The Charleston daily news. (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, December 09, 1865, Image 9
_ CHABLESTON DAILY NEWS....PECEMBEB 9, 1865. _ mna
DAILY ,!ISr_EiWS.
SATURDAY MOUMNG, DECEMBER ?, 1865. j
.MESSAGE '
op the
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
To (Ik* Two Houses of Congress ut tlic Com
mencement of the First Session of tlic
'l'h 111 y .-ni ni li Congress.
FiUo'c-Cilizcns of the Senate and House of Rep
resentatives : To express gratitude to God, In the
nnmo of the people, for the preservation of tho
United States, is my lirst duty in addressing you.
Our thoughts next revert to tho death of tho lato
President by an act of parricidal treason. The
?rriet of the nation ?b still fresh ; it finds some so
aco in tho consideration that he lived to enjoy the
highest proofs of its conlidonco by entering on tho
renewed term of tho Chief Magistracy, to which
ho had been elected ; that lie brought tho civil
war substantially to a close j that his loss was de
plored in alt parts of tho Union ; aud that foreign
nations have rendered justico to his memory.
His removal cast upon me a heavior weight of
cares than cvey devolved upon any ono of his
predecessors. To fulfil my trust I need tho sup
port and confidence of nil who arc associated with
mo in the various departments of government,
and tho support and confidonco of tho people.
There is but one way in which I can hopo to gain
their necessary aid ; it is, to state with frankness
the principles which guide my conduct, and their
application to tho present state of affairs, well
aware that tho efficiency of my labors will, in a.
great measure, depend on your and their undivi
ed approbation.
Tho Union of tho United Slates of America was
intended bv its authors to last as long as the States
themselves shall last. "Tin: Union siiai.i. ue l'Eii
petiui." are tho words of the Coiiiederation. "To
FOBH A moue PKBFECT Union," by an ordinance of
the people of tin* United Slates, is the declared
iiurpose of the Constitution. The hand of Divine
'rovideutc was never more plainly visible in the
affairs of men than in the fruming and adopting
of that ?nstrniiii'iii. it i*, beyond comparison, the
greatest event in American history ; and Indeed is
it not, ?>f all events in modern tunee, the most
pregnant with conseiiueiices for every people of
the earth ? The members of the Convention which
prepared it, brought to their work the experience
of th?: Confederation, of their several States, and
of other Republican Governments, old and new; but
they needed and they obtained"a wisdom superior
to experience. And when for its validity it requir
ed the approval of a people that occupied a largo
art of a continent and acted separately in many
ietinct Convention., what is more wonderful than
that, alter earnest contention and long d?. ussion,
all feelings and ?ill opinions were ultimately drawn
in one way to its support V
The Constitution to which life was thus impart
ed contains within itself nmplo resources for its
own preservation. It has power to enforce the
laws, punish treason, and ensure domestic tran
quility. In cue of the usurpation of tho Govern
ment'of a State by one man, or an oligarch}*, it
becomes a duty Of the United States to make good
tho guarantee of that State of a republican form
ef government, and so to maintain the homogenc
oubuc-ss of all. Does the lapse of timo reveal de
fects ? A simple modo of amondmont is provided
in the Constitution itself, so that its conditions cau
always bo made to conform to tho re-ruiroments
of advancing civilization. No room is allowed
oven for the thought of a possibility of its comiug
to an end. Anil those power? of self-preservation
havo always been assorted in their completo integ
rity by every patriotic Chief Magistrate?by Jeflbr
soh and Jackson, not less thon by Washington and
Madison. The parting advice of the Father of his
Country, while yet President, to the people of the
United States, was, that "the free Constitution,
"which was the work of their hands, might be sa
credly maintained," and tho inaugural words of
President Jefferson held up "tho preservation o?
the General Government, in its constitutional
vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home
and safety abroad." Tho Constitution is the work
of "the People of the United StataB," anel it should
be as indestructible as the people!
It is not strange that the framers of the Consti
tution, which had no model iu the post, should not
havo fully comprehended tho excellence of thoii
own work. Fresh from a Btrugglc against arbi
trary power, many patriots raftered from harass
ing fears of an absorption of tho State Govern
ments by tho General Government, and many fron:
a dread that the States would break away Iron
their orbits, but the very greatness of our coun
try should allay the apprehension of encroach
nicnts by tho General Govornmont. Tho subjects
that come unquestionably within its jurisdictioi
aro eo numerous, that it must ever naturally rcfusi
to be embarrassed by question? that lio beyond it
Were it otherwise, the Executive would sink be
neath the burden ; the channels of justice wouli
be choked ; legislation would bo obstructed by ex
cess ; .*-() that there is a greater temptation t<
exercise somo of tho functions of tho General Gov
eminent through the States than to trespass oi
their rightful sphere. "Tho absolute acquiescent
in the decisions of the majority" was, at the begin
ning of tho century, enforced by Jefferson "as th
vital principio of republics." and the events of th
last four years have established, we will hope fo
over, that there liCB no appeal to force.
Tho maintenance of tho Union brings with i
"the support of the State Governments hi all thei
rights'," but it is not one of the rights of any Stat
Government to renounce its own placo in th
Union, or to nullity th?..laws of tho Union. Th
largest liberty is to be maint ained-in the dlacusaio
of the acts of tho Federal Government; hut ther
ryisno appeal from its laws,,except to'thfeVa??ou
i_' brapchc8.6f tU'aR Qovernm?nbit-ioU'vdr U-tlic'pc?ph
who grant to the members of the Legislative an
of tho Executive-Departments no tenure but a lice.
itcd one, and in that manner always retain th
i powers of redress.
"The sovereignty of tho States" is tholanguac
of the Confederacy, and .not tho language of th
Constitution.! Tho'latter'contains the omphati
words". "The Constitution,-and the laws of tb
?United States which shall be mado in pursuant
thereof, and oil treaties made or which shall t
made undor tho authority of tho United State
shall be the supremo law of the land; and tl:
judges in overy State shall be bound thereby, an;
thing in the constitution or laws of any State i
the contrary notwithstanding."
Certainly the Government of tho United Stat?
is a limited government ; and bo is every stai
government a limited government." With ub, th
idea of limitation spreads through every form >
' administration, general, State, and municipc
and rest? ou tho great distinguishing principle
the recognition of the rights of man. -Tho anciei
republi-H absorbed the individual in the Stat
?rescribed his religion, and controlled his activit
ho American ?ystom rests on the' assertion
tho equal right of evory man to life, liberty, ai
. the pursuit of happiness; to freedom of consoienc
1 to the culture and exercise of all his faculties, i
a consequence, the State Government in limite
as to -the General Government in tho interest
Union, as to tho Individual "clii-.eh in'the inter?!
of freedom. ' - -r^" J.
States, with proper limitations of power, are c
nential to the existence of tho Constitution of t!
United States. At tho very commencement; wh
we assumed a place among the Powers of t
earth, tho Declaration of independence w
adopted by States: so also were Ike Articles
Confederation: and when "tho People of t
United States ordained and established the Ce
stitution, it was the assent of tho States, ono
one, which gave it vitaht?. In the event, too,
any amendment to tho Constitution, the propo
tion of Congress needs tho confirmation ox Stab
Without States, oue groat branch of tho legis
lativo government would be wanting. And, if '
look beyond tho letter o*. tho Constitution to t
character of our country, its capacity for o?oipi
bending within its jurisdiction a vast-contiuen
empiro is due to tho .ysU-oi of States., Tho b<
seonrity for the p??pc?a?l ?iist*i'?3o 6f tn? Stal
is tho "suUrem'o authority" ?f tne (.?institution
the Uidted States. 'J ho perpetuity of tlm C<
'(sttt?tibn .briugS. with it t\xa perpefftity ??"j t
:-J States; th?h< mutual rol?.li_-/'mit-A?:'-*_e what*
v aro. and in our political system their connexion
indisa.lnbjp, . The" wliblq cannot -iist'wiffiput t
parts,' rior "the" n'arts'wuh'iiutTho whole, "So lo
as tho Contitimi}?h{otnho U/i?t*?-BtbT?_W-?lfl?if?
tho States will eildui?; tho'destruction of the o
is tho destruction of tho other; the proeoiyati
of tho one is tho preservation of the pther. * *
S
I havo thus explained ihv views of tho mutual
relations of tho Constitution anil tho States, bo
cause they unfold tho principe? on which I havo
sought to solve tho momentous question! and
overcome tho appalling d?Bcultioa that mot mo at
I the very commencement of my administration. It
i hns becin my steadfast object to encapo from tho
I ?rway of momentary passions, ami to derive a hoal
j ing policy from tlio fundamental and unchanging
i principles of the Constitution.
I found tho States suffering from tho effects of a
I civil war. Resistance to tho General Government
i appeared to havo exhausted itself. Tho United
?State? had iccovered possession of their forte and
I arsenal?; and their armies were in the occupation
j of every State which had attempted to secede.
I Whether tho territory within tho limita of those
i State? should bo hold as conquered territory, un
? der military authority emanating from the Fresi
l dent a? the head of tho army, was tho Brot ques
{lion that preaonted itself for decision,
i Now, military governments, established for an
i indefinito period, would have offered no security
i for the early suppression of discontent ; would
I havo divided the people into tho vanquisher? and
tho vanquisbod ; and would have envenomed ha
tred, rather than have restored affection. Onco
established, no precise limit to their continuance
was conceivable. They would havo occasioned an
incalculable and exhausting expense. Peaceful
emigration to and from that portion of thoconniry
is one of the best means that can bo thought of
for the restoration of harmony ; and that emigra
tion would have been provontod ; for what emi
grant from abroad, what industrious c.tizen at
home, would place himself willingly under military
t rulo ? The chief persons who would have followed
| in tho train of the army would havo been dopen
j dents on tho General Government, or men who ex
pected prolit from the miseries of their erring
fellow-citizens. Tho powers of patronage and rule
i which would have been exercised, under the Presi
dent, over a vast, and populous, and naturally
wealthy region, are greater than, unies? under
extreme necessity, I should bo willing to entrust,
to any one man ; they aro such as, for myself, I
could never, unless on occasions of great emer
gency, consent to exercise. Tho wilful use of such
powers, if continued through a period of yean.
would have endangered the purity of tho general
I administration and tho liberties of the States
j which remained loyal.
Besides, the policy of military rule over a con
quered territory would have implied that tho States
i whose inhabitants may have taken part in the
?rebellion had, by the'act of those inhabitants.
ceased to exist. "But the true theory is, that all
; pretended act? of .secession were, from the bogin
| ning, null and void. The Status cannot commit
I treason, nor screen tho individual citizens who
: may have committed treason, any more than they
! can* mako valid treaties or engage in lawful com
j merco with any foreign power. The States at
tempting to socada placed themselves in a condi
tion where their vitality was impaired, but not ex
tinguished?their function? suspended, but not
destroyed.
But if any State neglects or rofuses to perform
its offices, there is the more need that the Gene
ral Government should maintain all its authority,
and, as soon as practicable, resume tho exercise of
all its functions. On this principio I have acted,
and have gradually and quietly, and by almost im
perceptible steps, "sought to restore the rightful
energy of Hie General Government and of the
States. To that end, Provisional Governors have
been appointed lor the States, Conventions called.
Governors elected, Legislatures assembled, and
Senators and Representatives chosen to the Con
gres? of the United States. At tho samo time,
the Courts of tho United States, as far as could
ho done, have been reopened, so that the laws ol
the United States may be enforced through their
agency. The blockade has been removed and the
Custom-houscB re-established in ports of entry,
bo that the revenue of the United States may be
collected. Tho Post Office Department renews
its ceaseless activity, and tho General Govorn
inont is thereby enabled to communicate prompt
ly with its officers and agents. Tho courts bring
security to persons and property ; the opening ol
the ports invites the restoration of industry and
commerce ; the post ofticc renews the facilities
of h ocia 1 intercourse and of business. And is it
not happy for us all, that tho restoration of each
i one of these functions of tho General Government
brings with it a blessing to the States over which
[ they are extended ? Is it not a suro promise ol
harmony and renewed attachment to the Union
that, after all that has happened, tho return ol
tho General Government is known only as a bone'
ficence ?
I know very well that this policy is attendee
'. with some ris*k ; that for its success it require? at
least the acquiescence of tho States which it con
' cerne ; that it implies an invitation to those
\ States by renewing their allegiance to tho Unite?'
' States, to resume their functions as States of the
L Union. But it is a risk that must be taken ; ii
the choice of difficulties, it is tho smallest risk
' and to diminish, and, if possible, to remove nl
' danger, I have folt it incumbent on mo to asseri
. ono other power of tho General Government?tin
j power of pardon. As no Stato cau throw a de
lenco over the crime of treason, tho power of par
\ don is exclusively vested in tho Executive Govern
j ment of tho United States. In exercising tha
power, I have taken every precaution to connec
I ft with tho clearost recognition of tho bindin;
force of the laws of tho United States, and an un
\ qualified acknowledgment of tho great socia
- change of condition in regard to slavery wliicl
_ has grown out of the war.
The next Btep which I have taken to restore tho cor
0 stltutional relations of the StateB, has been an invitatioi
e to them to participate in the high office of amendin
r the Constitution. Every pat riot must wish for a gent
ral amnesty at the f arllest epoch consistent with publl
t safety. For this great ond thore is need of a concui
x ronce of all opinions, and the spirit of mutual conoUii
t. tion. AU parties in tho late terrible conflict must wor
c together in harmony. It Is not too much to ask, in th
name of tho whole peoplo, that, on the one side, tli
0 plan of restoration shall proceed in conforjnity with
a willlngncBB to cast tho disorders of the past into obi
0 vlon; and that, on the other, tho evidence of sincerity I
B the future maintenance of the Union shall be put neyou
> any doubt by the ratification of the proposed amem
d ment to tho Constitution, which provides for the abol
L. tion of slavery forover, within the limits of our countr;
? So long as the adoption of this amendment is delay c>
so long will doubt, and jealousy, and uncertainty pr
vail. This is the measure which will efface Uie sad m
6 mory of tlio past; this is the measure which will mo
0 certainly call population, ond capital, and security
io thOBe parts of the Union thot need them most. Indee
,e it in not too much to ask of the States which are no
:e resuming their places in the family of the Union,
IC, give this pledge of perpetual loyalty and peace. Until
s is done, the post, however much we may desire it, w
' not be forgotten. Tho adoption of the amendment i
16 unites us boy ond all power of disruption. It heals ti
f' wound that is ?till imperfectly closed; it removes si
to very, the element which has so long perplexed and db
ded the conn try ; it makes of us once more a united pe
?8 pie, renewed and strengthened, bonnd more than ev
to to mutual affliction and support
?g The Amendmont to the Constitution being adopted,
r would remain for the States, whose poweiB have been
. long in ab cyan co, to resume their places in the t\
*' branches of the National Legislator?, and thereby co>
?" plete the work of restoration. Hera it Is for yon, f
at low-citizens of the Senate, and for you, fellow-cltlrens
e, tho Houso of Representatives, to Judge, each of you I
y. yourselves, of the elections, roturas, ond ?pualificatio
of of your own members.
lcj Tho full assertion of tho powers of the General (it
ernment requires the holding of Circuit Courts of t
. United StAtes within the districts if here their author]
Vb has been Interrupted. In the present posture of o
d, public aJTairs, strong objections nave been urged to ho
of ing those com to in any of the States where the rebeDi
at hut existed ; and it was ascertained, by inquiry, that I
Circuit Court of the United StAtes would not be hi
,(}_ within the District of Virginia dating the autumn
1 0 early winter, nor until Congress should have "an opp
tunity to consider and act on tho whole subject'7
;;" your dollberalims tho restoration of this branch of I
no civil authority of tho United States is, therefore, nee
as sarlly referred, with the hope that early provision v
of be made for the resumption of oil its functions. It
ho manliest that t eason, most flagrant In character, 1
,n- been committed. Persona who are charged with
by commission should bave fuir and impartial trials in -
A highest civil tribunals of the country, in order that
Constitutton and the lows may be fully vindicated;
truth clearly estoUlshed and affirmed that treason i
=a- crime, that traito.ro should be punished and the offei
la- nlade infamous;,an!, at the samo time, that the quest
wo may be judicially ?otUed, finally and forever, that
ho Stato, of its own will, has the right to renounce its pi
re- m the Union.
tal Tho relations of the General Government towards
-,8t four million? of inhabitants whom the war has col
L into freedom, havo engaged my most serious conoide
-l" tion. On the propriety of attempting to make the ?rc
?i men electors fry the proclamation of the Eiccutivi
m- took for my counsel the Constitution ItonlL the lnterj
he tatlona of that Instrument by its authors and their e
we temporaries, and .eoent legislation by Congreso.. Wh
jg' at the first movement .toward? independence, the C
ho ffrc*8 ?f tlio United States instructed the several SU
"- to Institute ' governments' of their own, thoy left e?
*"> State to decido for itr-ctf tho 'pondluoue for the cut
}s> ment of tho elective franchise. During the period
no the Confederacy there continued to exist tx very gr
on diversity in tho qualifications of cki.tors In the sov?
? lotes; and even within a State a dJB.liiction of qn'o!
rations prevali??! with regard to the ofllecra who woro to
bo chosen. Xlio Constitution ?if lbs United Stales ro
c?> -nlzcs these diversities when It enjoins that. In tin*
choice of members of the House, of Representatives of
the United States, "tho electors In each Stato shall havo
tho ?lualihVatlotis requisite for electors of tho most
numerous branch of tho stato Legislature." 'After
tin formation lof tho Constitution, it remained, as
before, tho uniform usage for each State to ?'-largo
the body of Its electors, according to its own judgment;
and, under this system, ono Slat?* after another has pro
ceeded to increase the number of its doctors, until now
universal suffrage, or something very near it, is the gene
ral rule. So llxetl was this rusorvatlon of power In the
habita of the people, and so unquestioned bas been the
interpretation of the Constitution, that during tbo eft u
war tho late President never harbored tho purpose?cer
tainly never avowed tbo purpose?of dlBrcuariling it; and
in the acts of Congress, during that period, nothing can
1 bo found which, ?luring the continuance of hostilities,
much less after their close, would havo sanctioned any
departure by tho Executive from a policy whleh ban bo
uniformly obtained. Moreover, a concession of the elec
tive franchise to tho frccdmen, by act of the President
of the United States, must havo been extended to all
colored men, wherever found, and bo must have estab
lished a change of suffrago in the Northern, Middle, and
Western States, not lens than In the Southern and South
western. Su. il i an act would hive created a now clasa of
voters, and would have besn au assumption of power by
tbe President whleh nothing lu the Constitution or laws
of the United States would havo warranted.
On tho other hand, every ?langer of conflict is avoided
when the settlement of the question Is referred to the
several States. They can, each for itself, decido on the (
measure, and whether it Is to bo adopted at once and
absolutely, or Introduced gnuluidly and with conditions.
In my judgment, the frccdmen, if they show patience
and manly virtues, will sooner obtain a participation in
the elective franchise through tho States than through j
tbe General Government, even if it had powor to inter
i veno. When tho tumult of emotions that had been raised
I by the suddenness of tho social chango shall have sub
sided, it may prove that they will receive the kindliest
; usage from some of those on whom they have heretofore
! most closely depended.
[ Uut while I have no doubt that now, after the close of
the war, it is not competent lor tho Qcuoral Government
to extend the elective franchise in tho sever ?1 States, it
I is equally clear that gootl faith requires tho security of
j tbo frocilinen in their liberty and their property, their
right to labor, anil their ri?lit to claim tbo just return of
' their labor. I cannot too strongly urgo a dispassionate
! treatment of this subject, which should be carefully k?:pt
j aloof from all party strife. We must equally avoid hasty
assumptions of any natural impossibility for tho two
races to live side by side. In a state of mutual benefit and
; good will. Tho oipcrinicnt involves us In no inconsis.
tency; let us, then, go on and make that experiment In
i good faith,and not bo too easily disheartened. The country
? Is in need of labor, and tho frccdmen are In need of em
ployment, culture and protection. While their right of
1 voluntary migration and expatriation is not to bo ?pics
] tinned, I would not advise their forced removal and
colonization. Let uh rather encourage them to hnnor
! able and useful industry, where It may be beneficial to
i themselves and to tho country: and, Instead of hasty
: anticipations of tho certainty ot failure, let there be
1 nothing wanting to the fair trial of tbe experiment. The
! change in their coudltlon is the substitution of labor by
' contract for the statua of slavery. The frocdman can
1 not fairly he accused of unwillingness to work, so long
as a doubt remains about his freedom of choice in bis
I pursuits, anil tho certainty of his recovering bis stipu
I latcd wages. In this the interests of the employer and
tho employed coincide. The employer desires iu bis
workmen spirit and alacrity, and these can bo peruia
I ncutly secured in no other way. And if the one ought
I to be able to enforce tbe contract, so ought the other.
! Tin: public Interest will be best promoted, ?f tbo several
States will provide adequate protection and remedies for
I the frccdmen. Until this is, hi somo way, eooompUshed,
1 there Is no chanco for tho advantageous use of their
' labor; and the blamo of ill-success will not rest on them.
I know that sincoro philanthropy is earnest for the
immediate realization of its remotest aims; but time is
always an clement in reform. It is ono of tho greatest
acts on record to have brought lour million? of people
into freedom. The career of freo industry must be fairly
open to them ; and then their future prosperity and con
. dltiou must, after all, rest mainly on themselves. If
? they fail, and so perish away, let us bo careful that the
failure shall not be. attributable to any denial of justice.
In all that relates to tho destiny of tho frccdmen, we
need not be too anxious to real the future; many Inci
dents which, from a speculative point of view, might
raise alarm, will quietly settle themselves.
Now that slavery is atan end, or near its end, the
greatness of its evil, m tho point of view of public ei^ono
my, becomes more and more apparent. Slavery was
I essentially a monopoly of labor, and na such locked
' the States where It prevailed against the incoming
of free Industry. Whoro labor was tho property of tbe
. capitalist, tbe white man was excluded from employ
ment, or had but tho Bccond lu'Ht chanco of finding It;
and the foreign emigrant turned away from tbo
1 region where his condition would be so pre
carious. With the destruction of the nionopo
i ly, freo labor will hasten from all parts of the civlllz
[ ized world to assist iu developing various and immea
surable resources which have hitherto lain dormant.
j The eight or nine States nearest tho Gulf of Mexico
have a soil of exuberant fertility, a climate friendly to
long Ufe, and can sustain a denser population than Is
. found as yet in any part of onr country. And the future
1 Influx of population to them will be mainly from the
' North, or from the most cultivated nations In Europe.
- From the sufferings that have attended them during out
late struggle, let us look away to the future, which is
[ sure to be laden for them with greater prosperity than
, has ever before been known. Tho removal of the mo
' nopoly of slave labor 1b a pledge that those regions will
, be peopled by a numerous and entcrpt lstng popula
j tion, which will vie with any iu tho Union In compact
* ness, inventive genius, wealth, and industry.
t Our Government springs from and was made for the
i people?not the pcoplo for the Goverumont. To the?
- it owes allegiance; from them It must derive Its courage,
. strength, and wisdom. But, while the Government h
. thus bound to defer to the people, from whom it derive!
L its existence, it should, from the very consideration o:
? its origin, be strong In its power of resistance to tin
1 establishment of inequalities. Monopolies, perpetui
> ties, and class legislation, are contrary to tho genius o
free government, and ought not to bo allowed. Hore
I there is no room for favored classes or monopolies, tin
i principle of our Government Is that of equal law? am
freedom of industry. Wherever monopoly attains i
i. foothold, it is sure to be a source ot danger, discord
h and trouble. We shall but fulfil our duties as legisla
? tors by according "equal and exact justice to all men,'
f. special privileges to none. The Government is subord?
c nate to the people ; but, as tho agent and representative
.. of the people, It must be held superior to monopolies
L. wldcb, lu themselves, ought never to be granted, an?
k which, where they exist, must be subordinate and yieli
e to tho Government.
e The Constitution confers on Congress the right to re
a gu?ate commerce among the several States. It Is of th
[. first necessity, for the maintenance of tho Union, tho
n that commerce should bo free and unobstructed. N
?*. State can bo justified m any device to tax the transit c
\. travel and commerce between States. The posltio
j. of many State? is such that, if they were allowed to tak
... advantage of it for purposes of local revenue, the con:
j' merce between States might bo injuriously burdenec
el or even virtually prohibited. It is best, while the coin
e. try is still young, and while the tendency to dangerou
Bt monopolies of this kind is still feeble, to use the powe
to of Congress so as to prevent any selfish Impediment t
il the free circulation of men and merchandise. A tax o
w travel and merchandise, in their transit, constitutes on
to of the worst forms of monopoly, and the evil is increai
it cd If coupled with a denial of the choice of route. Whe
m the vast extent of onr country is considered, it is pial
e_ that every obstacle to the free circulation of commeri
_e between tho States ought to bo stertly guarded again
la- ?y appropriate legislation, within the limits of the Coi
fl_ KtltllttOll.
0. The repor t of the Secretary of the Interior explains tl
o- condition of the public lands, tho transactions of tl
Patent Office and the Pension Bureau, the managomei
It o? our Indian affairs, the progress raido in the constru
B0 tion of tho Pacific railroad, and furnishes lnformatic
vo iu reference to matters of local interest In the District
_,. Columbia. It also presents evidence of tho success!
el. operation of tho Homestead Act, under the provisions
0f which 1,100,533 acres of tho public lands were enter?
or during the last ft seal year?more - than one-fourth of tl
QB whole number of acres sold or otherwise disposed
during that period. It Is estimated that tho receipts d
, v. rived from this source are sufficient to cover the oxpens
_e incident to the survey and disposal of the lands enter
ty under this Act, and that payments in cash to the exte
nt- of from forty to fifty per cent, will be made by settlei
Ici. who may thus at any time acquire title before the exph
on Uon of the period at which it would otherwise vest. X
)10 homestead policy was established only after long ai
jU earnest resistance; experience proves its wisdom, T
or lands, in the hands of industrious settlers, whose lab
ur_ creates wealth and contributes to the public resource
To uro worth more to the United St.tcs than if they bad be
_e reserved as a solitude for future purchasers.
0H_ Tho lamentable events of the last four years, and t
,1U sacrifices made by the gallant men of our Army aud .
> le vy, have swelled the records of tho Pension Bureau to
laa unprecedented extent. On the30th day of June last t
ita total number of pensioners was 86,986, requiring tor th>
tho annual pay, exclusive of expenses, the sum of 18,0*23,.
the Tho number of applications that have been allowed sir
tho that date will require a large increase of this amount :
a ? tbo next lineal year. The means for the payment of 1
aco stipends due, under existing laws, to our disabled e
Ion dicrs and sailors, and to tho families of such as havo p
no ished in tho service of the country, will no doubt be chc
ico fully and promptly granted. A grateful people Will i
hesitate to eanction any measures having for their obj
the tl!0 relief of soldiers mutilated and families made fath
led less In the effort to preserve our national existence,
ira- The report of the Postmaster-General presents an
ed- couraging exhibit of tho operations of tho Post Office J
', I part ment during tho year. The revenues of tbe _
ire- year from the loyal Slates alone exceeded the maxim
on- annual receipts from all tho States previous to tho rel
an, lion, in the sum of f 0/138,091 ? and the annual aver
on- increase. of revenue during the hut four years, compa
tte? with the revenues of the four jeare immedfately prcc
?cli lug the rebellion, was f ;f,6.T),8i5. The revenues of
oy- last fiscal year amounted to* $14,(t5o,158, ahd the expei
of tores to $13.Giu, 7.8, leaving a surplus of receipt? over
cat penditures of $801,430. Progresa has been made in
irai s taring Uto postal service in the* Southern States. 1
Ufl- views presented by the Postmaster-General against
poney o? KranungomwTuTcsto ocean moil steamship lines
upon established routes, und in favor of continuing the '
present system, which limits the rtimpeiisatlon lor ocean ;
service to tlu- postage narnlwgM, are tvcowuieudvd t?> the i
rarcful consideration <>f congress.
it appears, from the report ?>f Um Secretary ?>f the :
Nuvy, that while, at the eoiiiiiienceiiient of the "present j
year, ther?'were in onmiission KM vessels of all closMcs <
ami descriptions, aimed with ?WWO gnus ami manned by
Al.uiKi men, the number of vessels ?it present in mmmla
sioii is 117, with (KM (finis ?mil 12,128 men. By tliix i
prompt rediietion o? the naval futVCI tlie expenses of the i
Government have been largely diminished, uud :i Hin?ber
of vessels, purchased for naval purposes front tue iner* ,
? haut marine, havo been rctumcd to the peaceful pur
suits of commerce. Blnre Ute oiiiiprmslon of activo l?os- i
tilities'onr r.m'ign mwtdroiM have been re-established,
and c?>iislst oivi-ssclit niiieli more efficient Mum those
employed on similar service previous to the rebellion. ,
The puggt-stiun tor the enlargement of tho navy-yards,
und especially f?r the establishment of ?me in freshwater !
for irou-cliid vessels, is deserving of consideration, unis
also tho recommendation for a ditTcrcut location ami
more ample grounds for the Naval Academy.
In the report of the Secretary of War, a general summary
is given of the military campaigns o? 18C4 ami 1K05. ending
in the suppression of armed reHistuueo to the national au- i
thorlty in the insurgent States. The. operations of the gen- !
eral administrativo bureaus of the War Department during !
tho past year uro ?letalled, nud an estimate mudo of tho
appropriation that will be rctjuircd for military purposes
lu tho fiscal year commencing tho UOth day o? June,
1800. Tho national military force ou the 1st of Slay,
IHt55, numbered 1,000.fi IG men. It is proposed to reduce j
tho military establishment to a peace footing, compre
hending fifty thoiiKand troops of all arms, organized so !
as to admit of an enlargement bv filling up tho ranks to
eighty-two thousand six hundred, if the circumstances :
of tho country should rcijulro on augmentation of tho ;
army. Tho volunteer forco hua already been reduced I
by tlio discharge from service of over eight hundred
thousand troops, and the Department in proceeding rap- i
idly iu the work of furtlior reduction. The war estt
matea aro reduced from $510,*J10,1*I1 to ?.TJ.i-tl-MCl, ,
which amount, in the opinion of tho Department, la
adeijut?' for a peace establishment. Tho measures ?if
retrenchment in each Kureau and branch of the service ,
exhibit a diligent economy worthy of connnciulution. !
Ileferenco is also made in tho report lo the necessity of ;
providing for a uniform militia system, und lo tho pro
priety of making suitable provision for wounded and
disabled officers and Riildicrs.
The revenue system of tho country is a subject of vi- i
! tal interest to its honor and prosperity, and sho'ild ;
i command the earn, st consideration of Congress. The
Secretary of the Treasury will luy before you a full and ,
! detailed report of the receipts und disbursements of the
| last Boca) year, of the ilrst quarter of the present fiscal ?
< yeiir, of the probable receipts and expenditures for the I
. other three qu .rters, und the estimates for tlio year fol- '
I lowing Iho 'JOih of .Tune, 18r.il. I might content myself
with a reference to that report, in which you will find
] all the information required for yonr deliberations aud
1 division, but the paramount Importance of the subject .
so presses itself tin my own mind, that 1 cannot but lay
' before you my views of the. measures which an* rciinireu I
for the good character, ami, I might almost ?ay, for the
existen-*?' of tins people. The lite of a republic lies ?ir
! tainly iu the energy, virtue and intelligence of its eiti- ;
, lens; but it is npially true that a good revenue Byotcin
' is the life of an organized Government. I meet you at .
? time when theUatiuU has voluntarily burdened itself
: with a debt unprecedented in our annals, v?;st as is ;
I Its amount, it fades away into nothing when compared
with the countless blessings that will lie coiuerred
I upon our country and upon man by the priser, a
i tion of the nation's lite. No.v, on the 11:bt oiva
'. sion of the meeting of Congress pincc the return
! of peace, it is of the utmost importance to Inaugurate
a just policy, which shall at once be put in motion,
ana which shall commend itself lo those who come
after us for its continuance. Wo mus', aim at nothing
: teas than the completo agacement oi the financial evils
I that necessarily followed a state of civil war. Wo must
I endeavor to apply the earliest remedy to the deranged
I state of the currency, and not shrink from devising o
, policy which, without being oppressive to the people,
i shall immediately begin to cll'ect u reduction of the
debt, and, if persisted iu, discharged it fully within a
| definitely llxed number of years.
It is our llrst duty to prepare in earnest for our rc
? eovery from the ever-increasing evils of un irredeemable
| currency, without a sudden revulsion, ami yet without
j untimely procrastination. For that end wo must, each
t in our respective positions, prepare the way. I hold it
the duty of tho Executive to insist upon frugality in the
expenditures,- und u sparing economy is itself a great
national resource. Of tho banks to which nut lev it y hau
been given to issue notes secured by bonds of the United
states, we may rcfjulrc the greatest moileration and pru
dence, and the law must be rigidly enforced when its
limits are exceeded. We may, each one of nay counsel
our activo and enterprising country men tobo constantly
| ou their guard, to liquidate debts contracted lu u paper
I currency, and, by conducting business us nearly as pos
| sible on a system of cash payments or short credits, to
hold themselves prepared to return to the Standard of
gold aud Bilver. To altl our fellow-citizens in the pru
dent management of their monetary affairs, tho duty de
volves on us to diminish by law the amount of paper
money now in circulation, l-'lve years ago the bank-note
circulation o? the country amounted to not much more
than two hundred millions; now the circulation, bank
aud national, exceeds seven hundred millions. The sim
ple statement of tho fact recommends, more strongly
than any words of mine could do, the necessity of our
restraining this expansion. The gradual reduction of
the currency is the only mensure that can save the busi
ness of tho country irum disastrous calamities; aud this
can be almost imperceptibly accomplished by gradually
funding the national circulation lu securities that may
be made redeemable at tho pleasure of the Govern
ment.
Our ?lebt is doubly secure?first, in the actual wealth
and still greater undeveloped resources of the country;
and next, in the character ol our institutions. Themost
intelligent observers among political economists have
not failed to remark, that tho public debt of a country
is eufe in proportion as its peoplo are free; that the debt
of a republic is tho safest o? all. Our history con firms
j i and establishes the theory, und is, 1 firmly believe, des
. lined to give it a still inure signal illustration. The sc
\ cret ol this superiority springs not merely from the fact
r I that in a republic the national obligabons are distributed
more widely through countless numbers iu all classes o?
society; it has its root iu tho character of our laws.
Here all men contributo to tho public welfaro, and bear
their fair share of the public burdens. During the war,
under the impulses of patriotism, the men of tho great
body of our people, without regard to their own com
parative want of wealth, thronged to our armies and
tilled our fleets of war, and held themselves ready to
offer their Uves for tho public good. Now, in their turn,
tho property and income of tho country should beat
their just proportion of the burden of taxation; whit
iu our impost system, through means of which increased
vitality is incidentally imparted to all the industrial in
terests of the nation, the duties should be so adjusted
as to fall most heavily on articles of luxury, leaving the
necessaries of life as free from taxation as the absolut?
wants of the Government, economically administered
will Justify. No favored class should demand freedon
from assessment, and the taxes should be so distribute?!
as not to fall unduly on the poor, but rather on the oc
cumulated wealth of tho country. We should look a
national debt just as It Is?not as a national blesBing
but au a heavy burden on the industry of the country
to bo discharged without unnecessary delay.
It is estimated by tho Secretary of the Trcasur
that the expenditures for tho fiacalyear ending tin
30th of June, 1866, will exceed tho receipts $112,
101,947. It is gratifying, however, to state that i
is also estimated that the revenue for the year end
ing tho 30th of Juno, 1867, will exceed the oxpendi
tures in tho Bum of $111,682,818. This amount, o
bo much an may bo deemed eufiiciont for the pur
?iotio, may be applied to tho reduction of tho pub
ic dobt, which, on tho 81st day of October, ?86E
waa $2,7-10,854,750. Every reduction will diminisl
the total amount of intercut to be paid, and so on
largo tho means of atill further reductions, unt
tho whole shall bo liquidated ; and this, aa will b
seen from the estimates of tlio Secretary of th
Treasury, may bo accomplished by annual paj
menta even within a period not exceeding thirt
years. I havo faith that wo shall do all tina witl
m a reasonable time ; that, as wo have amazed th
world by tho suppression of a civil war which wa
thought; to ho beyond tho control of any Qoveri
mont, so wo shall oqually show tho superiority <
our institutions by tho prompt and faithful dii
charge of our national obligations.
The Department of Agriculture, under its pn
Bent direction, is accomplishing much in dovclopin
and utilizing the vast agricultural capabilities <
the country, and for information respecting tl
details of its management roferenco is made i
the annual report of tho Commissioner.
I have dwelt thus fully on our domestic affai:
becauso of their transcendent importance. U
der any circumstances, our groat extent of ton
tory and variety of climalo, producing almo
everything that *?b necessary for tho wants, at
even the comforts of man, mako ub singularly i
depondent of the varying policy of foroign Poi
era, and protect un against ovory temptation
"entangling alliances," whilo at the present m
ment tho re-establishment of harmony, and tl
strength that comoB from harmony, will bo oi
boat security ngainat ''nations who feel power ai
forgot right." For myself, it has been and it w
be my constant aim to promoto peace and ami
with all'foreign nations and Towers ; and I ha
every reason to believe that they all, without c
emption, are animated by the eaino dispoeitio
Our relations with tho Emporor of China, bo i
cent in their origin, are mo?t friondly. Our coi
merco with hiB dominions la receiving now dov
opmenta ; and it is very) pleasing to And that t
Government of that groat Empire manifesta aat
faction with our policy, and reposos juat con
denco in the fairness which marks our inter conn
Tho unbroken harmony between tho United Stal
aud the Emperor of llnasia in receiving a u
support from an enterprise designed to carry t
cgraphic lines across the continent of Aa
he
through his dominions, ami so to connect uh with
all Europe by a new channel of iutercourno. Our
commorcxi with Boiith America is about t<i roooivo
encouragement by a direct lino nf mail steam
ships to tho rising lim pit?, of Hrazil. Tlio distin
guished party of men ?>f science who have rccont
ly left our country t?. malto a Nciontiflc exploration
of tin* natural history ami rivers and mountain
ranges ?>t that region, have received from tin* ein
nerur th.it generous welcome which was to Imvo
i)i*?*ii expected fr.nn his con-taut friendship for
tho United States, and his woll-kuown zeal in pro
moting tho advaiicoment of knowledge, a hope
is entertained that our commerce with tho rich
ami populous countries that border tlio Mediter
ranean sea may bo largely inoreased. Nothing
will b.; wanting" on the port of this (?ovtriiiuoiit
t?> extend the protCOtion of our lia*,' over tho en
l?*ipriso of our foUow-citiauns. Wo receive from
tho Powers in that region assurances of fjood
will ; ami it ?h worthy of noto that a spooial envoy
has brought uh messages of coudolonoo on tho
death of our lato Chief Magistrate from tlio Hey
of Tunis, whose rulo include? the old domiuionu
of Oarthsgo, on tho African coast.
Our domestic contest, now happily ended, lia? loft
some truces in our reuthms with one at least of the
maritime Powers. The formal accordance of belligerent
righto to tlio Insurgent Slates was unprecedented, and
haB not been justified by the Issue, but in the systems
of neutrality pursued by the Powers which made that
concession, there was a marked diUcrcnce. The mate
rials of war for the insurgent States were furnished, hi a
great measure, from the workshops of Great Britain ?and
British ships, manned by British subjects, and prepared
for receiving British armaments, sailed from tho ports .
of Great Britain, to make war on American commerce,
under tho shelter of a commission from tho insurgent
States. These ships, having once escaped from British
ports, ever afterwards entered them in every part of tho
world,to relit, and ho to renew their depredations. Tho
cons?quences of this conduct were most disastrous to the
StatcH then in rebellion, increasing their desolation and"
misery by the prolongation of our civil contest. It baa,
moreover, the etlect, to a great extent, to drive tho
American flag from the pea, and to transfer much of our
shipping and our commerce to th?< very Power whose
subjects bail created the necessity for such n change.
These events took place before I was called to the ad
ministration of the Government The sincere desire for
pesco by which Iain animated led me to approve tho
proposal, already made, to submit the questions which
had thus arisen between tin* eoiuuries to arbitration.
These questions are of such moment that they must
have commanded the attention of the gnat Powers, and
are m interwoven with the peace and interests of every
one of them, as to have ensured an impirtial decision.
I regret to Inform you that Great initai;i declined tho
arbitrament, but, on the other hand, invited us to the
formation of i> joint commission to settle mutual claims
between tho two ?-?uiiitiif s, frein which those lor tit?* <le
predatious before mentioned should be excluded. The
proposition, in that very unsatisfactory form, has been
dec-line?!.
The United States ?lid not present the subject as an
impeachment of the good faith of a Power which was
professing the most Iriendly dispositions, but as involv
ing questions of public law, of which the settlement is
essential to the peace ?if nations; and, though pecuniary
r?paration to their injured citizens would have followed
incidentally on a decision against Great Britain, such
compensation wan not their primary object. They had
a higher motive, and it was in the Interests of peace ?in
justice (o cRtr.blish important priix-iples of International
law. Tho correspoiiflcnce will be placed before yon.
. The ground on which the British Minister rest? his jua
I titlcatloii is, substantially, that the municipal law Of a
. nation, and the domestic interpretations of that
law, are the measure of its duly as a neutral;
! and 1 feel bound hi declare my opinion, before you
and before the world, that that justification enn
1 not he sustained before the tribunal of nations-. At
i the nanu! time I do not ailvise to any present af
i tempt at redress by acts of legislation. For tho
\ future, friendship between the two countries must
{ rout on the basin of mutual justice.
From the moment of die establishment of our
| freo Constitution, tho civilized world has boon
: convulsed by revolutions in the interests of de
mocraev or ?f monarchy; hut through all those
! revolutions tho United Btatcs have wisely and
! firmly refused to become propagandists of repub
i licamsm. It ia tho only government suited to our
1 condition; but wo have never sought to impost* it
| on others; and we have consistently followed tho
i advice of Washington to recommend it only by the
i careful preservation and prudent use of the bless
ing. During all tho intervening period the policy
of European Powers and of the United States ha?,
on the whole, been harmonious, Twice, indeed,
rumors of tho invasion of some parts of America,
in the interest of monarchy, have prevailed; twico
my predecessors have had" occasion to announce
the views of this nation in respect to such inter
ference. On both occasions the remonstrance of
the United States was respected, from a. deep con
viction, on the: part of European Government-,
that the system of non-interference and mutual
abstinence from propagandism was tho true ride
for the two hemispheres, Since those times wo*
have advanced in wealth and power; but wo retain
the samo purpose to lcavo the nations of Europe
to choose their own dynasties and form their own
? svstems of government, This consistent inodcra
i turn may Justly demand a corresponding motlcrn
I tion. Wc should regard it as a great calamity to
? ourselves, to the cause of good government, and
I to the peace of the world, should any European,
I Power challenge the American people, as it were,
! to the defence of republicanism against foroign
! interference. Wc cannot foresee ami arc unwilling
i to consider what opportunities might present
1 themselves, what combinations might oiler to pro
I tect. ourselves against designs inimical to our form
| of government. The United States desire to act
| in the future ?s they have ever acted heretofore;
they never will he driven from that course but by
the" aggression of European Powers; and we rely
on the wisdom and justice of those Powers to res?
?iect the system of non-interference which haB bo
ong been sanctioned by time, and which, by its.
good results, has approved ittjclf to both con
tinents.
Tho correspondence between the United States antf"i
France, In reference to questions which have become -
subjects of discussion between the t*o Government.;
will, at a proper time, bo laid before Congress.
When, on the organization of our Government, under
the Constitution, the President of the United Btates deli
vered his inaugural address to the two Houses of Con
gress, he said to them, and through thorn to the country
and to mankind, that "the preservation of the sacred fire
of liberty and the deBtiny of the republican model of go
vernment are justly considered as deeply, perhaps- a?,
finally staked on the experiment intrusted to the Ameri
can people." And the House of Representatives an
swered Washington by the voice Of Madison: ""Weadore -
the invisible hand which has led the American people,
through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious re- -
sponsibility for the destiny of republican liberty." -fore -
than seventy-six years have glided away since these
words were spoken; tho United States have passed*
through severer trials than were foreseen; and now, at
this new epoch in our existence as ono nation, with our
Union purified by sorrows, and strengthened by con
flict, and established by the virtue of tho people, tbo
greatness of the occasion Invites us once more to repeat,,
with solemnity, the pledges of our fathers to hold our
selves answerable before our fellow-men for the success
of tho republican form of government. Experience has
proved i ta sufficiency in peace and in war; It ha? vindi
cated its a ithotily through dangers, and afflictions, and
sudden and terrible emergencies, which wonld 'lave -
crushed any system that had been less firmly fixed In.
the heart of the people. At tbo Inauguration of Wash
ington the foreign relations of the country were few, and
its trade was repressed by hostile regulations; now aH
the civilized naUona of the globe welcome our commerce,
and their Governments profess towards us amity. Then
our country felt Its way hesitatingly along an untried
patb, with State so little bound together by rapid means
of communies'ion as to be hardly known to ono another,
and with historic traditions extending over very few
years; now Intercourse between the States is swift and
intimate; the experience of centuries has been crowded
Into a few generations, and has created an Intense, inde
structible nationality. Then our jurisdiction did not.
reach beyond tho inconvenient boundaries of the terri
tory which had achieved Independence; now, through
cesalons of lands, flr-it colonized by Spain and France,
the country has acquired a more complex character, and'
has for its natural limits tho chain of Lakes, the Gulf of
Mexloo, and on the east and tho west tho two great
oceans. Other nations were waited by civil wars for
agos before they could establish for tbomselves the ne
ceaeary degree of unity; the latent conviction that ear
form of government is the best ever known to the world,
has encbl' d us to emerge from civil war within four
years, with a complete vindication of tho constitutional
authority of the General Government, and with oar lo
cal liberties and State institutions unimpaired. Tbo
throngs of emigrants that crowd to our shores are wit
nesses of the confidence of all peoples In oar perman
ence. Here Is the great land of free labor, where indus
try Is blessed with unexampled rewards, and the, bread
of the workingmap Is sweetened by the consciousness
that the cans.? of tho country "is hla own cause, his own
safety, his own dignity." llore every ono enjoya the
free use of his faculties end the choice of activity as m
natural right. Hero, under the combined influence'of a
fruitful soil, genial climes, and happy lnsUlnUons, po
Sulatlon bas inoreased fifteen-fold within a century,
[ere, through the ? asy development of boundless re
sources, wealth has inoreased with two-fold greater ra
pidity than numbers, so that we have become secure
against the financial vicissitudes of other countries, and,
alike in business and in opinion, oro self-cehtrcd auif
truly Independent. Here more and more care is given to
?rovide. education for every one born on our soDL
[ere religion, raleaaed from political connection with
the civil government, refnsca to subserve the craft of
statesmen, and becomes. In its Independence, the splrit
ol- ual life of the people. Hero toleration Is extended to
ia, I every opinion, in the quiet certainty that truth needs*
to