was accordingly given. Did it prod u ! that reduction of prices which the senator frc ' Maine has told us invariably results from increas* f protective duties 1 Precisely the reverse. * less than four years, the manufacturers made a si ' more clamorous appeal to Congress, declaring tl ' they would be totally ruined and their cupitul ti \ nihdated, unless Congress would add 50 per cei 1 more to the protective duties. And upon thisal ' gation, the tariff of 1828 was passed, raising t * protective duties greatly above 50 per cent. ? i .1 c< . I . ? - .L. ...... IMMRV r fact, that in every stage of the progress of mar * factures, from 1816 to 1828, there hus been an i * creasing necessity for protective duties, clearly n 1 conclusively demonstrating that they were high * in 1828, as compared with tho price of forei? 1 manufactures, than they were in 1816. Whi * ever reductions, therefore, may have taken nla * in the price of domestic manufactures bctwet s 1816 and 1828, a still greater reduction took plu ' in tho price of foreign manufactures during t > same period. And if, as the manufacturers d t clared, double the rate of protective duties was r " quired in 1828 to enablo tho domestic inanufs turers to meet their foreign competitors in our ov i markets that was required in 1816, it follows th r the fall in the price of domestic manufactures the interval was 25 per cent, less than it was foreign countries. Owing to the reduction of tl circulating medium, the acciynulation of capiti and the greet improvements'in macliinery, tliei has been a progressive and unexampled reductic in the price of manufactures nil over the wor since 1816; and although the reduction has be< less in the United States, by 25 per cent., than Great Britain, it is a prevailing fallacy that tl reduction has been produced by high duties < i foreign manufactures. If, after twenty-eight yen of protection, our manufacturers cannot meet the foreign competitors with the protection afford* by a system or revenue duties, when shall we rea ize the promised blessing of obtaining domost manufactures cheaper than we can import the from abroad I For twenty-eight yeau*a, we ha* been steadily receding from the millenium instea of advancing to it, as the successive additions to oi protective duties practically and historically prov fco that the great historical fact of tho honorab' senator from Maine turns out to bo something les} than no act at all. v I now propose to expose the stereotyped.! fallacy that high duties s make low prices?Uv 1 the test of a philosophical analysis. The hoo-^ orable Senator front Maine has repeatedly said/: in the course of his debate, that the price of roan} u fact urea, as overy thing else, depends upon sup^ ply and demand. This is very true, as to thoa^fc temporary fluctuations in price which result front the accidental increase of the supply beyond thn demand, or of the demand beyond the supply.? But that Senator well knows that the permanent 1 price of every commodity deponds exclusively > upon the cost of production. No man will con* tinue to produce a commodity which will not t indemnify him for the expenditures incurred iaf , producing it. Now there are three great elements ? that constitute the price of every manufacture.? 1 The wages of labor, the profits of capital, and the 1 cost ot trio raw uiuienai. prupo?*? wr uu? - quire what is the effect of the protective system > on each of these three elements. And, first, is it > t not the avowed design and obvious effect of this - system to enhance the wages of the labor engagi ed in producing manufactures! The great and . boasted merit of the system is its tendency to prof teet labor by increasing the wages of the laborer, a ?not for a day or a year but permanently. Tako s away this merit, and you dissolve the charm by - which the people have been deluded, even in the J manufacturing States, and the whole fabric will - tumblo into ruins. I readily admit, what the man e utacturere so incessantly proclaim, that the protocf tive system docs permanently increase the wages of manufacturing labor. Let us now enquiro t. what is the effect of the protective system upon f the profits of the capital invested in the rnanufac turing business. That the design and the effect of g this system is, to enhance the profits of capital, is c avowed by the manufacturers, and is, indeed i- self-evident proposition. They solemnly dofelsro d to you that they cannot make any profit at all, but will be brought to utter ruin, even if we ts should reduce the duties to a fair revenue st&nic dard. And when wo look to actual results, wo i- find that the protected manufacturers are now roll ulizing enormous and unexampled profits. What, then, is the effect of the protective system on tho price of the raw material! As to wool, iron, and " hemp, they are all protected by the highest rato a- of duties, and the pneo is obviously enhaticcd, as m well by these duties as by tho increase of tho ic wages of labor, and tho profits of qapital en>e gaged in producing them. And even as to tho It- raw cotton, tho honorable senator from Rhode laid land [Mr. Simmons] gave us the comforting ase surance that the price had been raised sinco 18421 y Now, sir, I have demonstrated, and tho manufacI tures and their advocates here affirm, that the effect th and design of the protective system is to increoso 'g tlio wages ot labor, the pronts ot capital, ana n? is- price of the raw material?every one of the eleot ments constituting the coat of production; and yet, ig by aotne incomprehensible and supernatural proa sTpSs :h man delusion and superstition, I do not believe >h there can be found a more stupendous impostuto of than that which I have jtist exposed, of Mr. President, it was profoundly remarked by ?n a great mathematician, whose name I have forgolth ten, though I think he lived in the age of Archie :d rnedes, that two and two make four; and thouglt ly this proposition has been ably controverted by nr Dean Swift and other writers, I incline, after reviewing the whole arguments, to. agree with ie Sliakspeare, that "to prove that two and two er make four is a very pretty argument." It wa? also the remark of another great philosopher, that all the parts are equaL.to the whole; and converso?e ly that the whole is equal to all its parts. But w you will at once perceive that these great philosys ophers knew nothing of the profound mysteries of so the protective system. For it is an established m unci fundamental doctrine, upon which this great n- system reposes, that you may double all the parts c- and yet diminish the whole. What incalculable p- blessings would tbo honorable senators over the on way cuna-i upuu iite uur--lug ujjerailves ol" ro land, if they would reveal to thom this great dia16 covery ! ttd But when senators aro driven from all their oth's, er defences, they contend that this reduction of sd prices, under a system which increases the cost le of production, is produoed by the extraordinary o- stimulus given to domestic competition, by ex iic ciuamg tne toreign competitor, who can pay a re revenue duty at the custom house, and still undor?al sell the domestic manufacturer. This is certainly ce a strange mode of increasing competition, with a >m view to reduce prices. If the object of the corned petition were to see who could sell the highest. In the means would be not badly adapted to the end. ill But Mr. President, I am literally worn down iat in contending with these intellectual phantoms by m- gravo argument. They constantly elude tho it. grasp of reason, and "vanish into thin air." For le- the sake, therefore, of obtaining for myself, and he affording to the Senate, some relaxation from these ad abstruse disquisitions, I propose to furnish a praciieni m. . ..i- :J? .1 ut- tion which every body can understand. To pron ceed, then: I havo a personal friend, who has nd been engaged in raising and training horses for the tr iuri, lor about 2U years?nearly as long as this jn system of protection lias been in ojieration. Ho it- inherited a very superior stock of native Americo ran horses, and 1ms all his life labored under tho mi deluson, of which neither time nor adversity can ce cure hirn?that the native stock of raco horses, if lie properly managed, is superior to the best strain of o- imported horses. It has so happened, that in a e- racing career of 20 years, he has never won a ic- single race, even by accident. Yet h'6 is as vn sanguno as ever. On one occasion, I met his at trainer, who was a black servant, leaving tbe raco in course with the horses, all of them having been in disgracefully beaten. I said to him, "how does it he happen, Ponipey, that with such a superior stock d, of horses you never win a race ?" "Ah dat's re very true," said the trainer with an air of triumph* in "our horses can't run wid dese '|>ortcd horses you Id call 'Dolphin, 'Rahinnf hu? 1 tell ynn what n?y Jn can do : doy can beat ono another all to pieces.? in And it would do your heart good to see dat bay ie filly, Anti-tariff, beat dat clumsy black horse \ro in f-?ll nrnloofinn " vs Now, Mr. President, it lias occnrod tome that I 'ir can put my unlucky friend upon a plan by which >d he will be as successful hereafter as ho has been il- hithorto unfortunate. I propose, then, if my honic orable friends on the other side of the house think m it a feasible scheme, to recommend to my friend, re when I rotnrn home, to apply to the jockey clnh id of South-Carolina for a protective tariff, by whioh ?r it shall be enacted that every horse of foreign blood, e. or in whose veins foreign blood is the material of I* chief value, shall carry 40 pet cent, more weighs ** \