Columbia telescope. (Columbia, S.C.) 1828-1839, April 29, 1837, Image 2
NAPOLEON LOUIS BON * ArTE!
The arrival of this voting Prince of the
Bonaparte familv in this country, to which he
is banished for a ?> ***, on account of
bis enterpr.se at Strasburgh, together with the
probability, as we suppose, that he will be
established in the neighborhood of Pliilad- >
nhia, may render acceptable to the public some
notice of the circumstances connected with
that enterprise The common impression is.
that it wasa rash, finish scheme, easily rrus
t rated, and that its author is much o be blame
for indiscretion. But a well writ* n pa m
pilet, of 55 pages, was punished at London
en the 1st January !ast, by the \ Lsc?"::t ?
Vewtgnv, aid-de camp of the Prin
30ih October, 1836 which P"ts ,l,e affj^, ^
altogether new and important lights. Th
w.11 written tract by a ma ' of charar r, and
sharer in the transaction, with great par icu^
la r.tv details ail the circumstances, and not
only* vers bot, as far as the author's word
shows that it was a well- considered and
manured plan, in which large numbers of
officers of the French army united, and that .ts
failtire is solely ascribed to accidental mishaps.
Cofonei Vaodry and Captain Parquin were by
do means the only persons of Const quence who
supported the effort, but large numbers of the
officers and soldiers of the French army.
Tteerft wasa heavy snow fall ng at day brcas
on the 30th October, when the revolt began;
which together with a mistake of one street
for toother, caused difficulties and delays that
gave time to the rest of the garrison to r ally
sgaiDSt yo ong Bonaparte; and they did so,
not at all by appealing to any military attach
ment to. the re'gning government, but by
falsely denying that Prince Napoleon Louis
was a Buonaparte at all, and persuading the
soldiery that it was a mere impostor assuming
his name. Otherwise one regiment with all
its officers had declared for him ; the Gover
nor, Gen. Voiral, wzs confined, and in half an
hoer more of success like that of the first ha,f
boor, the whole garrison, with ali the lsrge
materials and impulse of Strasburgh, must
have been in the service of the enterprise.
Such, is substance, is the Viscoont of Persig
ny*a account, written we repeat, with much
intrinsic claim to credence. After such things
im&itH easy and common to condemn them.
But any person reading that pamphlet must
tee that the project was not so wild as has been
said. It represents Napoleon Louis5 motives,
circumspection, courage, coolness, and con
duct ^throughout, as of the best and most
pimiseworthy character; and is full of curious
particulars of his unfortunate enterprise.
Being m the French language, it can hardly
be expected to circulate much in this country;
and indeed the affair itself is not one to com
mand much American attention. But we
think it proves clearly the disaffection of the
French armv to Louis Philippe, and the con
stant devotion to the name and memory of.
Napoleon. Whether any member of h>s fam
ilv is destined to supplant the present incuin- f
bent on the throne of France, cannot be fore*
seen. * Bat the principle of the sovreignty ot
the people works for it, and Louis Philippe s |
continual approximation to the principles or
the holy alliance, works also in that way. It
is a curious coincidence that this attempt ot
the youag Bonaparte was made from the same
place, and under very similar circum stances,
to those of the Duke d'Enghicn against his
uncle j though the personal catasthrophc has
been very different. l/>uis Philippe would
hardly dare to put a Bonaparte to death ; and
that victim nephew not only of the Emperor
Napoleon, bat, by his mother's side, of Eu
gene Beau ha mors, whose popularity with the
ffench ar Jiy and nation was only second to
that of the Emperor. ? Pennsyltanian.
National debt of Great Britain.? It has aK
wavs been a very hard matter to arrive at pro*
per and accurate knowledge of this gigantic
jollity. Politicians, noble lords, and enhgh
tened statesmen in the legislature of England,
have often swelled the amount to sustain an
feypothesif, or carry on an argument ; so that
a definite acquaintance with its details has
been almost an impossibility for the American
leader. Webtlieve that the following account,
compiled from several authentic sources, is
tsnonestionably correct.
Wh^n Queen Anne came to the throng in
X701, the debt was ?7inS H9S
179(L 228,231,223
lanfl 451,699,019
igtn' 031 369,168
1820, * 848,294,804
1825, 843,^91,875
?and in 1836, the interest paid on the debt
wm ?28,540,000, which at 3 per cent, gives
the amount of the debt 951^33^33. These
inmSj. however, are not real, but fictitious.
When the minister wished a loan, he had only
what sain of money will yoa give me
for ?3 per annum interest ! The capitalist
then made his offer,? one, regulated in some
measure hv the price of stock. I^ius in 1836,
the government borrowed eighteen mdlions
sterling, for which it gave scrp for ?29,880.
s trifle over tbree^fifths of one hun>
?ed money for one hundred stock, ? being an
interest a little under five per cent, per annum
Suppose the int ?rest to be at our legal r^te of
?ix per cent ; then the British debt would be
precisely ?475,666,666 Hence the financial
writers of England estimate its real amount to
be 5 00,000,000 In 1833, the income of great
Britain was estimated at seven hundred and
fifty millions sterling; an income tax.therefore,
?f seven and a haif per cent pen annum.wou d
pay off the debt in ten years, if thai opera
tion should t>e deemed desirable.
The lowest rate at which three per cent
stuck has ever sold, was forty eight per cent ;
which gave an interest of ?6 for ?96 being
a shade over 6 per cent. The present price is
about ?90, making the interest 3 1-1U per
cent : say sixty-two shillings for one hundred
poonds sterling. They have been sole a 98,
wnich gave a mere? trifle ever three per cent
interest It thus appears that ?48 is the low
est, anil ?95 the highest price at which the
stocks have been sold ; so that the average is i
?72 for 100 of stock. It is proper to ob-erve,
however, that this only shows the price on
?Change, and not that at which the loans have j
been negotiated by government. ? Philadelphia j
Com. Herald
The Thames Tunnel. ? Yesterday theannu- i
al meeting of the proprietors of this underta- |
king was held at the City of London ^Tavern, j
for the purpose of receiving the report of
the directors, and to elect new ones and for !
ether waiters of business ; Mr. Bonj. Hawes
in the chair.
The Chairman said the report which had
been drawn ftp by the directors, and which
woold be read, contained all the facts which
they bad to bring to the ootice of the meeting.
He was glad to say tiiat the works at the tun.
nei were going on, though not very fast, but
?till very reguJarly,6ystematicalIy, and secure
ly. Tte works had been carried nearly
through the most dangerous part of the river,
andai Iter it had been carried seventy or eighty
feet, the tunnel would have eighty feet of
solid ground at its head, lie thought it ne
cessary to mention, in consequence of what
hid been publicly stated, that lie work ought
to have been carried on at a grcather depth,
but the fact was, as all geologists were aware,
that the work was carried on within a few
fe> t cf a quicksand which existed, and that
v. would have been impossible to have gone
lower. Notwithstanding the physical diffi
culties tne engineer had had to contend with,
i lie work had been carried on successfully.
The great wetn' ss of the s<ason had filled the
springs to such an extent that even works
above ground had been, stopped .by water.
The tunnel had b<*en carried on without any
injury to the men, and there was every rea
son for the expression of the opinion that the
! works would be continued successfully to
j completion. This was the opinion or the
i gentlemen sent to the tunnel to report the
progress which was making in the works. In
! a short period the tunnel would be carried
; beyond low water mark, and then much great
| e r progress would be made. The progress
made, since the resumption of the works, was
135 feet. He had to pay a mark of respect
to the engineer (Mr. Brunell.) That the pub
lic interest remained unabated, >t need only be
I mentioned that the last year 37,270 visiters
! had been down the tunnel, exceeding by 8^00
! the number who bad inspected the works in
| the previous year. ? London Times.
I Valuable Discovery at Pompeii. The rich
; est treasure of the kind that has yet been
found in Pompeii, was discovered on the 13th
October last. It consisted of sixty four silver
vessels, comprising a table service composed
of the following pieces: One dish, with two
j handsomely ornamented handles, one palm
i and one inch in diameter. One vase, orna
{ mented in alto relievo , with grapes and vine
j leaves, very highly wrought, five inches in
j height, and six in diameter at the top. Two
i vases, (goblet form) half a palm high, and
the same in diameter, ornamented with ani
mated bacchanalian representations, in the
finest basso and alio relievo ; on one of the
vases is a young Bacchus riding on a panther,
and on the other he is represented sitting on
an ox ; there are, besides, many other figures
and at'ributes.
There are also twelve plates, each with
two beautifully executed handles. The four
[ largest plates are eight inches, the next seven
i and a half, and the four smallest seven inches
i in diameter. Sixteen cups, or small soup
i tureens, of which each four are similar. ?
j These, also, are furnished with handles. The
I larger ones measure five and a. half, and the
i smaller cups four inches in diameter. Four
! small moulds for pastry, each two and and a
| half inches in diameter ; four small vessels,
each having three feet, somewhat resembling
our sail cellars, and three inches in diameter; i
eight grooved dishes, four of which measure
five inches at the upper ridge, and the others,
three and a half, in diameter ; one fine vase,
with a handle in the form of an amphora, ten
and a half inches high, and four inches in
diameter at the mouth ; two very small stew
pans, with tastefully ornamented handles, five
inches in diameter, and two and a half high ;
one spoon, with a highly wrought handle, three
inches in dameter ; one mirror, m the form of
a patera, with a perpendicular handle, eight
inches in diameter ; two spoons an.J five
liguloe, (spoons and foriis in one piece.)
This discovery is the ri(Sest treasure of the
kind that has yet been met with in Pompeii,
and all the vessels are in excellent preserva
tion. A table napkin was found between two
of the plates.
Laboring Class in Europe. The following
interesting article from the North American
Review for October gives a glowing descrip
tion of the corrdition of the laboring classes
in Europe in regard to the rate of wages, the
burden of taxation^. the m ans of subsistence
the facilities of edncation, and the ehaie, if
any, which these classes have in the govern -
ment. It ought to inspire every citizen of
this free and happy Republic to guard with
constant vigilance against any encroachments
I -on the inst tutions which guarantee to us the
I blessings winch our btethren beyond the seas
are destitute of.
i In ftoricay the ordinary food of the peas
antry is bread and gruel, both prepared of
oatm ral, with an occasional mixture of dried
fish. Meat is a luxury which they rarely
enjoy.
- In Sweden the dn ss of the peasantry is
prescribed by law. Their f>od consists of
hard bread, dried fish, and gruel without meat,
j In Denmark the peasantry are still held in
bondage, and are bought and sold together
with the land on which they labor.
In Russia the bondage of the peasantry is
even more complete than it is in Denmark.
The nobles own all the land in the empire,
and all the peasantry who j|pside upon it are
transferred with the estate.
A great majority "ha.vo only cottages, one
portion of which is occupied by the family,
while the other is aj>peo|?riated to domestic
animals. Few, if any, have beds?but sleep
upon bare boards, or upon parts^wthe im
mense stoves by which their houses are warm
ed. Their food consists of black bread, cab
bage, and other vegetables, without the addi
tion of any butter.
In Poland the nobles are the proprietors of
the land, and the peasants are slaves. A
recent traveller f ays, "1 have travelled in every
d rection and never saw a wheaten loaf to the
eastward of the Rhine, in any part of North
ern Germany, Poland, or Denmark. The
common food of the peasantry of Poland, "the
working men," is cabbage and potatoes, some
times, but not generally, peak, black bread
and soup; *orratbef-gruel, without the addition
of butter or meat.
In Austria the nobles are the proprietors of
the land, and the peasants are compelled to
work for their maoters during every day ex
cept Sunday. The cultivators of the soil are
in a state of bondage.
In Hungary their state is if possible still
worse. The nobles own the tand, do not work,
and pay no taxes. The laboring classes are
obliged to repair all highways and bridges, are
liable at all times to have soldiers quartered
upon them, and are compelled to pay one tenth
of the produce of their labor to the church,
and one ninth to the lord whose land they
occupy.
Of the people of France, seven and a half
millions do not eat wheat or wheaten bread.
They live upon barley, rye, buckwheat, ches
nuts and a few potato :s.
The common wages of a hired laborer in
France, 837 50 for a man, and $18 75 for a
woman annnaliy. The taxes upon them are
equal to one fifth of its nett product.
In 1671, there were 700.000 houses in Ire
land. Of these, 113,000 were, occupied by
paupers; and more than 500,000 had no
hearth. The average wages of a. laborer is
from nine and a half to eleven cents a day.
Among the laboring classes of the industri
ous Scotch , meat, except ?n Sundays, is rarely
used.
In England the price of labor varies ; the
Nottingham stocking weavers, as stated by
them in a public address, after working from
fourteen to sixteen hours a day, only earn from
four to five shillings a week, and were obliged
to su'psi^t pn bread and w?ter, or potatoes and
fall.
Female Warriors have been found in the |
heart of Christendom, even since the dawn of
this century. We are assured by Bulweisthal
the French armies have never been engaged in
the neighborhood of Paris, without there being
found many of these females, whom one sues
in the saloons of Paris, slain on the field of
battle, to which they had been led, not so much
for a violent passion .tor their lovecs (French
women do not love so violently) as by a desire
for adventure, which they are willing to grat
ify, even in the camp, Dumourier had at one
time, for his aids-de-camp, two delicate and
accomplished women, who delighted in the
bloody scenca of war. Often, in the most des
perate cr.sis of the battle, said a general, I
have heard their slender but animated voice
reproaching flight, and urging to the charge ;
and you might have seen their waving plumes
and Roman garb amid the th ckest of the fire.
After the battle of Waterloo, there were found
among the dead bodies several Parsian g;rls,
who had gone forth with their paramours, and
actually fought in their company, Nor was
this a i uncommon event. "One morning,"
says Mr. Scoit, 4-when passing through the
Palais Royal at Paris. i.saw one of these wo?
men dressed in military costume, with boots,
6purs, and sabre. No frenchman seemed to
cons der the sight a strange one."
Domestic Duties of Girls. ? The elegant and
accomplished Lady Mary Wortley Mintague,
who figured in the fashionable as well as in the
literary circles of her time, has said that "the
most minute details of tiousehold economy be
come elegant and refined; when they are eno-^
bled by Sentiment;" and they are truly enobled
when we do them, either from a sense of duty,
or consideration for a parent, or I ive to a hus
band "To furnish a room," continues this lady
"is no longer a common-place affair, shared
with upholsterers and cabinet makers; it is de
corating the place where I am to meet a friend
or lover. To order dinner is not merely arrang
ing a meal with my cook; it is preparing re
freshments for hiin whom I love. These
necessary occupations viewed in this light by
a person capable of strong attachment are so
many pleasures, and afford her far more delight
-than the games and shows which constitute the
amusement of the world."
PanOter Fight. ? The following statement of
an incident, remarkable, if true, we copy from
the Yazoo Miss. Register of the 18th ult.
The Keel Boat ? , in ascending the Yazoo
river last week, lay by for the night; and about
9 o'clock, while the crew were seated in the
cabin, a large Panther sprang in at the door,
and seized one oP the men by the shoulder.
The other three men rushed to his assistance,
and endeavored, in vain, to extricate him from
the terrible jaws of the mcnsler; one of them
took up a rifle and levelled it at the Panther,
but it missed fire ; he than obtained a bowie
knife and plunged itintothe heart ofthe beast.
The poor boatman was most horribly mangled,
hiving had his shoulder nearly torn off and
his body lacerated by the claws of the infuriat
ed monster.
Ohio has made the following curious dispo?
sal of her portion of the surplus revenue:
"The mcney is to be divided among fhe sev
eral counties in proportion to the number of
white male inhabitant-; above the age of 21
years. The county, commissioners to be fued
commissioners in each county, to appoint three
others as they may choose. They may dispose
ofthe fund in either ofthe following ways: 1st,
loan it to canal, rail-road, turnpike,or other im
provement; 2d, subscribe it to the stock of
banks; 3d, loan it to the State, or to any bank
in the State, or to individuals; 4Uu they- -way
loan the county a sum not exceeding ten thous
and dollars, for the erection of county buildings.
If loaned to individuals, the rate of interest
not to exceed seven per cent. Five per cent,
ofthe interest to be applied to the school fund,
the balance to county purposes.
Canadas ? There really seems to be a
Canadian party mad enough, if they could, to
come under the dominion of Martin Van
Buren and Dick Johnson, with the added
prospects of Benton's or Rive's succession.
We don't want the Canadas; and if they will
try the Regency government a little while,
we promise them they won't want us. They
had better be wise in time, and, before they
get in, consider how they may afterwards get
out.
The Canadians, as well as a party in Eng
land, seem to be intent on adding to their
institutions the theoretical perfection of vote
bv B ?I ot. Of th:s piece of the handiwork
of political mechanicians, the following seems
to us an excellent view.
?'The mode of election by ballot , which has
since become so general in North America,
was first introduced there bv the Puritans, and
subsequently adopted by quaker legislation ?
by whiih we have seen it established in New
Jersey, and now transferred to Pennsylvania.
This latter repetition of the experiment prov
ed very unsatisfactory. The planters soon
declared that they felt it repugnant to the
spirit of Englishmen, to go muzzled to emo
tions: that they scorned to give their opinions
in the dark; that they would do nothing wiiich
they durst not own, and that they wished the
mode of election to be so constituted as to show
that their foreheads and their voices agreed
together. In consequence of these objections,
Penn, perceiving, says Oi'dmixon, that the
perfection of his institutions was not in ac
cordance with the imperfect nature of.human
beings, consented to assimilate the Pennsyl-.
vanian to the English mode of election." ?
U rah ame' s History the United Slates.
The truth, is that the wh^'e idea of the
ballot is wrong? Those who are not in a
condition to exercise a political franchise with
a little independence, would do better for the
community and better for themselves, by fore
going it altogether. The Ballot, its whole
process, ? the spirit that makes it necessary,
the spirit it propogatcs ? its whole influenc ;
and character are totally at war with the di
rectness, the frankness of freemen. It sets
out, indeed, with supposing men are not free,!
and that, by the help of secrecy, they can be J
made so ? N. Y. Courier and Enquirer.
There has been a great meeting of the
Loco Focos in the Park, in New-York. Mr.
Moses Jaques is nominated as their candidate
for Mayor. They appeared in the Park with
a variety of banners, among which was, with
a little, shrivelled, meanlooking loaf of bread
upon a pole, a banner, with this imprinted up
on it: "As the currency is expanded the loaf
is contracted.'' Equal rights, gold, silver. &c.
were all over their other banners. Their ora
tors denounced Tammany and paper money
without stint. A great majority ofthe party
is made up of laboring foreigners ? Irish, Ger
n?an, English radicals. &c. out there is, never
theles8,quite a sprinklingof Americans among
them. They will poll a large vote next week.
Always, when the Loco Focos meet, there
is great fear of a riot, but they dispered peace
ably that day. Their orators exhorted them so
to do. Mr. Job Haskell denounced the cailin"
out of the military the other day in haf?h lan^
guage. Mr. Ming said "riots were just w7iat
the aristocracy wanted." A Mr. Murphy
?aid "There were now two kinds of robbers in
the country ? one, Whig robbers, who robbed
the People like men ; and the other, Tamma?
ny Van Buren robbers, who robbed the People
sneakingly. " ? Nat. Int.
From the National Intelligencer.
THE\ DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ? ITS
RIGHTS.? THE POWER OF CONGRESS
OVER IT.
A fa;r occasion, very opportunely presenting
itself, is affordod to us by an argumentative
article in the Plaindealer of Saturday last to
place before the public eye a brief exposition ot
the relations of the Congress of the United
States to the Districts of Columbia ; and we
embrance it with the more readiness, when we
find that a gentleman of so much general in
formation as iho Ecitor of that journal founds
his argument on a radical error; an error which,
however, is so common as to be almost uni
verse :n the States east of the Hudson, and
certainly not therefore the less worthy of cor
rection. The following extract from the arti
cle to which we r fer states the argument of
the writer with a distinctness that leaves no
room for misunderstanding:
"The alledged power of Congress to abolish
slavery and the tratfic in slaves in the District
of Columbia presents a topic which the Intel
ligencer deems worthy of more particular no
tice. It pronounces it a 'despotic power, * and
enters its 'solemn protest' against the doctrine.
Despotic power is a phrase somewhat revolt
ing to democratic ears, because pf?ople are
accrt?iomed to associate the idea of despotism
with that of the unlimited and arbitrary rule
Mif a single tyrant ; but despotic power is neith
er more nor less than obsolute power, whether
exercised by one or m my, by an Autocrat at
the impulse ol his mere will and pleasure, or by
the representatives of a People, according to
the written provisions of a constitutional char
ter of their own creation. Despotic power is
neither more nor jess, 'to use the constitutional
phrase, than the power 'to exercise exclusive
legislation, in all cases whatsoever,' over the
district given up to such legislation. The
power of Congress over the District of Colum
bia is in verv truth despotic power ; that is,
it is absolute power ; that is, it is power ot
exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever."
The Plaindealer has defined " despotic
power," in the sense in which we have entered
our protest against it, with perfect clearness,
except that the despotism against which we
I protest is not, in any respect, ''according to the
I written provisions of a constitutional charter,"
but directly contrary, as we think, to the Con
stitution and the law.
The power conferred upon Congress by the
Constitution " to exercise exclusive legislation
in all cases whatsoever over f he District of
Columbia" is not a despotic power. It is a
power of legislation exclusive of any other leg
islative power ; but this cxclusum gives no ex
traordinary authority to Congress, ft is not a
power of legislation without limit ; but only a
power of legislation which erery other Gov
ern 11 en t is debarred from participating in ?
Thit is, the State or States by which the
Territory of Columbia was to be ceded to the
Uaited-States must, after such cession, cease to
exercise legislation over it, Congress then be
coming the exclusive legislator. We need
not refer to Lexicographers to show tiiat this
ife the true construction of the term exclusive ,
-in the connexion in which itisemployed in the
Constitution ; though, were we to consult
them, their authority would bear us out.
f The interpretation presumed upon in the ar
gument of the Plaindealer would be more just,
U) fact, had the term inclusive , instead of its
[ opposite, been employed 111 the constitutional
provision. It m ght then with reason have
I been maintained that congress is endued with
I a power over the D. strict capable of ingulfing
all the right s which were vested in its inhab
itants, and which they had enjoyed under the
.security of the common law, before Congress
acquired jurisdiction over it. The provision
of the Constitution would, with this emenda
tion, have been in reality the sweeping clause
I which our Eastern brethren but mostly our
{?Eastern sisters, now imagine it to be.
The trutn is, the grant of the power of " ex
clusive legislation'' to Congress over the Dis
trict of Columbia was the mere incorporation
in our system of Government of the power of
self-preservation within the District ; the pow
er of protecting itself from insult, and its pro
ceedings from interruption, by any authority ex
t aneous to its own. There was no thought
in the minds of the framers of the Constitution,
of abridging or abolishing any pre-existinsr
rignts of the People inhab.tmg (or to inhabit)
the Territory of Columbia. On the contrary,
this provision for Conf-rring "exclusive ligis*
lation" over the District was justified by the
great advocatc of the Constitution, in his text
book on that instrument, expressly on the
ground that no innovation was to be made by
Congress in the established law of the People.
" The State ceding the 1 erritory,'* said Mr.
Madison, "will no doubt provide in the com
pact for the rights and the consent of the citi
zens inhabiting it;" and, he adds, "a munici
pal legislature for local purposes, derived from
their own suffrages, will of course be allowed
them."
The municipal legislature, thus bespoken
for us by the enlightened Madison, when
exerting his great abilities to place the Con
si itution in a favorable light before the Peo
ple, has not indeed been allowed to us; but,
as we. will show, the States ceding the Ter
ritory did "provide in the compact for the
rights of the citizens." as Mr. Madison had
no doubt they would; without which provision
the People unquestionably would never have
submitted to the cession. And this is a point
to which we wish particularly to draw- the
attent ion of the Plaindealer and also our friends
in Massachusetts and else wh^re.
The limitation to the legislative power of
Congress over the Distr ct. of Columb a does
not depend upon the construction which we
or any body else may put upon the word "ex
clusive," used in the Constitution, nor yet
upon the contemporaneous authoritative ex
position of the clear intention of the framers
of that instrument. The terms of * the com
pact," by which the jurisdiction over the Dis
trict was ceded to Congress, leave no doubt
upon the subject. The rights of the People
are protected from invasion by Congress,
whether acting spontaneously, or in obedienc *
to importunities from the People of any of
tiie States ? protected by a law irrevocable
and unchangeable, without the consent of all
the parties to it.
'?Congress," says the Constitution, '?shall
exercise exclusive legislation in all cases
whatsoever over such district (not exceeding
ten miles square) as may, by cession of parti
cular States, and the acceptance of Congress,
become the seat of Government of the United
Stales," &c. The cession by the States was
the indispensable pre-requisite to the execu
tion of this provision. L t us now look to the
acts of cession, by which the District^of Co
lumbia passed under the legislation of Con
gress-. .And, first, the act of Virginia (of 3d
ofD eember, 1789 ) By this act, jurisdiction
is relinquished by that State to Congress over
h ir share of the territory, "pursuant to the
tenor and effct of the eighth section of the
first article of the Constitution of the Govern
ment of the Uni'ed States: PROVIDED
[mark the proviso !] ? Provided, That nothing
herein contained shall bo construed to wit in
the United States any right of property in tho
soil, or to effect the rights of Individuals there*
in, otherwise than I he same shall or may be
transferred by such individuals to the United
States."
As plainly as language can limit or restnet
jurisdiction, the territory belonging to Vir
ginia was ceded to the United States on the
express and literal condition, that the rights
of individuals in the District were not to be af
fected by the legislation of Congress, without
their assent.
In the act of the State of Maryland, of 19th
of December, 1791, the same identical Ian.
guage is used as in the act of Virginia, with
the exception of a wholly immaterial verbal
variation, which was probably an error in the
transcription.
The condition, then fore, on which Congress
became exclusive Legislator for the District
ot Columbia was, that the vested rights of the
inhabitants and the established relations of
society should noi be changed without their
cons'-nt The subject of the domestic relations
within the District of C"luuibia is interdicted
to Congress ; and all petitions or remonstran
ces in relation thereto, instead of being ad
dressed to Congress, should be addressed to
the People of the District of Columbia, whose
prior assent is indispensable to any action of
Congress upon I he subject.
Mr. Peyton, the Representative in Congress
from Tennesse, lately received an invitation
to a public dinner at Williamsboro', North
Carolina, to which he returned the following
answer :
Nutbush, March 16, 18o7.
Gentlemen : At the time I received your
invitation, while at Washington, to attend a
public dinner in Williamsboro', incessant en
gagements of busi nes* prevented me from
making a suitable reply. In retiring from the
Congress of the United States as I have done,
nothing could be more grateful to my feelings
than the approbation of the wise and the good.
But, gentlemen, this rich, this only reward
which should be courted by those who prefer
what they believe to be their country's good
to their own ease or advancement, is much
enhanced on the present occasion, in my esti
mation, by the reflection that it is an honor
(I wish 1 could feel a consciousness of hav
ing achieved any thing worthy ot it) volun
tarily bestowed, coming warm from the hearts
of the descendants of those heroes whose
valor won our liberties ; of those sages whose
wisdom framed our once venerated, but now
violated, Constitution. I am proud to be thus
hailed at your ancient borough by that unadul
terated spirit which fired the bosoms of a noble
ancestry, and which burned, and swelled, and
spread, consuming every vestige of tyranny,
and extirpating the very roots and germs of
servility and base submission to hwless pow
er. I implore you as you venerate your sires,
as you love your country, as you estimate
your own liberties and the freedom of your
children, to cherish those hallowed feelings;
to revert often to this Nation's birthday, and
remember the spirit of divinity which then
moved over the People. Compare it with the
sickening corruptions, the high-handed start -
lin<r usurpations of this degenerate da'*, and
ask yourselves, solemnly and soberly, if there
is not mucii cause ? not for despair nor dispon
dency? we should never despair of the Repub
lic so long as their remains one fragment of
the wreck upon which tobifild our hopes j but
for that unit a action, that eternal vigilance,
amonfrst all who love their country more than ^
the spoils its offices , which is tire price of
safety and ofliberty. Look around? survey the
scene! What an iron turanny country
has just passed under ! What a corrupt des
potism si ill awai'.s it ! Corruption is to per
petuate what tyranny created ! How came
Martin Van Buren chief magistrate of the
Nation] Andrew Jackson said, let him be
President, and he was President.* How is
this creature of another's will to maintain his
authority] By the patronage of the Federal
Government, with the millions which are
wrunor from the hard earnings of the People
he wTll pay his legions, perpetuate his sway,
and appoint his successor, if the American
People continue dead to their dearest interests.
Patrick Henry* in the inspiration of his
eloquence, did not conceive of t hot e rapid
strides towards monarchy which I h&ye wit
nessed in the last two years of my brief puh
,1C/ have seen a pirty to which I once belonged,
a President I once supported, and upon whom
were placed my proudest hopes of nil that wis
pure and patriotic, falsify the brightest expec
tations of friends, verify the worst predictions
of enemies, and violate pledges solemnly
given to the country. I have seen a party, on i
of whose cardinal maxims was, -that the
patronage of the Federal Government shou.d
not be brought into conflict with the freedom
of elections," acquiesce in, and claim for trie
President the right to appoint his successor.
I have seen an Administration, which came
,nto power upon the principles of reform,
economy, and strict accountability of public
officers, increase the expenditures from fifteen
to thirty two millions , foster corruption in every
department of the Government, and, for a long
time, refuse inquiry, into alleged abuses ; and,
at last attempt to stifle it by the appointment
of committees composed of six to three against
investigation. I have seen the President ot
the United States rebuke the House of Rep
res ml atives for daring to constitute such com
mittee of inquiry into Executive abuse, and
the doors of the Executive department bolted
and barrtd against a select committee of the
House of Representatives, while an Execu
tive order was issued, directing i hat obnox:oU3
members of Congress should be made to swear
to their speeches, delivered on the floor, under
the Executive denunciation of being calumni
ators if they did not , and of perpetrating- per
jury if they' did swear to the truth of the
charges which they had made. This I have
seen and felt, fo- . was forced to submit to
this engine of Executive torture, and sealed
my belief with an oath, for which I am pre
pared to answer before my God and my coun
try. And at the time this fatal blow was
aimed at the freedom of debate upon the floor
of Congress, the President denied to the Rep
renenUflives of the People the right of inquir
ing into alleged abuses, and claimed for the
heads of his Departments the same right to
w.thhold that evidence against themselves
which the public ar. chives, the public properly
of the People, would furnish which a felon has
to conceal his own consciousness of gult.
I have seen the revenues of the country
used as a fund of pecuniary speculation and
political corruption, in the hands of Executive
officers, while a vast surplus was refused for
the most patr otic and useful purposes. I
have seen the President assuming upon nim^
self legislative powers, repeal a law or joint
resolution of Congress, which had stood upon
the statute book for more than twenty years,
and which Congress had refused to r peal, and
an odious discrimination made, requiringspecie
of one class of public debtors, while aucther
was permitted to pay into the Treasury bank
notes in discharge of public dues. I have
seen this unjust & oppressive law of ttoTExecu
Line repealed by such a majority in each House
of Congress as to place the passage of the act
beyofid the power of the veto, and the Pre
sident still defeat the measure by refuting to
return the bill to the body in which it ongi'
nated. Jt might seem there was nothing left
to make this the Government of one man : no
encroachment which had not been made by lbs
Executive upon the other department of the
Government ; but I will add one more to lb*
offensive catalogue. I have seen, and Lad
cause to know from the highest sources, thai
a Representave of the American people, who
discharged his duty as became a freeman, wa a
not safe from personal out rag 't Sod that thf
President of the United States, the source of
patronage and fountain of power, the COmffiSn*
der in clieif of the army and navy* spoke in a
manner well calculated to stimulate hie fbMqw*
era to assail, out of doo.s, members ofCongfsso
for discharging theif official duties fearlessly*
1 have seen all this ? the Executive arm grow
ing stronger, and stronger, while every other
department was trembling, tottering* falling
beneath its giant blow.
but, gentlemen, I have transcended the
lim ts which the occasion would seem to pre
scribe; and, in conclusion, let me aak, is this
the Government for which our father* Med m
the tield, and toiled in the councils of the Rev
olution 7 Are we enjoying that unskadM
freedom-?' shall we transmit it to our children
as we received it from our ancestor* I The
forms of our Government yet remain, but the
spirit is gone for a time ? it may be, forever I
That depends upon us, upon the People. The
cold skeleton of our once gUmous% but now
expunged Constitution remains, bet it* iu? m
tai spirit has fled, it may be, to implore lliwf
who gave it being to awake, arouse ,and inspire
the. r sons.
I am, gentlemen, with sentiment* of high
est regard, your very obedient servant,
BALIE PEYTON. >" .
To Messrs. Moses Neal, Robert Aimss*
son. and others of the committee.
We take it that any man who opposed i*
Administration of General Jackson will, $ 9U
l.e reads Mr. Peytoh's letter recapitulAfr
"what we have seen," never cease to UgI* 1
tulate himself that he was so oppose/ f ?r
ourselves, we never look back upon t? stern
days through which we have passed without
experiencing a joyful sensation at&e recol
lection that, in the midst of the gmoral defec
tion from pure republican princir6** we were
numbered with those who stea^Iy and con
stantly resisted manworshipt corruption, and
Executive dictation. ? Ales;. -G+?.
Rev ben M. Whi'ney.?J t will be seen that
this worthy has given notice of his intention
to take the benefit of the insolvent act:? iA
common parlance, to swear out of jail. No#
there may be nothing dishonorable or even'di**
creditable in being in debt, and being unable to
pay that debt. But when an individual, with a
debt hanging over him, which he ia unable to
pay, is in receipt ofa salary known to ainoifnf to
$7,000 a year, (and probably to much nan,)
instead of devoting that salary to pay hi* ju*t
debts, squanders it in high living, it amounts
in our view to something very nearly akio t*
dishonesty. And the example is so much tin
worse when the individual is in a high place,
and. kept up under the fostering wing of tfcp
Executive himself. We learn from the Cbav- "
leston Courier, an administration paper, that a -
party which he gave during the last winter,
c of. t upwards of $1000; and that he made it
h s boast that it should eclipse any party given
in Washington during the last winter. Thi*
was whilst he was within the prison boundent'
Washington, with debts which be has given in
on his schedule as amounting to 918&000.? -
Now that he is about to take the benefit, bo
gives in his whole property, consisting of cor
rode, Aorrw. plate, and furniture, as being worth
only $3,000! So that his party cont him one*
third of t ho amount of all that be was worth in
property ? Well mav the Courier** correspon
dent remark that this is strange destitution of
means, and that it will give rise to reports die*
advantageous to his character, if any thing can
be further disadv ntageous to it.
And this is the creature who bad enlisted
all the talents and ail the power of the Jackson
and Van Buren party and tbeir presses in hi*
snpport. To whom even Congress has been
humbled; and to whom has been entrusted the
management of the business between theTr a
sury ind the Depositc Banks, involving the
control of the many millions of the natiooa?
treasure ! Who docs not blush for hi* coon
try!
From He New York Expreu , AprtL
We have a few plain questions to put to
Van Buren men, and the natural answes*
which must be given are perhaps the be*t
answe s to the article of which we speak
D;d not the experiment eight years agoi pro
mise a specie currency, and better times T
Has nd the bank capital been tripled sinte
that time, and :he currency made a* bad as
any currency can be ? Have the deposite
banks regulated the domestic exchanges 1
And have they not entirely broken tbeto op!
.And are we so nes r the golden era of a specie
currency as we were even eight years ago 7'
Are the banks so t?afe, or so strong in the
confidence of the Public as they then werel
Has the better currency come which we were
promised after the United Bank should be dt*
stroyed ? Has not every successive expert
ment upon the currency added a mischief
instead of a remedy to any of the paper dis
eases of the currency T What* good has the
veto done 1 What good did the removal of
the deposites ? Whkt good did the Trea*0*y
Circular? What catrnow bedone by setting
the aunts furiously to. work, as is threatened
in the first of a new series of* experiments -to
which we are to be put.
Is it not curious enough that a few political
men in Washington, not educated in business,
and never associating with business men>
should be so much wiser than all our practi
cal men? Who taught Mr. Benton of Mis
souri, the ways and means of commerce?
When did Mr. Butler become so intuitively
skilled in finance ? Who educated Messrs..
Blair & Rives in commerce, when there is
not a mechanic who walks our streets, or
a sailor who ever saw the sea, that doe* not
know more ot the course of trade than both
of th -m.
We ask the People if t-hey have not bad
enough of quackery ? If Dr." Thompson
should sweat one Of a family to death, would
they t rusi another in his hands ! What good
has the Administration done us with all it*
experiments upon us, as if we were dead dogs?
Eight years of experience have brought us to
the verge of bankruptcy, where the coun
try stands now. Tell us then, if we have not
had enongh of the quacks, and if common
sense does not show us the necessity of a
change ? Time has showed all their experi
ments to be folly, and all the* act* to lead to
ruin. Cotton is now going down, real estate i*
falling, and thousands of laboreraare thrown
out of employ by their mismanagement of^be
country. If the People have not had enough
of such a sweat, the experiment murt yet go
on i but rely upon it in all these things 'the
Whig press has spoken words of prophecy?
the experiment upen the patient will end in a
horrible deatlf