Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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\ w ' ' % , *. ' * ga-L II. i 1 '! 'JUL. 1 1. -I1. ' f I1 ! ! LI. "I l"M.IJl..-ULa-jJJJUggWea5gg I I niB|j...|Bjj?Maiii.<iij..JJJULUBiL- Jil,'-1? 1 ' . ' ' I . ,J1 ' " If'l"- -ua M XO THINE OWN 8ELK UK TRUK, AND It MU?T F01L0W, AO TUB NIGHT TKK DAY, THOU CAN'HT NOT THEN UK FAlflK TO ANT MAN." VOL. 2. PICKENS COURT HOUSE, S, C., FRIDAY, AUGUST 2, 1830. NO II THE KEOWEE COURIER, rftl.XTKD AND PUBLIMISD WXKKLT ?T TRIMMIKH <fc LEWIS. W. K. Easlev, Editor. TERMS. Ono Dollar and Fifty Onts for one year's nub eription when paid within three months, Two dollars if payment in delayed to the clouo of the subscription year. All subscriptions not clearly limited, will be considered ns made for an indefinite time, and continued till a di continuance is ordered and all arrearages pai.l. wic/vertocmen/thuortod at 76 cents per square A for the first insertion, and 37 1-2 ctn. for each continued insertion. Liberal deductions made to those advertising by the year. or All Communications should bo addressed to the Publish or* post paid. ???MM?WPSMMMM H _ M M?Mf _ IPOiLOTO? AiUo A Sktong Epistle.?-That well known writer, Randolph of Roanoke, has a powerful article in the Southern Press of Saturday. He shows, by tables compiled from authentic sources, that within the past 40 years the Southern States have 5o?t in the eseaoc of fugitive slaves Ttvetity-two Millions of Dollars. This writer cites the official announcement of the secretary of the anti-slavery society of New York, IX/llinU citniAO I l*r? ?? aaiVO utUlV/O lliai II1C OUUIUiy IltlVU aided within the past year 151 runaway ncgroTes. He contends, after showing the vast loss sustained by the Southern States, that the citizens of the free States are liable-ythat the whole North is liable?and justly remarks that there is not a legal forum in Christendom where sucn a claim for such a cause, with equal proofs between man and man, or nation and nation, would not be recognised and enforced. He contends that the clauses in ui'u wvfiii|/iuiino^ ujix l^iunvc IU WHO subject impose additional burdens, etfpeijses* and delays upon claimants of fugitives* He says, with truth, that tne South does not want these clauses, nor had the North any need of them. We give the concluding and eloquent paragraph of this eoistle relative to the forbearance of the South : ?Carolinian. "No, no, Messieurs, all attributions of the South's forl>earance to the state of the South's nerves, or the South's means, are wide, immeasurably wide of the mark. Had that been all, the North would have had a chance of slavering a lanui with her long ago. The same cause that restrained lier hitherto restrains her now?an overwhelming love of the Union, which, if it shall last much longor and bring her no redress, will bring her to ruin and cover her with shame 1 It is amusing, it is alarming, vet it is admirable, to pause and ponder on a love of Union so profound and reverential and abiding.-?Any other people under the sun, victimized and arraigned as the South has boert in the Union's name, would have shivered it to atoms from the might which slumbers in her soldierly arm ! Had the North loved the || Union as the South does, she would P never have imperilled it, by degrading L her with trials, so wounding to her B honor and so onerous to be borne ^ with. Had the South shown no t >Ullder an.l flltnrhmonJ the Union than the North has, that j Union would Ion# have boon num-1 bered with the 'thing* that were/? To all seeming, the North's attachrinent to the Union is neither deeper nor holier than the tl r'.ft the derives.] from it; and her wanton injuries an J ceaseless revilings of her brethren, what are they but proofs of itf With 'he South, it is ns a sentiment and a passion; and what ar<? hor wrongt. ?nd her forbearance but the proofs of it? Will the South bear longer with her wrongs and with more from her oppressors! God of his forecust knows! Sne may*, but w?, bless Providence and trust she may not! With States as with men, submission has iti bourn's. It is best to respect'Hem. It is perilous to press them. When oppression's eup is full, it will hold no more: It wul bear what it has, but a single drop besides causes an overflow, and caries away with it and spreads around the thousand c'rops which, unmolested, would have turned to vapor and have parsed away: but that single drop ernes all (the mischief, and wmparBswitithc fo*;ounc<iof thob.irthtm whichbroko tire back of thft eapftell" j i Another Link Broken.?Tho | co:. 'Vondence which has heretofore existed, by an interchange of Delegates, between the General Association of Massachusetts (Congregational) and the Old School General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church has been broken off, in consequence of the interference of the former body with the latter, on the subject of slavery. The Assembly after passing a resolution to the cflcct that such interference was offensive, and if continued, must lead to an interruption cf the correspondence between the two bodies, appointed Kev. Dr. Baker, of Texas, as their Delegate to the Association, but he declined, and tho subject was then laid upon the table. The Association at their meeting since held, passed a resolution that although desirous to continue the correspondence, yet being in doubt whether the Genoral Assembly, by their recent action, did not intend to discourage such a continuance, they would omit appointing a delegate until the views of the Assembly should be more das tmctly developed. The Presbyterian, the organ of the General Assembly; I after giving a sketch of the proceedings o! the Association, speaks of the suspension of the correspondence as a "settled fact," and expresses a belief that it "will never be rene'vecl, unless the Association retract.1' It is not at all prol a')le that tho Association will retract. They are not in a mood for so doing. We may therefore consider the correspondence as hmlfpti nfif: n i-obiiU ? w.. t ? JUII II1UI13 IU be regretted in a political than in an ecclesiastical point of view. The Methodist and Bapiist churches have already been sundered bv this question of slavery; the rresbyterian church was divided partly on this ground; and now occurs a new rupture of relations from the same cause. Every such an inci lent is the breaking is the breaking of a strand in the cable which binds North and South in unity. When a certain number of strands shall b?* broken, the rest will give way as a .natter of course. unless some of the broken ones shall in the meantime be restored, or others substituted in their place. The political strands are apparently as much shattered as the ecclesiastical. It is time for men who love the Union, to rally in its defence.?N. Y. Journal of Commerce. The Portuguese Claims?PRIvateer general armstrong. The news of the state of things exis! ting at Lisbon, between the Portu| guese government and the American squadron there, gives a particular interest to the affair of the privateer General Armstrong, destroyed by a British naval force at Faval. in 1N14. and now intimately connected, as one of its causes, with the misunderstanding, so likely-, it would appear, to lead to a serious rapture between the two countries. The Philadelphia Bulletin says'. The event made a great noise at the time, the defence having been heroic to the last degree. The Armstrong was lying in that port, when a British cruiser, accompanied by a frigate entered the harbor, and the same night endeavored to cut her out but the noats were repelled by the privateer's crew. Another attack was made, at midnight, no less than fourteen launches participating in it; but this was also repelled, 1 he British losing three boats, in one of which were fifty men, of whom but a single one was saved. In all the enemy lost 1'iO killed. The next morning, despairing of further defence, for the British now hauled one of their ships up close to the Armstrong, the Americans abandoned their brig, when the foe burned her. As all tins took place withiri a haif cable's length of the Portuguese fort, claim for indemnification is just, as the authorities at Fayal ought to have protected the Americans. Mu. Webster's Late Speech*? Asa matter of interest to our read' ers, we append the following extract from the late speech of Mr* Webster on the Compromise, which will perhaps be his fast expression ot opinion on the subject as a Senator. Let him be judged by his own words aud acts, and not by the premature and fulsome eulogies of those who for their Aiirrt nutmADoo iifnnm VfTII |/U| |/V/MVyO) nUWIU IIVJUJI I > V T| J 111 ItJ 1 i~ dation on him for supposcd'sacrifices which he himself disclaims. So far aa wo can judge, he has "taken no step backwards" from any position he has ever occupied as a decided friend of the limitation and restriction of r&vftry by Congressional action when necetmru. fCfchmtbi* Telegraph. n $ Bui to the extract, which is as fol- < lows: What does Massachusetts and the 1 free States lose by this bill? They i lose the application of the Wilmot 1 proviso, and nothing more. Califor- i nia is admitted, they desire that; the i Texas boundary question is settled, i and that they desire, and desire to be \ settled upon liberal and iust terms. 1 What was the value of the Wilmot i proviso as applied to new Mexico? 1 Nothing. There was no sacrifice ] made by withholding that proviso. < He. alluded to the improbability of slavery ever being carried into New i Mexico, as well on account of the < country as the opinion cf the people < of New Mexico themselves. And t repeated that, as regarded New Mex- < ico, the proviso was nothing but an < abstraction, for whether applied or t not, things would remain precisely as < they were before. ? He alluded in terms ofeommenda- < tion to the speech ef the Senator from s Connecticut! (Mr- Smith,) upon the i improbability of slavery being caried < to New Mexico, anil maintained that s by that speech the exclusion of sla- s very was clearly demonstrated. He regretted that the Senator, however, 1 did not intend to vote accordingly. 1 The reason given by the Senator < was, that he was under instructions s from his State. He then examined 1 the doctrine of instructing reprcsenta- t i il. uvea, ami me tiuiy 01 me represenia- ? tive to obey those instructions. He * examined how far instructions, has- I ed upon ex-parte considerations of a c subject, and given under a different state of circumstances, by a small portion of the country, were binding * upon one who is sworn to discharge 1 a duty to the whele country; and by whose vote may be determined ques- 1 tions involving the honor, renown, c and destinies of twenty millions of F people. He examined it as a ques- J; lion of morals, and cited the case of * a representative instructed by his F constituents, and who pledged to 1 vote according to the instructions, 1 who, when he came to take his seat J in the French Assembly, was objec- ' ted to and rejected, on the ground 8 that, being pledged beforehand to a * small constituency, he was not a fair *' legislator for the whnlp. nntinn. F He said( that members ought to be r free in their action in the public councils. The Senate should nave a Wilmot proviso upon U. Members were * not Iree to act according to their no- "1 tions of what was just, wise, and ex- jpedient. He thought that if the ge- ' nius of liberty, having power to en- | force its decree, would appear in the heavens, bearing a scroll on which were inscribed the words, "Neither c slavery nor involuntary servitude a shall exist, in the Congress of the J, United States, except for the punish- {' ment of crime," that it would be a '] great blessing. How could the spir- 0 it of freedom free men's limbs and } bodies in the Territories, and leave 11 Congress bound and shackled ? He commented upon the evils of instructin representatives upon this 0 one idea, while the very fact of being P instructed upon it acted to the preju- v dice of the other great and paramount interests of the country. All the bu- c siness interests, the laborer, the r?er- ~ chant, and the manufacturer, were now oppressed lor want of proper legislation in their behalf, and this d WiJinpt proviso stands in the way fc and checks all things. Never were d the vast business interests more de- a pressed for want of proper protection d than now, and yet nothing can be I done till this subject is disposed of ? and settled. The people wanted the question settled, and they would de- ? mand it. '.^44. \ It was asked what the South ? would gain by this bill with respect t to the Territories. He would take a the State of Maryland, and say that c Maryland gained exactly the same c that Massachusetts lost, and that was I precisely nothing. 1 The ColumbusGathering.?The t following extract from a letter receiv- t ed by a gentleman in Charleston, t gives some indication of the feeling f abroad in Georgia. We find it in < the Mercury: 2 "We had a glorious day of it on r the 16th. We had a meeting of the a 36 30 or fight boys; yes, and girls too, 1, for there were at least 600 of tho s beat mothers and prettiest daughters ii that ever boasted a home in our sun* 6 ny South, who graced the meeting c qy their presence. Til? ladie* are c njcidedly with us, and I don't believe \ that there is a man of them but would v shoulder a musket if, in 'defending at ? all hazards^ their aid should be re- fl "nrf rfXi ,n.hu"S | * -M * exceed the most sanguine expectations of the most ultra Southerner. The quiet of a month ago has been succeeded by a reaction that makes the heart of the patriot glow with joy and Georgia will, in her primary meetings, in unmistakeable tones, repel the slanders of the Northern pre*#, which, in various quarters of the State, has labored to produce an impression that the paucity of our vote was an indication of the public pulse, as opposed to the Naahville Convention. "The people of Georgia are fully Lip to the ultimatum of the Nashville Convention; and, unless that is accepted by the present Congress, 1 think they will go back to where they aught to be now. They will insist :>n rebuking the fraud perpetrated in the organization of California; insist an her being remanded to a Territoriil condition, and having the mines left ?pen to the slaveholder fer a reasonable time at least, so that a legitimate md not fraudulent expression of )pinion can be had on the subject of slavery in the formation of the Con- . ilitution. "Upon the Texas question there is 3Ut one opinion: her cause is the common cause of the South, and, when;ver a call is made for volunteers to sustain the jurisdiction of Texas to he Rio Grande, they will go from his State by thousands, ami the Government will learn that force bills nust be dead letters upon the statute >ook?they cannot be carried into effect." The Washington correspondent of i he "Journal of Commerce" writes of ] he President's death: "New difficulties were at the monent when he was summoned awav tbout to beset him. He had deternined, as we know, to meet them l >oldly and promptly?all occasion ' or temporising measures having 1 >assed by. How his successor is to I neet these formidable difficulties, re- < nams to be seen. One cannot, at his dark hour, see one's hand before 1 lim. If the first has been stormy, 1 ind if the present is clouded, the fu- < ure is inauspicious. In six weeks i rom this day the crisis must take i tlace, and convalc^ence or disunion i nust follow.1' Col. Webb in Rome?Curious < 'ersecution of a Wife?St. Pb- ! 'ers Saved by Maj. Cass.?The j ^ew York Courier and Enquirer i ias a letter from Col. Webb, at 1 tome, from which we take the fol- < owing extracts: 1 "An Englishman of very eccentric J haracter, has resided several years < it Rome, in the Rossi Palace, noar < he Vatican. He is far advanced in | ife, and it is the general opinion that < ic is deranged. Certainly his con- 1 iuct warrants this be!iet. A few < rears ago he married a young Ital- j an iady, of princely rank. Since < heir marriage, her life is represented < o have been one scene of misery, 1 wing to the treatment she has ex- 1 erienced from her husband. A i veek or two since, npon some preext or other, he induced her to ac- t ompany him into the subterranean 1 lungeons heneitth the Palace, and s mmured her in one of the dark, I oathsome cells. For nearly two t lays and nights she remained m that 1 lorrible place alone, in complete i larkness, exposed to the disgusting ; md noxious rept iles that infest moul- i lering ruins. The servants of the i *alace, after a diligent search, at i ength discovered thj place of her 1 confinement, and immediately conterted measures for her release. I The British Government, as vou i ire aware, has no diplomatic rela- i ions with the Holy Sec. Americans ' md Knglrsuiaen are very often indis- I rimmately confounded oy the lower j lasses of Rome, and under the im- : ression that Major Cass was rhe English Minister, two of theserantf of the Palace Rossi repaired o his residence, and implored assisance for the liberation of their misress whom they believed to be at the K)int4f death. It was impossible of, :otu*&, to resist such an appeal, and Haior Cass very properly gave imneaiate information of the circumtances to the police authorities. In esa than an hour, the lady, I nndertand, was borne from the dungeon 1 a a state of insensibility. A few I (ays afterwards her husband had her onvoyed to an obscure convent, ac- i lujung her of ftn intention to ekpe i vith three different individuals, of yhcnr) Major C?ss, to whom she is a i tr anger, was named as ono. A? oon as this fact came to the knowedge of the ecclesiastical authorities, Si investigation was commenced at e instance of the Austrian Amba* ?.. sador, which resulted in her immediate liberation. Her husband has left Rome, denouncing vengeance against the Government, Maj. Cass and all who have rendered assistance to his wife. She, 1 understand, has gone to Naples." The Colonel pays a high compliment to Major Cass for the manner in which he discharges his duties.? i The Pope, the Colonel says, gives Maj. Cass the credit of preserving St. Peters, in the following manner, from the fury of the mob: Maj. Cass reached here after the flight of the Pope and his court. 1 le was; consequently, the only representative of a foreign government at Rome, at a period wlien several of the leaders of the Revolution, finding that further resistance to the , French was impracticable, resolved to destroy the monuments of Rome, and leave for their conquerors but a barren victory. Major Cass was aroused from his bed at two o'clock ; one night, and informed that several | of the leaders, then in conclave, had ; just given orders to undermine and j blow 111) St. Pofors. dip I monumont of human skill the world has ever seen. Without loss of time, he presented himself before the assembled Vandals, and by appeals, remonstrances and threats, in the j name of his country and in behalf of j the civilized world, he compelled them to abandon their fiendish purpose. "His services have been duly appreciated by the Pope, and at his re- j quest, for the first time in the history , of llome, Protestant worship is nowpermitted in the Eternal City. W HAT~"W itJfTB E THE RESULT. Before these lines go to press the final action on the Compromise Bill will, in all probability, have been taken; and men now inquire what will be the consequences of its adoption or rejection? It is idle to indulge in speculation but there some points in tnis cantrt verssy between the two sections of our count'y which enable us to form 3ome opinion of the probable results r? the oin. event or tli e other. We will briefly advert to these: Should the Compromise be adopted by the Senate and pass the House ane of two things must follow: The Southern States will submit to its provisions, or they will proceed, as ndicated by the Nashville Convention, to adopt such measures as they Jeem nccsBswy **nd expedient >n defence of their constitutional rights. Should it be defeated, the admission )f California per so will be insisted >n by the dominant majority and tressed to an issue. In such an , went the South will be more strongly bound, if possible, to take this step af self-preservation. No quibbling lbout abstractions, nor doubtful dislussions about the expediency of this )r that measure, can then be allowed o stand in the way of a united and mrmonious action by the Southern , people. The country is fast verging to this Lrial, nor can the wisest men of the lation propose, with any chance of success, a preventive. The talk threats and ultimatums, compromises and adjustments, will soon lave ceased. For nearly eight nonths the country has been racked, md if in that time the greatest statesmen in the confederacy cannot de/ISA snpii^mftnsnrp fn nvnrt thr-ihrnsi lened evil, what hope remains for the future? The issue and its consequences, as far as human sagacity can judge, must soon come upon us. There ire but two ways to decide both:? Fhe Union can he saved by the foroearance and return to reason of the people of the North. It can also be *avcd, we presume, by the unconditional submission of the people of the South to the hard terms imposed up3ii them by the former. The latter node of salvation we do not think practicable among men nurtured and iheritihed under our republican institutions. But the one way then remains, and that is a stern determination on the part of the sober masses of the North to put down and irush the demagogues and fanatics if their section. 11 their profession of love to the Union comes from honest hearts, they will do this. There is no threat nor design of intimidation in the present action of the citiz :ns of the slaveholding States. Every mail brings ua accounts of gatherings by hundreds, and sometimes by thousands, of the Southern peoplo, They do not assemble thus in such multitudes for more vapor or empty threats. They feel and see the urgent necessity that requires ii Tf-rriri ner'i?m? m?m (hem to move in concert, and to give publicity totheir sentiments and resolutions. The people of the North are sadly mistaken if they imagine their fellow-citizens in the Southern States meet now for mere pastime 01* for political cfleet. The next session of the Nashville Convention will undeceive them. We speak from the certain knowledge of the sentiment entertained in our own State, and from the sentiments of our sister States, so far as a large exchange list enables us to form an opinion. \Ve speak honestly to as many of our Northern exchanges as this may reach, and tell them that the people of the South are nearer united now than they ever have been. The few dissentients, and they are, few, will be compelled by the all potent sway of public opinion to wheel into line. And whether separated or remaining united with their Northern fellow-citizens in a political confederacy, we can give them the assurance that they are determined to submit to no more aggression upon their institutions or rights.?Carolinian. It is announced that a promising 1/ .i- :?i?i ? . ? - wii wi j\uaauui in auuut entering one of the colleges of Paris, to complete his education* Telegraphed for Baltimore Clipper. Washington, July 22. SENATE. After the usual morning business* the compromise bill was again taken up. Mr. Clay then addressed the Senale in general remarks upon the whole system of measures reported by the committee of thirteen. , .He defended them in every possibly light in which the arguments of their opponents had placed them. He defended them from all dharges, and maintained their availability as a measure ol peace and harmony.? His speech was a combination of his many defences of particular parts of the bill, re-enforced by new illustrations. In conclusion, he made the most eloquent appeals to certain Seivators, and particularly to the Senators from Rhode Island, Delewareand Virginia, to support the bill and protect the Union. He was repeatedly applauded by the galleries, ile dele lined the supporters of the bill from the charge ot incongruity: and turned the charge upon the others.? IT 11 11. no auuaeu to the speeches of Mr. llhett, of South Carolina, and ridiculed and deuoun^d themMr. Barnwell replied, defending Mr. llhett. Mr. Clay replied that if Mr. Rhett used the term which was attributed to him of his intention to unfurl tho banner of disunion, and followed it up with any view to carry it out, then he was a traitor, and he hoped he would meet the fate of a traitor. (Applause.) Mr. Barnwell replied. Mr. Hale and Mr. Clay continued the debate, turning upon the fate of those from the North who had voted for the Missouri compromise. And then the Senate adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENT ATITES. Mr. Olds askeu leave io oner a resolution?that, the Senate concurring* the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the President of the Senate adjourn their respective Houses on Monday, the 28th of August, at twelve o'clock, meridian, and, resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that the next session of the 31st Congress shall commence on the first Monday in November naxt. The Speaker suggested that the resolution was not really in form, and said that the gentleman might attain his object by changing his it !j? r - - f r* sv as iu jmuvju^ tui a recess 01 congress. Mr. Olds replied that he did not wish to adjourn on the ?8th of August, unless the next session should commence in November, and modi--. Tied his resolution according to the suggestion of the Speaker. No action was taken on the resolution, the Houso having suspended the rules and took up the business on the Speaker's table. Reports from the Executive De* partment, in answer to calls for information, wore laid before the House; amendments of the Sorjate to the cer lain uuis were conc rrccl in, and bills were referred. The resolution of the Senate, authorizing the committee on Public Buildings of that body, to act in conjynction with the committee of the House, with a view to deliberate on a plan for enlarging the Cajutol, so