Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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letter fromHoir. J: K. Paulding; [The following letter from Hon. J. * jT. Paulding, former Secretary of the Navy, is worthy of attention, not only fdr the sound views it contains, hut also on ac? count of the latitude ? from which it comes.] Hyde Park, Duchess Co., 1ST. Y. V - September 6, 1851 j Gentlemen : Your letter directed to me at New York, conveying an invitation to address a meeting of the citizens of Charleston district, to be held in pharles ton, South Carolma^n the 17th inst, has just reached me at this place, where I now reside. * "?*? " For the compliment thus tendered, and the language in winch it is conveyed, I ,Deg you to accept my acknowledgments, accompanied by regrets that I cannot comply with your wishes. Distance and space, the burden of years I should hear with me, and. more than alljhiy incapac? ity for public speaking, compel me to de ' cline a task- for vrhich I am totally unfit? ted. "What I have to say-, I-therefore ? hope you will permit me to address to you, through a medium' to which I am more accustomed. As it appears fro n the tenor of your letter that you are already sufficiently aware of the opinion I entertain with rc t gard to what is whimsically called the Compromise ! will only trouble you with a brief recapitulation. Mr) .my view." it was a gross and palpable violation of that great- fundamental principle of.State equality, which ; -n udes every 'provision of the C\ ?, and forihs the basis of>this Confederation:; a most unjustifia? ble .attack o;i inc.rights, interests, safety and happiness of one half the States com? posing it, accompanied by insult and ob? loquy ; a pretended concession, wrested by mere force of numbers from a minori? ty ; and that, in its consequences, it will prove more fatal to* the repose, prosperity and happiness, if not the .very existence, of the Union, than any measure that may be resorted to in attempting to obtain re? dress for the past,-or security for the fu? ture. ? Such boing my views of the subject, I am, and always havo been, of opinion, that the stand originally taken by South Carolina, and mostof the Southern States, in opposition to the principles embodied in that series of measures, was not only justifiable, but demanded-by a proper re? gard for their rights and their.honor f and that an abandonment of the position thcy then assumed, and ah acquiescence in measures they repeatedly declared they would resist, "at all hazards. *o the - last extremity," unless accompanied by a frank . acknowledgment of having. bcccr| ? wrong in the first instance, would, in the language of the printe^l resolutions ap? pended to your letter, be^./'what they could not submit to without dishonor." If such an abandonment of all previous pledges and declarations were the result of a subsequent conviction of having greatly erred in making them, it would be honorable and magnanimous. But such appears not to he the case ; since even the advocates of acquiescence still contin? ue to assert the principles on which these pledges and declarations were based, as well as the wrongs which first called them forth. The Association is, I believe, right in its second resolution?declaring its belief | that the co-operation Of any of the South? ern States with South Carolina, either in - resistance or secession, is at least improb? able, so long as the influence and patron? age of the General Government are ar? rayed against State rights. Nor do I see -i rany reason for believjng*.that any proba? ble change of administration will produce a change of measures ; since, as you will perceive, from then1 repeated declarations, all parties in the North unito in denoun? cing slavery, and maintaining the .Consti? tutional right of Congress, as well as its inflexible duty, to prohibit its extension to any State that may hereafter be admit? ted into the Union. From all present ap? pearances, the principles embodied in tho Compromise will continue to be the basis of the future policy of the Government. It seems is i pro!;uM9, that the States which havo sttfe^Uted to past, will be equally quiesccnYunder future -wrongs. . Having thus briefly stated my views with regard to your first and second, I will now revert to your last and most im? portant resolution, namely, "that failing in a reasonable timo to obtain the co-ope? ration of other Southern States, South Carolina should alone withdraw from the Union." It seems rather late in tho day to be, called on to combat the old exploded doc? trine of passive obedience, and non-resis? tance, the assertion of which cost one mon Iarch his head, and sent another into per? petual exile. Yet, as that doctrine has lately been revived by some of tho high? est names of the Ecpnblic, it calls for a passing notice in connection with the sub | ject of this letter. It seems strange, too, that this long-buried monster, which re? ceived its death wounds in the two revo? lutions of England and America, should have been dug up and resuscitated by dis? tinguished Democratic Republican states^ men. From all but the darkest regions vof the civilized world, this portentous phantom has been banished, as it would appear, only to find refuge in that which professes to be the most free and enlight? ened. There is not a European writer, or statesman, or theologist, of any estab? lished reputation, that would now venture to proclaim the slavish' principle's which have been asserted by- Republican leaders, .in the Halls of-Congress of 'Eepi^ican States. A thorough discussion of lhi< qjoWine of passive obedience and. non-rcsis tai ? o on the part of equal members of a Con? federation of States, would require more space than is proper for me to occupy, and more time than you can spare on this occasion; nor do I deem it necessary. The right of resistance by force, as re? spects States and communities, is only an extension of the individual right of self defence, which is a law of nature, antece? dent and paramount to all laws and all constitutions, which cannot be alienated or surrendered by the adoption of any system of social organization. This doc? trine is established beyond controversy, by the unanswered and unanswerable ar? guments of Sydney and Locke; by the assent of all the great ancient as well as modern authorities on the law of nature and nations; and, if such were not the case, it has always been, and always will be, acted upon when the. occasion arises, in opposition to all authorities. It is time that none of the writers who assert or concede the right of. resistance, have at? tempted to define the precise line where resistance becomes justifiable, because it is not susceptible of definition. It is a mat? ter of feeling, and can neither be an? alyzed or defined. An eminent American statesman, high in office, and a candidate for still higher honors, whose opinions I wish to treat with all due respect, has lately attempted to establish a broad distinction- between revolution and secession ?> in other words, the right to resist, and the right of retir ring out of the reach of the necessity of. resorting to resistance; His position, if I rightly comprehend him. is, that though a people or State may have a right to re? sist by force in certain contingencies, they have none to retire peaceably beyond the reach of injury and oppression. It seems they have no alternative; they must ei? ther peaceably submit, or forcibly resist, for they cannot got out of the way. It follows that all radical changes in the po? litical relations of a State with a Confed? eration of States, must necessarily be brought about by violence and bloody contentions. Thoso who cannot live to? gether in peace, must not part in peace; they must resort to the right of the strongest, and fight it out. Thus the extermination of a portion of our fellow-creatures, perhaps our coun t >.\-i i h" ii- >- ?"i_' '"1 >~> UMiCU i .Li i .i-aliiniii an' to all great political changes; :ind heca? tombs must be offered up on the altar <?1 liberty, before she can become a legitim.;; ? goddess. The establishment of this prin? ciple, conceding the right of revolution, and denying that of secession, would, in its application to the case now under con? sideration, leavo no resource to any mem? ber of this confederation,.under the most intolerable oppression, buff civil, Avar, with all its aggravations. It loaves open no appeal^-to the great tribunal of reason, justice and humanity; the right of the strongest is the right divine; and dissen? sions among a confederation of Christian States, can onhy be. adjusted, like those of the wild beasts of the forest, by a death struggle. I am aware that this has Wen the almost invariable practice of man? kind in every age and country; but nev? er till now do I recollect seeing it asserted that it vas the only justifiable modo of settling controversies among States and nations; and it is with no little regret I see this doctrine sanctioned by one whose opinions are of such high authority among a large jiortion of the American people. I have dwelt more emphatically on this topic, because I consider the right of se? cession as by far the most important of all the questions involved in the present controversy; and the attack on it as one of the most insidious, as well as dangerous blows, ever levelled at the "rights of the State, all of whom are deeply interested in the issue; since those who are now the aggressors^ may one day be placed in a position where it will be their only refuge from the uncontrolled despotism of a ma? jority. "With regard to the < vp? I'cncy of the State of South Carolina i-.tercieing this right of secession, either now or at any future period, it would, I conceive, be presumptuous in one so iar removed from the scene of action to offer his opinion, or intrude his advice. In such a crisis, South Carolina must act for hersslf, and re? ly on herself alone. I would only observe, that in taking a step so decisive as that of withdrawing from the Union, unanim? ity among her citizens, or something nearty approaching it, seems indispensa? ble. It appears, however, that many dis? tinguished men among you, whose repu? tation is national, whose opinions are en? titled to great weight, and Avho have here toforo^taken tho lead in opposing the %mpromise, believe that the time for secession is not yet come; that the co-op eration of at least a majority of the Southern States is absolutely necessary to the successful issue of such a measure . that it is best to wait for further in juries or at least to see whether they will be at attempted, and if so, whether they will produce such co-operation. Those whose views coincide with the resolutions adop ted by your Association, on the other hand, believe that immediate secession, or sec&sSion after "waitingareaspnable time" for' :'ie co-?peration of other States, is piadispensable ta-.the safety and honor of j ftic S!:ito of S3nS Carolina. Which of (henparties will eventually predominate i remains to be seen; and until that is de? cided, I shall content myself with assert? ing the right of secession, leaving the "expe? diency of its exercise to be decided by the result. Should it be found that a very considerable minority is not only opposed, but will resist a resort to this remedy for their grievances, 1 conceive its immediate adoption would be hazardous in the ex? treme. But when great interests are at stake, much should be risked in their preservation. For myself, I will only say, that were I a citizen of South Caro? lina, or any other Southern State, I trust I should not be found among those, who, after placing themselves in front of the battle, and leading their followers into a position where they could not retreat without dishonor, retired from the field, only, it would seem, to see if the enemy would pursue them. A few words more, Gentlemen, in order that I may not be misunderstood or mis? represented, and I will no longer trespass on your time or patience. If I know myself, and the innermost feelings of my heart, 1 am a better friend to the Union than many of those who. while loudly professing their devotion,.are steadily pursuing a course of policy that has already alienated a considerable por? tion of its citizens, and will assuredly bring about its dissolution. It is under the influence of this attachment, that I have lent my feeble aid in opposition to that policy. Neither force nor coercion can preserve a Union voluntarily formed on the basis of perfect equality; nor do I believe it possible to preserve or perpetu? ate this Confederation by any attempts to extend the powers of the General Gov? ernment beyond the limits prescribed by the Constitution, strictly consti-ucd, agree? ably to its letter and spirit. The first at? tempt to coerce any one of its members will be the handwriting on the .wall, pre? dicting the speedy and certain fate of tho Union. It is not to be presumed that great States, many of them equal in ex? tent to powerful kingdoms, and inhabited by iifcreusing millions of freemen, jealous of their rights, brave, high-spirited, and energetic, can be held together except by a voluntary cohesion. This Confedera? tion may be likened to the great system of the universe, and it is, only, by the be? nign aud gentle influence of attraction, that the bright stars of our constellation can be kept in their orbits. Those who '?"??"?^ -?-*-k?LlL? ^-^pur theuL-jwill. in the pud. tare like the rash fool who as? pired to direct the < hariot of the sun. I am, gditicmcn. your obd't serv't, J. K. PAULDING. To F. D. feiehardson, II. 11. Raymond, W. U. Peronneau?Committee, &c, &e., Charleston, South Carolina. Letter from Hon. Herschel V. Johnson. [This ndmjrablc letter was written by Gov. Johnson, upon the occasion^ of the wrong which was done to the South, up? on the admission of California into the Union, under so many circumstances of irregularity, and bf disregard to the inter? ests of the South; a wrong, which is dwarfed into absolute insignificance, when compared$with thoso fearful calamities, which arc rapidly approaching in the elec? tion of a Black Republican administra? tion, and which will overwhelm the South, when that hostile party shall take posses? sion of the government, and consummate their openly avowed purpose of emanci? pating tho slaves. The letter, throughout, breathes the true spirit of a manly Southern heart, sensitive to the wrongs of his country, and determined not to submit to them. If sentiments like these, were resolutely car? ried out into manly action', the South would no longer be aggressed upon; nor would hcr^iast remaing refuge, against oppression and insult, do denied her?of icithdrawing herself from tho control of her avowed enemies and oppressors. She has been, heretoforo, insulted and tram? pled upon, and she is now doomed by tho Black Eepublican party, to degra? dation and ruin, simply because she is ^considered too slothful and cowardly to defend her rights, or adopt any efficient measures, to beat back tho aggressor, and establish her safety, upon the sure foun? dation of a friendly government of her own.] "Milledgeville, Ga., Aug. 30,1851. Gentlemen: I thank you for your kind and pressing invitation to a barbecue, to bo given to Col. Robert McMillen, the Southern Rights candidate for Congress in the 8th district, on the first Tuesday in September next; but official engagements forbid me the pleasure of its acceptance. Morgan court will be in session, at the same time. My personal acquaintance with Col. McMillen is limited, but I know him by reputation as a gentleman of high moral worth, brilliant talents, and sound repub? lican principles. Such men I am pleased to honor, and sincerely trust the great cause .whose banner he bears by the uni? ted voice of the Southern Rights party of his district, may be triumphant. The contest in which the people of Georgia, in common with her sister slave / holding Statc?, are engaged, is one of vi? tal importance. It involves the destiny of the South, aad the federative character ?of our system of government. It is waged upon tho right of a State peaceably to secede from (lie "Union. The Guberna? torial candidate of the Southern States Eights parly maintains the affirmative, and the candidate of the submission party the negative of this great question?the one, that the light necessary results from the reserved sovereignty of the State and the nature of the Confederacy; and the other, that it exists only as 8 right of rev? olution. ^ The former insists that the General Government has no right to coerce a se? ceding State; and the latter that such a seceding Stato must depend for the main? tenance of its position, "upon tho stout hearts and strong arms of a free people." The one unhesitatingly and boldly avows that if a Southern State were to secede, he would not obey a requisition by the federal government made upon him as the Executive of Georgia for troops to force her back into tho Union; and the other declares he " would convene the Legisla? ture ot the State, and command them to call a convention of the people," to in? struct him in an emergency in which the impulses of a true-Southern heart should be a sufficient guide. The great issue, then, I repeat, is the right of a State to secede from the Union, and the correlative absence of any right on the part of the federal government to force such a State back into the Union. It cannot be evaded b}- the senseless clamor of Union ! this glorious Union ! The integrity of the Union is not assailed by the Southern Eights party in Georgia. Its true friends arc those who insist up? on maintaining the rights resulting from the sovereignty of the States. Its real enemies arc those who, from behind it, as a "masked battery," level their destruc? tive artillery against its strongest out? posts, by counselling submission to ag? gression, injustice and robbery, because, like "a wolf in sheep's clothing," they come under the hypocritical guise of com? promise. Thon let a vigilant people look well to the true and only issue involved in*the pending campaign?the right of a State peaceably to secede from the Union. I would not, if time and space justified, enter into an argument in favor of the affirmative of this issue. I believe it is understood by the people. It has been a cardinal tenet of the Republican creed from 1708 down to the present day, main? tained by Jefferson, and Madison, and Macon. Lowndcs and Troup, and all the distinguished statesmen of that school, who properly understood the theory of our government, and whose hearts beat rc sponsivcly to the great American senti? ment which is at once the parent and the soul of constitutional liberty. Argument is not necdeil to elucidate and enforce it. If the pci >ple. .-'miking off tho trammels of party. .... | spurni?g tho timid counsels of tcmpoy; ng SulTmisisiooists and selfish tradesmen in the gr< : t mart of political bartering, will obey the honest impulses of true Southern sentiment, they will re? quire no argument to array them on the side of truth, their hearth-stones, and the Constitution. To detract from the importance of the issue in public estimation, it is insisted, that it is a mere abstraction?that it will be time enough for Georgia to determine it when she shall be called upon to exer? cise tho right of secession. This is but one of tho hundred subterfuges of those who man the "masked battery." The is? sue is vital. It has not been made by the State of Georgia, nor by the Southern States. It has been forced upon us by federal eggressions. It has been been distinctly tendered by high authority. It was tendered by Henry Clay in his great speech upon "the compromise bills." He said "if rsislancc is attempted by any State, or by the people of any State, he will lift his voice, his heart and his arm in the support of the common authority of this government." Through Mr. "Web? ster, the Secretary of State, it has been tendered by the rotten dynasty of the Fillmoro Administration; for he has dis? tinctly proclaimed tho policy of the Cabi? net to bd coercion, if any State should at j tempt secession. The issue, then, is upon us. Shall we meet it ? Shall we inglori ously shrink from its decision ? It is true, that to past aggressions Georgia has determined to offer no resistance. But tho right to resist, and to resist peaceably, without the terror of federal bayonets, she cannot yield ; and now she is called upon to make tho decision. Let her meet it with firmness and unanimity. "Whosoever observes the signs of the times cannot fail to see that the right of secession will probably, at no distant day, assume the form and magnitude of prac? tical importance. The South is in a per? manent minority in our Federal Legisla? ture. The tune of Northern fanaticism abates not in its frenzy and insolence. It presses on rapidly to the consummation of its diabolical designs. And what check has the South upon its progrc3S ? Have we any under the es? tablished rules of parliamentary law ? Can we expect any justice at tho hands of the present freesoil Executive and his Cabinet? Can we effect anything by .'argument, and appeals to the reason of our Northern op? pressors 1 Can we obtain shelter under the broad shield of the Constitution ? No ! All thsse are impotent as pack-thread to \ I restrain an irresponsible and fanatical ma? jority. iJwKat, "then, are we to do ? I say. letais bear to the last point of endurance, .but let us- never proclaim, through the bal? lot box. that we have no right to secede, and that if v\-c do secede we are to be re-? gafded as insurgents and revolutionists. It never, never can be true, that our fore? fathers, in* the straggle of'76, fought only to achicvo that which is the right of serfs, the right of revolution. They had that under the British crown. But. they strug? gled for more?for colonial sovereignty? and they won it. Did they turn around immediately and surrender all they had battled for into the pow^r of an elective consolidation? Never, never. Those who maintain such positions, falsity all the history of our rev? olution, and bring dishonor upon the mas? ter spirits of its thrilling and eventful scenes. The right of secession must be maintained. It is the last, the only hope of the South. Let us maintain it with unanimity,'and we can hold in check the spirit of abolition and consolidation. But if we yield it, the whole theory of our federative system is changed, and we arc in the power of those whose mercy is like that of'die wolf to the lamb. If we yield it, we not only proclaim in advance, that we still submit to usurpation and. aggres? sion, but we do worse, we admit that we have no right to resist. And that is po? litical vassalage. With sentiments of high regard, I am, gentlemen, your ob't serv't, fiERSeHEfj V. JOHNSON. To Messrs. liobt, A. White. Turner Clantoi, T. W. Fleming. Committee. -?-? The Sea.?The mean depth of the sea \s. according to La Place, from three to five miles. If the existing waters were increased by one-fourth, it would drown the earth, with the exception of some high mountains. If the volume of the ocean were augmented by only one eighth, con siderable portions of the contimonts would be changed all over the globe. Evapora? tion would be so much extended, that rains would continually destroy the har? vest, and fruits and flowers, and sub? vert the whole economy of nature. There is. perhaps." nothiwg more beautiful in our whole system than the process by which our fields are irrigated from the skies, the rivers fed from the mountains, and the ocean restrained within bounds, which it never can exceed so long as that process continues*on the present scale. The va? por raised by tho sun from the sea floats wherever it is lighter, than the atmosphere; condensed, it fallsupon tho earth in water; Or attracted to tho mountains, dissolves, and replenishes the conduits with which, externally or internally, they aro all fur? nished. By these conduits the fluid is conveyed to the rivers which flow on tliat surface of the earth, and to tho springs which lie deep in its bosom, destindd to be considerable dimini.>hcd. the Amazon and the Mississippi, those inland seas of the western world, would become ineon sidcrable brooks ; tho brooks would whol? ly disappear; the atmosphere would be de? prived of its due -proportion of humidity; all nature would ass'rtne the garb of des? olation; the birds would drop on tho wing, the lower animals would perish on the barren soil, and man himself would wither away like the sickly grass at Iiis Golden Rules for Wives.?Resolve every morning to he cheerful that day; and should anything occur to break your resolution, sutler it not to put you out of temper with your husband. Dispute not with him, bo the subject what it may 1 but rather deny yourself the satisfaction of having your own will, or gaining the better of .argument, than risk a quarrel or create a heart burning which it is'impos? sible to see the end of. Implicit submis? sion of a man to his wife is ever disgrace? ful to both, but implicit submission in a wife to the just wiil of her husband, is what she promises at the altar, what the good will revere her for, and what is, in fact, the greatest honor she can receive. Be assured, a woman's power, as well as ho:.* happiness, has no other foundation than her husband's esteem and love, which it iis her interest, by all possible means, to preserve and increase; share and soothe his cares, and with tho utmost assiduitv. conceal his errors. -.?? FAsnioximLE Call.?Enter Miss Lucy nearly out of breath, with the exertion of walking from her papa's carriago in the street, to the door of her friend. Lucy.?"Oh, Marie.' how dp you do ? Hdw delighted I am to sec you ! How have you been since you were at the ball, last Thursday evening? Oh, wasn't the appearance of that tall girl in pink, per? fectly frightful ? Is this your shawl on the piano ? Beautiful shawl! Father says he is going to send lo Paris to get me a shawl, in the spring. I can't bear h?rne? rn ade shawls! How do you like Mon?kiur Esprey? Beautiful man, ain't he ? Kojal don't laugh, Marie, for Pi <u^r^Tdon't care anything abor>-nim ! Oh, my I I must be going! It's a beautiful day. isn't it ? Marie, when are you coming tip to seo me ? Oh, dear what a beautiful pin ! That pin was given to you; now 1 know it was, Marie; don't deny it. Harry- is coming up to sec me this evening, but I hate him?I do, realy; but he has a beau tiful moustache, hasn't he, Marie ? Oh, dear, it's vciy wann. Good morning, Mario! Don't speak of Harry in connec? tion with my name, to any one; for I am sure it will never amount to anything, but I hato him awfully?I am sure I do. Adieu." Curious Wills.?One of our corres? pondents, who lias a taste for such mat? ters, has collected and sent us for publica? tion in the Ledger, the following curious extracts from still more curious wills The first is from the will of Georgo Applebee, Ecctor of St. Bride's, London, proved Au? gust 7,1783. "My body, after being dressed in aflanr nel waistcot, instead of a shirt, an p : tout coat, and breeches without Eb ' pockets; an old pair of stock!'. shall want none (having done wa^ki. : and a worsted wig. if one can be goi, I desire may be decently interred." The second is from the will of Stephen Swaine, of St. Olive's, Southwark, gro.vcd February 5,1770. "I give and bequeath unto John A' and Mary, his wife, the sum of ^ apiece, to buy each of them a hah - the Sheriffs should not be provi>\ The third is from the will of "iiliani Shackeil, Esq.. Covernor of Plymouth, proved October 12,1782. "I desire that my body may be kept as long as it may not be offensive, and that one of my toes or fingers may he cut off to secure a certainty of my being dead. I also make this further request to my dear wife, that as she has been troubled: with one old tool, she will not think of marrying another." The following is from the' will of Philip Thicknesse, Esq., of London, but subse? quently of Boulogne, in France, deceased, proved January 24,1703. "I leave my right hand, to be cut off after my death, to my son, Lord Audley, and I desire it may be sent to him, in' hopes that sue!i a sight'may rx impel him of his duty to God, after havin .: so long abandoned the duty he owed to a father who once affectionately loved him/' PROSPECTUS OF The CHARLESTON MERCURY A Political, Commercial and Literary Journal, PUBLISHED DAILY AND TRI-WEEKLY. THIIIE '?'Mercury" represents the State rights' rcsis- . I t:mco clement of the South. Its political creed consists in the principles of the Democratic Party as laid down in the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 170S and 1709?the Sovereignty of the States find Strict Construction of the Federal Constitution l>y the General Government, the Agent of the States; Free Trade, and an Economical Administration of the Gen? eral Government. Its policy is the union of th-jS-mth crn States in maintaining their rights and establishing their security. ... ' ' \ The '^Mercery ' give- daily reports of Markets and Marino Intelligence ?f Charlestop Commerz? in"the leading ?eaports of the world. -The Weakly Price Gur rcnt is made up with wach care, and iiviathe most reliable sources. A connection with the " Associated Press" insures tiio latest intelligence by telegraph and the. earliest news by steamers from Europe. It has an able and accomplished correspondent in London (a, gentleman connected with the editorial staff of tho London Time,) and regnlar correspondents in New York, Washington; New Orleans, Kev West and Ha? vana. The monthly New York Fashion Letten nn additional attraction in favor of lady loaders. Ily.lit? erary notices, from the pen of a gentleman who occu? pies perhaps the highest position amon^ the literary incu of the South, arc discriminating and rwrapnihcn sive. Attention is paid to all matters o*f general con? cern, especially those in reference to the South, tho Planting and Agricultural interests, and to the current news of tho 'day'. Great c- ' is taken that nothing shall appear in its columns which should bo excluded from tho family circle. TKIIMS?PAYABLE IX ADVANCE. Daily, per annum,-.$10.00 Tri-weekly,. 5.09 CLCJiS WILL HE PUnXISUED AS FOLLOWS : Five copies of the Daily..i. M0 Five topics of the Tri-Wcekly;. ! The name of .10 person out of Chariest'':! wu tercd on our bocks unless the payment <>: .. tion be made in advance. Nor will orders tho city to publish Advertisements, Moxriugo 1. itibctt or Obituaries, bo attended to, unless the cash, pr acceptable city refercuce, accompany the order. Mo may always be forwarded at our risk in rrjisterec; letters. ... "."?-..-.? Postnwtcrs arc authorized to act as Agents in obtaining subscribers and forwarding the money, and may-retain twenty per cent, of the prc-paymeats for their trouble. In the State, Air. Samuel E. Burgosx is our regeln: Ageut to make collections aud proctrro new bus and subscriptioas. R. B. RITETT. Jr.. No. 4 Broad Street, Charleston. S. C. -.-1 LSCOTT t CO., New York, continue to publish , the foliorring British Periodicals, viz : TTIE LONDONS* QUARTERLY, Conservative. '."'?w?r'? THE EDINBURGH REVIEW, Whig. 3. ? ' .. THE NORTH BRITISH REVIEW, Free Church. ? THE WESTMINSTER REVIEW, Liberal. ? 5. BLACKWOOD'S EDINBURGH MAGAZINE, Tory, These Periodicals ably represent the fbrco great po? litical parties of Groat Britain?Whig, Tory and Radi? cal; but politics forms only -no feature of ibeir "char? acter. As organs of the most profound writers on Seiend), Liteni.tnre, Morality and Religion, they stand, as they have ever stood, unrivallc?". in the world of let? ters, being considered indispcnsnl lc to the scholar and the professional man; while to tb.i intelligent reader of every class they furnish a more c irrcct and satisfactory record of the current litcraturo of'the day, throughout the world, than cau bo possibly obtained from any other source. EARLY COPIES. Tue receipt of Advance Sheets from the British pub? lishers gives additional value to theso Reprints, inas? much as they can now bo placed in the hands of our**'"'* subscribers about a= soon as the original editions, TERMS?Per Annum: For any one of the four Reviews,.$3.00 For any two of the four Reviews,. 5.00 For any three of the four Reviews,. 7.00 For all'four of the Reviews,. S.OO For Blackwood's Magazine,. . 3.00 For Blackwood and one Review,. . 5.00 For Blackwood and two Reviews,. 7.90 For Blackwood and tlirco Reviews,. For Blackwood and tho four Reviews,. ,10.60 Money current in tho State whore issued wiil bo ro* ceived at par. CLUBBING. A disconnt of twenty-five per cent from the above prices will be allowed to Clubs ordering direct from L. .Scott <fc Co. four or more copies of any one or more of the above works. Thus, four copies of Blackwood, or of one Review, will bo sent to ona address for $9; four copies of tho four Reviews and Blackwood {> r_S30. and so on. POSTAGE^ In all the principal eitics: be delivered iVjbrof postaj: postage to any part of thj cents a year for Blaci each of the B_ N. B.?Th" ?oCU, pO?.. LEONARD SCOTT <fc CO., No. 54 Gold Street, Now York City. new LAwrmji. k e i tiT&~ wYl kie;s , Attorneys at Law. nn HE undersigned having formed a cepartnerihip JL under tho name and stylo of Keith and W?kcs and will aft end promptly to all business entrusted' to them for the Districts of Abbeville, Anderson. Mel ecus, Greenville, Spartanburg and Laurens. Mr. Keith will practice in the Equity Courts in those Districts. Their office is at No. 8, Brick-Hange, Anderson C. H., S. 0. m E. M. KEITH.WARREN D. W1XKES. Aug 14 1 lf