Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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? ' - [?k\? THE MEXICO* The follow* extract of ? letter wntla tj, Boston MercanU? Journal, ^es an affectmg description of the appear fl.ce, after death, of the ^f utu?tc md, .d~ uai#, who were lost in tfe barque Mexico, lately dripwreckid on Lang island h ac . t k)d n*?iljr Hempstead, I p0'10!"^, go somewhat if the road, to look * ^ P,a? where the ship Mexico u as cast away. J" half an boat, we came to Lott's ?? four or five^fc. this side ot the beach where the ahiplaj? and here, ll's1^af?' wer<ltvr? sited the bodies of the ill-fated passers which bad bees thrown upon the shore. went oot to tIiAorn- The doors vvere open and such a scene ? presented ?? If to n> ? view I certainhr.?ever could have contem plated. it was a dreadful, a frightful scene of horror. ., 4 Forty or fifty bodies, of all ages and sexes, were lying pntfiiiscoously before roe, over the floor, all frozen, and solid as marble ? and a, 1 except a few, rathe very dresses m which 'they perwhed. Sdfl* With their hands clench - ed, as if for warmth, and almost every one with an arm crooke<L and bent as it would be in clinging to- the nggragp There were scattered about among the num ber, four or five beaatifui little girls, from six - tooicteen years of are, their cheeks and lips Z?red as w^imh ^ieir cafoblue eyes aoetf, looking tod ftthe face, as if they would - - ^ " " e that they were cheeks, and they were solid: as a rock, and not rcould be made by. th 5 I could perceive a re other, arid supposed them toho-tiM "4Migfcters of a passenger named Pepper, who perished, together with his wue a^hfe feraily. - On the art? of some were to be seen the : impression of the rope: which thoy had clung to? the mark of the twist deeply sunk into the ilesh. I saw one poor negro sailor, a tall nan, with his head thrown back; his lips part ed, and hte now sightless eye balls turned up ward, and his arms crossed over his breast, as af imploring heaven for aid. This poor fellow evi4ently had firozen while in the act ot fer Voenfrfcnyer. ^ One female had a rope tied to her leg, which i- bomid her to the rigging ? and another 1 little feflow had been crying, and thus frozen, *itb the muscles of the face just as we see chiidieft when crying. There was a brother, and sister dashed upon the beach, locked in ? each other's arms, but they had been separated ja the bwn. AR -the men had their lips firmly compressed together, and with the most agon ising expression on their countenances that I everbeheid, 3?F3* ?A little ghl had raised herself on tiptoe, and tbvs was fh&en just in that position. It an awful sight I and such a picture of is before me, that 1 became uncon fixed to the spot, and found myself " %jag to suppress my ordinary breathing, lest . i -should disturb the repose of those around me. > | was- aroused from the reverie by the euitrance - of a man? the coroner. waa about to leave, my attention be , came directed to a giri, who, I afterward learn ?d^had come that morning from the city to tffteh fer her sister. She had sent for her to come over from Eng'.snd, and had received in tettgeace iliat she was in this ship. She iito die bars, and the second body she 1 IfiML&it upon, was hers. She gave way ; to such a burst of impassioned grief and an : guidi that I could not behoW her without shar ing her &eites/ Sfce threw herself upon the ?coid aud icy iace and neck of the lifeless body, aed tkos," with her arms around her, remained jijltinir moaning and sobbings till I came away? and when some distance off, I could ksat^fer calling her by name in the most fran So little time, it appears, h?d they to pre tfgiefor their fkte, that I perceived a bunch of keys and a half eaten cake, fell from the bosom j of a <nrl wbem the coroner was removing.? The appeared as if part of it had just tact feitien aad hastily thrust into her bosom, ^nd round her neck was a ribbon with a pair And to observe the stou% rugged sailors, too, whose iron frames could endure so much hardship, here they Jay? masses of ice. Such scenes show us indeed how powerless and toman- efforts, when contending ti^afrei the storms and tempests which sweep Ip resistless violence over the face of the . -deep. And yet the vessel was so near the sfaocil^ .-thai the Shrieks and moans of the poor ^ifeaturee were heard through that bitter, dieadfb! night, till toward morning, the last groan died away, and all was hushed in death, and the murmur of the raging billows was all 4ha sound that then met the ear. After the storm, the wreck was approached, and here and there were seen columns, pillars of ice, which had formed on the frozen bodies, *j?ihe*eal??ke over them." ? Prince Euoese, who was one of the very ablest among the renowned generals <ethis*day, and who has gained honor in many a well-fought fieldof hattle, made the follow ing remarks in relation to war : v ? The thirst ofrenowu sometimes insinuates ifed If into our councils under the hypocritical garb 6t national 'honor. 'It. dwells on imagin ary i nwiTt I. it suggests harsh and abusive lan gu ag^ aad peopie .go on from one thing to Cftiher tfi! they pat an end to the lives of half W million of men. The . call tor war. proceeds gea&sDy from those who have no active share in Hi toils, as mi ii&ters, women, and thd lounging politicians of a iarge town." &xorESB Sousteb. .?-The 'Legislature- of - Mississippi have passed an act' incorporating ?the Mississippi Union Bank , with a.capilal of >I*rSSH A H .XX F MILLIONS OF DOLLARS. It ? to be located at Jackson, the seat of Go vernment, and to have branches in different parts of the State for the accommodation of thecltizeos geaerafly. ? A R?toi,utio? is Naval W a&fxre. ? A -Correspondent of the National Intelligencer alluded m-the flowing positive manner, to an -extraordinary invention of which -we had al ready heard some vague rumors-": - 44 -It is vepy prefcabie that it will not-be long, iefore the whole system of naval warfare will %e changed. The ingenious R. L. Stevens of fcloboten, has invented a shot which is hoi lo#,and filled with some kind of fulminating powder ,v which is ignited by tiie compression of aff when it strikes ^the sides ^f a vessel, aaJ, on ils explosion, as has- been proved by experi ment, will tear all to atoms ! This system , j 'when perfected, will supercede the use of! fiiit rate men of war ; for two shots from a fc iipop* of war would as easily destroy a 100 gW ship** a gw boat. Sloops of war, would Xh4^fbre^?e 'tue .class pf vessels most required, and our waters #e sqiScjepUy deep far this purpose/ ?> -> TIIE PRESIDENT AND COURT OF ENQLIRY The opinion of the President oil that part of the proceedings of the Court of Inquiry, now sitting at Frederick, f^'ch re a ?s . campain against the Creek Indians, is IPa ? below. The proceedings of the court, m re- | speetto the fa.luru of the campaigns under Generals Gaines and Scott, against the Semi nole*, so far as regards the case o. Major General Scott, liavealso been subnntted-to the President; but we understand that in conse quence of the necessary connection between U*e cases of the two commanders, the t resi dent has suspended his examination of the procee dings in respect to Major General Scott, until he shall have received the proceedings in the ease of Major General Gaines, when the whole subject will be taken up and disposed of. ? Globe. OPINION OF THE PRESIDENT. On the proceedings of the Court of Inquiry ordered to investigate the Causes of the de~ lay in the Campaign against the Creek In dians. The President has carefully examined the proceedings of the Court of Inquiry recent y held at the city of Frederick, by virtue of orders No. 65 and 68, so far as the same re late to the causes of delay in opening and pro secuting the campaign in Georgia and Alaba ma, against the hostile Greek Indians, in 1836 : and bas maturely considered the opin ion1 of the rourt on this part of the subject referred to it. u Th8**der constituting the court directs it, amtotf fOJlier things, "to inquire and examine into tbe-eauses of the delay in opening and prosecuting the campaign m Georgia, and Alabama, aoainst the hostile Creek Indians, in the year 1836, and into every subject con nected with the military operations in the campaign aforesaid ; and after fully invest i oTj.tipg J.be same, to report the facts, together with its opinion on the whole^ subject, for the [ information of the President. t . _ It appears, from the proceedings, that after the testimony of nine witnesses had been received by the court, and after more than one hundred documents, on the subject, had also been produced in evidence, and after Major General Scott had addressed the court on tIie subject, the court proceeded to pronounce its i opinion, as follows : I "Upon a careful examination of the abun dant testimony taken n the foregoing case> the court is of opinion that no delay, which it I was practicable to have avoided, was made by Major General Scott in opening, the cam paign against the Creek lndi?ns. On the contrary, it appears that he took the earliest measures to provide arms, munitions, and provisions for his forces, who were found al most wholly destitute ; and r.s soon as arms could be put into the hands of tho volunteers, they were, in succession, detached and placed in position to prevent the enemy from retiring upon Florida, and whence they could move against the main body of the enemy, as soon as equipped for offensive operations. "From the testimony of the Governor of Georgia, of Major General Sanford, comman der of the Georgia volunteers, and many other witnesses of high rank and standing, who were acquainted with the topography of the country, and the position and strength of the enemy, the court is of opinion that the plan of campaign adopted by Major General Scott was well calculated to lead to successful re sults, and that it was prosecuted by him, as far as practicable, with zeal and ability, until recalled from his command, upon representa t ions made by Major General Jesup, his second j in command, from Fort Mitchell, in a letter bearino date the 20th June, 1836, addressed to F. P. Blair, Esq. at Washington, marked ^ "Tartrate, " containing a request that it be shown to the President, which letter was exposed and brought to light by the dignified and mag nanimous act of the President, in causing it to be placed on file in the Department of War, as an official document, and which forms part of these proceedings, (see document No. 214) Conauet so extraordinary and inexplicable on the part of Major General Jesup, in reference i to the character of said letter, should, in the opinion of the court, be investigated." The foregoing opinion is not accompanied by any report of the facts in the case, as res quired by the order constituting the court; on the contrary, the facts are left to be gathered from the mass of moral and documentary evi dence contained in the proceedings; and thus a most important part of the duty assigned to the court remains unexecuted. Had the court stated the facts of the case, as established to its satisfaction by the evidence before it, the President, on comparing such state of facts found by the court, with its opinion, would nave distinctly understood the views entertain ed by the court in respect to the degree of promptitude and energy which ought to be displayed in a campaign against Indians ? a point manifestly indispensable to a correct ap preciation of the opinion, and one which the President's examination of the evidence has not supplied, inasmuch as he has no means of knowing whether the conclusions drawn by him from the evidence agree with those of the court. . The opinion of the court is also argumentai tive, and wanting m requisite precision, inas much ?s it states that "no delay, which it was ?practicable to have avoided , . was made by Major General Scott , in opening the campaign against the Creek Indians, &c. &c. ; thus leaving it to be inferred, but not distinctly finding, that there was some delay, and that it was made by some other person than Ma jor General Scott ; without specifying in what such de&y consisted, when it occurred, how long it continued, nor by whom it was occa. sioned. Had the court found a state of tacts as required by the order constituting it, the unccrtamty^now existing in this part of the ? opjniflft woold ha va - been obviated, and the" justice of the opinion itself readily determin : ed. . /.i L L - That part^of the opinion of the court which animadverts on the letter addressed by Major General Jesup to F. P. Blair, Esq. bearing date the 20th of June, 1S36, and which presents the same as a subject demanding investiga tion, appears to tlie President to be wholly un authorized by the order constituting the court, and by which its jurisdetion was confined to an enquiry into the causes of the delay in opening and prosecuting the campaign against the hostile Greeks, and into such subjects as were connected with the military operations in that campaign. The causes of the recall of Maj ?r General Scott from the command, and the propriety 'and impropriety of the conduct of G an. Jesup in writing the letter referred to, were not submitted to the court as subjects of inquiry. The court itself appears to have been of this opinion, inasmuch as no nfJtice wiis giveR to Gen. Jesup of the pendency ^of the jfroceedings, nor had he any opportunity to cross examine and interrogate the witnesses; | nor to be heard in respect to h s conduct in the matter remarked on by the court. For the several reasons above assigned, the President disapproves the opinion of the court, and remits to it the proceedings in question, to the end that the court may resume the con sideration of the evidence; and from the same, and from sucii further cvidencc as shall be taken, (incase the court shall deem it neces sary to take further evidence,) may ascertain and report, with distinctness and precision ? especially as to time, place, distances, and other circumstances ? all the facts touching the opening and prosecuting of the. campaign in Georgia and Alabama against the hostile Creek Indiana, in the year 1836, and the mili tary operations in the said campaign ; and touching the delay, if any there was, in the opening and prosecuting of said campaign, and tiie causes of such delay; and to the end, also, that the court, whilst confining its opin ion to the subject-matters submitted^ it, may fully and distinctly express its opinion on those ratters for the information of the President. The Secretary of War ad interim will cause the proceedings of the court on the subject of 1 the campaign against the Creek Indians, witl the documentary evidence referred to therein, and a copy of the foregoing opinion, to be transmitted to Major General Alexander Ma comb, President of the Court, for the proper action thereon. ANDREW JACKSON. Washington, Feb. 14, 1837. j SENATE. ? Tuesday February 7, 1837. Petitions and memorials were presented by Messes. Brown, Linn, McKean, TIpton, Tomlinson, Wright, E wing, of Ohio, Ba yard, Kent, and others, and referred. A message was received from the Pfcssidcnt of the United States, touching our relations with the Republic of Mexico. The Prudent expresses an opinion that the injuries dpne by Mexico to the United States would be ajust cause of war, but commends forbearance tor | the present, so far as a direct action is con cerned, and recommends the passage of a law authorizing the President to grant letters of marque and reprisal, under certain circum stences. Mr. Bayard presented certain resolutions passed by the Legislature of the State of Dela ware, condemning, in stiyng terms, the late expunging process in the S :nate; and instruc ting the Senators from the State to introduce and support resolutions to restore the journal of the Senate, Mr. Bayard made some remarks, in which he said that he should pursue the instructions for vear to year, as long as he should remain in this body. At the present session it would be unparliamentary, but at the next session he would introduce a resolution to restore the journals; and he now gave notice that lie would use the same perseverance in restoring, that had been used in effecting the mutilation of the journals ? and he felt essured that the ef fort would be crowned with a like success. ? Ordered to be printed . Mr. Morris presented sundry abolition pe titions from Ohio, received since yesterday. In presented them, he said he followed the suggestion, of the Senator from Virginia, Mr. Rives, who, on yesterday, had expressed his wish that " these -petitions should be givien m broken doses." The petitions were read, and the reception being objected to, Mr. Hubbard moved to lay the motion to receive on the table. Carried ayes 27, noes 11. IN SEN ATE. ? Feb. 9th. Mr. Clav rose, and said that he had waited under the "expectation that the Senator from Mississippi, (Mr. Walker,) who has just re sumed his seat, or some other friend of the Administration, would make some motion founded upon the letter which had been laid before the Senate by the Senator from South Carolina. And if now, (added Mr. Clay, pausing, and l? oking round the Senate, ). jm y friend of the Administration has it m contem plation to submit any such motion, 1 will with pleasure, give way that it may be made. That most extraordinary letter (continued Mr. Clay) hasfilledme with the deepest regret and mortification. Regret that the illustrious citizen at the head of the Government should ha ve allowed himself to address such a letter, in such a spirit, and in such language, to one of the representatives of a sovereign State of this Union; mortification that the Senate of the United States should be reduced to the state of degradation in which we all feel and know it now to be. That this letter is a pal pable breach of the privileges appertaining to this body by the Constitution, is beyond all controversy. It has not been denied, and can not be denied. It is such a letter as no con stitutional monarch would dare address to any member of the legislative body ; and if he could so far forget himself as to do it, it would make the throne shake on which he sits. . We, Mr. President, who belong to the Op position, have no power to protect the privi leges of this body, nor our individual privi leges. The majority alone is now invested wfth authority to accomplish those objects. On that majority rests exclusively the respon sibility of maintaining the dignity and the privileges of the Senate. And I have seen, with great surprise, that not one of that majori ty has risen, or appears disposed to rise,; to vindicate the privileges which belong to the Senate. Ail of them, on the contrary, sit by. in silence, as if they were ready to acquiesce in this new invasion of the rights of the Sen. ate b v the President of the United States, a co-ordinate branch of the Government. I heard with satisfaction, from the Senator from South Carolina, that he intended himself to make no motion founded upon the Presis dent's letter. How can any member of the minority offer any motion, with that view, after the doctrines which were brought forward by the friends of the Administration dunng th? debate which arose on the reroqyal of. the deposites, and which have been more recently maintained during that on the expunging rtso lution, and supported by the vote of the Sen* ate! Such is the lamentable condition to which the Senate is now reduced, how can the majority itself bring up any such motion . According to those doctrines, the Senate, being the tribunal to try the Pesident in the event of an impeachment, has no power or rio-htto express any opinion whatever on the constitutionality ot any act which he may perform He may insult the body or its mem bers ; he may enter this Chamber with an armed force, disperse the members, and im prison them ; but we must submit without murmur or complaint, and patiently wait until the majority of the House of Representatives, composed of his friends, shall vote an ira peacment against him ; which, if it were possible for them to do, there stands here a majority, composed also of his friends, ready to acquit him ! ljet those have contributed to produce the present unhappy state of things,^ who have stript the other branches of the Government of their powers, one by one, and piled them on the Executive, until it has become practi cally the supreme power, answer for what they have done. Under all the responsibility with which they stand to oot God attfi our coun try let them respond for this flagrant viola tion of the constitutional privileges of the Senate. As fw us, the poor privilege only House. Mr. HOWARD, (under leave oflhe House.) in reply, said he would remind the gentleman from Alabama, (Mr. Lewis,) and the House, that about a month ago the Committee on For eign Affairs had instructed him (Mr. H.) to report a resolution calling on the President of the United States for information on the con dition of our relations with Mexico. The information there called for was considered by the committee to have *an important bearing on the aspect of our affairs with Texas. Jt was their opinion that that information was material to the investigation of this subject, and they desired to have it in their possession before they made up their opinion ns to the recognition of the independence of Texas. When these documents came before the House, a motion was made that they be re ferred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs^ and an honorable member from Kentucky, (Mr. Boyd,) at the same time, offered a res olution sending instructions to the committee to report a resolution acknowledging the in dependence of Texas. Fron that moment to the present, the committee had never had it in their power to enter upou the consideration of these documents, the matter being tied up by the pending motion of reference ; ar.d, as they would not get access to these papers, it remained for the House to dispose of them After that, the committee could take some steps. Mr. ROBERTSON asked consent to sub mit the following resolution in reference to this subject : Resolved , That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to this house ail correspondence and communications (if any) which have passed between the Exe cutive of the U. S. and Gen. Santa Anna dur ing his rec nt visit to Washington, or since his capture by the Texan army, not heretofore communicated, in what character, whether as the recognized representative of the Mexican Government or otherwise; such correspon dence or communications as have been carried on with him ; also, whether either of the ves sels equipped or destined for the exploring expedition to the Pacific Ocean and South Sea, or any other public vessel has been put in requisition for his conveyance to Mexico or elsewhere, and, if so, the reasons which, in the opinion of the President, rendered such re quisition necessary or proper, with all orders relative thereto ; also, all communications and correspondence, if any, between the Executive or the United States and General Samuel Houston, or other pereons claiming to exercise the powers of Government in Texas, relating to the civil war now or recently prevailing therein, or relating to any proposed interfer ence or negotiation on the part of the United States, on behalf of Texas. Objections having been made, Mr. ROBERTSON moved to suspend the rule to enable him to offer the same, and ask ed for the yeas and nays ; which were order ed. and, being taken, were: Yeas 65, nays 87. So the rule was not suspended. From the Richmond Whig Abolition Petitilions ? Dissolution of /he Un ion . ? The reader will have observed that aboli*. tion petitions were pouring into the House of Representatives, a number having been pre sented on Monday. The previous c?rtainty that their petitions would be laid on the table without any action, has not prevented the fanatics from presenting them. What will be the case at the next session of Congress, when a new Congress will assemble untrammeled by the restrictions which the present has im posed upon the subject of these petitions, we leave it to the reader to immagine. In Pennsylvania, in the cases of two members of Congress elect, the abolitionists have com menced the work of instructing their members of Congress to sustain abolition in the Dis trict. It is easy to foresee that the exam ple will be extensively followed, probably uni? versally in the non-slave holding States, and the South may make up its mind to see slave - ry abolished in the District of Columbia by the 4 th of March*, 1839 ! Nothing can avert the measure, but the united, firm, and determined protest of the South, expressed by the voice of the People in Convention assembled. Even this? -even the full knowledge that the meas ure must end the Union at once ? may fail to make an impression on fanaticism : But if it fai's to produce the effect, that effect can be hoped from nothing else. The disjointed ac tion of Southern Legislatures discovering in their proceedings a divided sentiment and large minorities, instead of repressing, serves but to encourage and stimulate the zeal of tiie Aboli # O tionists. There arc those, and one especially, whose I patriotism is ever the ready victim to his favor ite vocation of making Presidents and dividing spoils, who presumes to stigmatize the proposi tion for a Southern Convention, as the sugges tion of "mad caps," and as he would fain insinuate, an insidious scheme for overthrowing the Union. Has that individual forgotten that he himself proclaimed, only eighteen months ago, that abolition in the District would and ought to produce the instant dissolution of the Union ! We enquire of him in a candid spirit, if there is not the most imminent dan ger that slavery will be abolished by the next Congress? And conceding the fict to be so, as concede it he must, without a wilful sup pression of truth, we proceed to enquire what are his expedients for averting that calamity and ?aving the Union ? He who denounces such a proposition, for such an end as that suggested by us, ought to be prepared with a substitute for it. What is hisl Can he I devise or fancy a method bo likely to cheek the Abolitionists, that will so probbaly animate the sound part of the Northern communities to put down that pestilent sect, as the united remon strances of the whole Southern People, acting in full and free convention ? as a grave appeal from such a source, to Northern patriotism to save the Union ? as an earnest assurance, guar* antied in its sincerity by the solemnity of the occasion, and the character of the Southern people, that the abolition of slavery in the Dis- j trict, WILL BE 1 Aft ABOLITION OF! THE UNION. | For ourselves we shall be glad to learn of : wiser men? oven from the Editor of the En- I quirer himself ? the best plan for effecting the object common to all. So single minded are we in the object ? so desirous of uniting the entire South? so solicitous ofbanishing discord and jealousy ? that we repeat the wish already expressed ? to see, if a Convention be called, the administration party take the lead ? and by their numbers command the deliberations of the body. Thus placing our motives above the suspicion of party design, thus manifes ting that the safety of the Union and the Rights of the South, are the sole end tee have O ' in view, we can meet without any other sen-* sation than one of pity for the party tool who assails us, an imputation upon the purity of our views. We are content to trust them to the construction and judgemeut of the People, knowing but too certainty that the lapse of two years will test theif wisdom and justify ourselves. Abolition ? Progress in Pennsylvania. , An Anti-Slavery Convention whieh it' is announced, is to be well attended, is about to assemble al* Harrisburgh, the Metropolis of Pennsylvania. For six months past, Penn% sylvan ia has been the principal Theatre of Abolition exertions, and proselytism has been rapid. We have before suggested that the character of her population was peculiarly fitted to the reception of Abolition doctrines. Quakers and Dunkards are numerous, and their religious predilections repudiate slavery r-in every form. Unthinking, unregulated De~ mocracy, the Democracy which regards the constitution as less sacred than the vox popvli; order as encroachment on natural liberty ; and wealth and intelligence as "Aristocracy this licentious Democracy apparently has '"struck deeper root in Pennsylvania than else where, and will upon the wild and absurd theo ry of the equality of universal man, combine with religious fanaticism to urge the dangerous designs of the crusaders against Southern O O Rights and Pt ace. Pennsylvania is about to lead on the Abolitionists, and we now tell the People of Virginia, that save possibly the Representatives from the City of Philadelphia, the whole Pennsylvania Delegation in the next Congress will throw their weight into the 6cale of Abolition. Nothing- can be more strange and unaccount able than the torpor of the South under the circumstances of the country. It sees the fanatics active, vigilant, inflexible, enthusiasm tic ? multiplying their means of proselytism, daily augmentinig their numbers, proclaiming that nothing shall change and no circumstan ces arrest their purpose, and bringing over Pennsylvania, heretofore ar barrier between North and South to their views, The South sees all these menacing symptoms, fraught with strife and dissolution, and must be aware that the crisis cannot be postponed longer than the next session of Congress, and yet looks on with stupid composure. What is the meauing of it? Jf one more bold than the rest, or more clearly seeing the impend ing avalanche, gives the alarm and invokes I his country to repel the danger by preparing for it, lie is instantly denounced by the tools of Martin Van Buren as an ally of the Abo litionists, or an enemy of the Union. If the faithful representatives of the South attempt, in their places, to shield her from the dagger aimed by the fanatics, the same hireling band, apprehensive of some undefined danger to their master and his spoils system, raise the same cry of danger to the Union. Are we then to stand passive under this treacherous pretence of danger to the Utiion, until the knife is at our very throats! Shall no effort be made to organize unanimous Southern re sistance to the audacious schemes of the in cendiaries, and to dissipate the cloud which if it once buret, is destined, as the prophetic fears of el^e man tell him, to destroy the Union ? Belsbazzar was feasting when the Persian had already entered the walls of Babylon ; and with such a tremendous crisis hanging over the South, it is marvellous to see her citizens supine, and her Legnlatures reposing in blind security ; wasting in party conflicts that energy which should be directed .against the common and diabolical enemy that threa tens our wives and children ; ranting on ab stract principles, or shaken by an ordinary election. We ring, and we will continue to ring, an alarum to the country ? an alarum to parties to suspend their hostilities, and to com bine to repel the external foe. Let knaves accuse us of insidious designs ; a clear con science dreads no accuser and fears no accu sation. Our object is to save the Union ? to protect and save the Suulh. If the progress of Abolition be not checked by the good sense of the North, it must gather i rresistable force, and bend even that good sense itself in the end, to its will, The North is doing nothing to check it, and why should it, when the South is acquiescent ? To rouse the virtuou3 and intelligent of the Northern communities to combined and vigorous effort for suppressing the fanatics, is the sole expedient left for saving the Union. "COLOURED BRETHREN." There were a number of ?*gemmen" of co lor, members of the late Abolition Convention at Harrisburg. Arthur Taprpan who was also in presence, remonstrated thfct none of the of fices of the Convention had been filled by "coloured brethren." We understand from Washington, that the Convention at Harris burg, coupled withGov. Ritner's avowalof abo lition doctrines, is considered as approximat ing the country closely to the final issue, & as bringing within the compass of a year or two that, which was before indefinite as lo the pe riod. A Southern Convention, which we have so often and so strenuously urged as present ing the solitary chance for combining'the united energies of the South, &organizing resistance to the fanatics in the North, is now, we are happy to learn, in favor with many who have [ heretofore opposed it. During the high ex citement at Washington on Thursday, JPriday I and Saturday, it was very generally recogniz- I ed as the last expedient tor the salvation ofthe ! Union. The case is a very plain one. The ; fanatics can only be put down by the coinmu* j nities of which they are resident citizens. ? i However fatal to the repose ofthe South, their , machinations do not affect the property and tranquility of the Northern States, and the sound thinking portion of the Northern Com munities therefore suffer them to agitate at pleasure. A motive must be presented to the Northern States to suppress them, and frater nal appeals having totally failed, that motive can only be supplied by interest. The valuo of the Union to the SUtes North of the Pot<? mac in a commercial aspect, far eJccceds its value to the States South of t hat boundary ,and this aifords the single hope to those who think dispassionately, of preserving" for any length of time, the splendid fabric of the Union. Let the South then appeal in solemn form to tbe North through this tie. Let the Sbuthern people without bravade, without passion, and in that solemnity of spirit which the occasion so justly inspires, declare that abolition agita tion must be suppressed or the Union must bo dissolved. Once persuded that such must be the inevitable result, we firmly believe that the North would put down the fanatics. But, if much time be lost we all must perceive that the fanatics, placing upon both Religion and abstract republicanism and the equality of man, one of Mr Jefferson's fatal legacies, will get a headway that nothing can resist. THE LATE ABOLITION SCEftE IN CON GRESS. We arc of those who think tl?t we owe very little to the Northern members of Con gress for retracting their vote on the question of the right of slaves to petition. Their first vote, virtually affirming the right, was the dic tate of their judgement, or their wishes ; tha retractation was the dictate of their fears. How could it have been otherwise? There was discussion on Mr. Pat ton 'a resolution. There was ample time to consider it. No man of sense can doubt, that by rejecting a resolution denying the right of Slaves to petition, they virtually affirmed that righ1# Soch wad, island must be the inevitable construction. They did reject such a resolution. ? They did in efrect* assert the right of Slaves to petition foi redress of grievances. True, they recanted afterwards, ana why! Their fears over mastered their inclination ? that is all ! The Southern mem bers receded for the moment ? there was an indication of the Union coining to an immedi ate end. Then they recanted! What does the South owe them for the concession! ? Nothing at all. No thanks are due to him or them, whose selfish fears grant you the de^ mand. The lesson is variously and profound ly instructive. It shows that by union in it - self the South is ahvays safe and can always command justice. It further shows that the North does not mean to relinquish a Union which fills its pockets with gold ? and that nothing but treason and corruption in the South can endanger the rights of the South. The Southern People owe no thanks what ever to the House for retracing its steps on Mr. Patton's resolutions. The act is rather calculated to provoke scorn for the temper it displays in being <4 willing to wound, yet afraid to 8trike.,, It is evident that if they could ? if they dared? if their own interest did not stand in the way ? they would turn aboli tion loose upon us, in its worst form. rrom the National Intelligencer. THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO. The officii pa per of yesterday, in adding an other to the catalogue of offences alledged to have been committed by the Mexican Govern ment, subjects itself to the imputation ofa de liberate design to burlesque the Presiderit, his Message to Congress, his Minister of Foreign Affairs', and the whole scheme ofa quarrel, , or pretended quarrel, with Mexico. ? .Referring to ? the state ef the relations between the Uni ted States and Mexico,** the official editor gravely informs his readers that, once upon a time, complaint was made to the authorities of the then Territory of Missouri, by Julius de Mun, that he, with the respectable A. P. Cho teat, was imprisoned and received other in juries at Santa Fe% on a groundless allegation that they were trading contrary to the liws of that country, &c. and calling on the Cxeeutive of the United States to interfere, and "demand satisfaction of the King of Spain, fpr out rages committed on Americans by his ignorant Gov ernor." All this happened, gentle reader, in September, in the year of our Lord 18IAil?*n ty one years and a half ago, and' "many yearn before Mexico became an independent nation. Yet, li for these enormous outrages (says tho Official) trandscending nny thing in complica ted and revolting enormity known in the mo dern history of civilized nations, no redres* of any kind has yet been obtained," &c. and this is 10 be added to the alleged causes of war against Mexico ! It is of course, sufficiently obvious, that who ever tajtcs such ground is fully beut upon a. i war with Mexico, upon some ground or other. If the new ground assumed in the Message will not answer, an old story must be vamped' up for the purpose. It is no hindrance to this notable scheme for kindling a war, that there is a Tr e aty which absolutely forbids it . Who ever heard'ot a Treaty standing in the way of ambition, or staying the march of the spirit of conquest o and domination 1 The Executive and Congress of the United States did, it is true, some year ago or more, denounce in pret ty stronor terms the disregard of solemn trea^ ties by foreign Powers. But circumstances alter cases. It was our ox that was gored then. What do we hear now from the Executive t Letters of Reprisial against Mexico! For whatT Oh, says the Official, for an injury done by Spain more than twenty years a^o. Indeed f What becomes ofthe Treaty made with Mkx rco only six years ago, by President J acksoiv, with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, for the purpose of u estab* lishing upon a firm bases the relations of friend ship, that so happily subsist between the two Republics," the first article- of which Treaty stipulates that there "shall be a firm, inviola ble, and universal peace, and a true and sin cere ft endship, between the United States and Mexico 1" it is not possible, in the fact of such a Treaty as this, that this story <#a wrong done by Spain twenty years ago is to be I brought into account ss a ground of war with Mexico. It is at least possible, however, as. we learn from the official article of tlie Gfobei. that so ridiculous an absurdity will be attempt led. The ground taken by the President, in his Message, for the recommen lation of Reprisal* against Mexico is quite as untenable and re pugnant to the provisions of a Treaty, made by himself as that taken by the Globe. The , President informs Congress that satisfaction 1 has not been received for certain alleged iniu* * ries, for which Mr. Ellis vv as instructed to 1 demand redress from Mexico, and that, upon j failure to redress them at the cannon's mouthy it would be proper to make Reprisals. Now.V listen, reader ? listen, all the People, to tM language of a positive stiputation of this very Treaty? which tho President himself solemnly bound himself rengioushilo observe (such ajre the terms used in the Treaty.) Here is tfce Treaty stipulation bewteen the two RepifS " It is stipulated that neither of the conlrajcf ing parlies will order ov authorize any a^ts of REPRISAL, nor declare war against/the other, on complaints of injuries or damages, until the said party considering itself offewded shall first have presented to the other a state ment of such injuries or damages, yehifsed .by competent paooFs, and demanded justhce and satisfketion, and the same shall have hffen either refused or unreasonbly delayed. licle 34 of Treaty oj April 1831, Reprisals have been recommended by PpEqiwwcT.. to be "authorised*" H*ve tile thk remains of announcing to the People and to the Statea that the Senate, once a great bul wark of the public liberty, by a succession of encroachments, is now placed at the mercy of the Executive, exposed to every insult and outrage which the unbridled passions of any President may prompt him to offer* The Senate then proceeded to debate the Land bill. House of Representative. s ? Feb. 13 th. TEXAS. Mr. W. THOMPSON said he had the honor to present the memorial of sundry citK zens of the District of Columbia, praying the recognition of the Independence of Texas ? And he proposed the following resolution : Resolved , That the memorial be referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state ot the Union, and that it be made the special or der of the day for Tuesday week. Mr. T. said, if in order, he would submit a few remarks. The SPEAKER said the memorial, if it gave rise to debate, must he over by the rule. Mr. HOWARD moved the reference of the memorial to the Committee on Foreign Af fairs. And the memorial was ordered to lie over. Mr. GARLAND, of Virginia, presented a similar memorial from citizens of the District; and moved its reference to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Mr* D. H. Lewis wished to inquire from the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (Mr. Howard) whether that gentleman ex pected shortly to bring this subject before the