Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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r 'H* DEVOTEDtTu SOUTHERN RIGHTS, MORALITY, AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE, AND MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. JAMES I. NORWOOD, EDITOR.] To thine mrnitelf be true; And it must follow as the night the day; Thou const not then be false to any man.—Hamlet. VOL. 1. DARLINGTON C. if, S. C., THURSDAY MORNING SEPTEMBER 5>5, 1851. [NORWOOD & DE WOE, I’l BLIMIERS NO. 30. THE DARLINGTON FLAG, 18 PUBLISHED ETERI THURSDAY MORNING, AT DARLINGTON, C. H., 8. C., BY NORWOOD & DE LOR3KE. TERMS OP SUBSCRIPTION: In advance, (per annum,) - - - 03 00 At the expiration of six months - 2 50 At the end of the year .. ... 3 00 ADVERTISING : Advertisements, inserted at 15 cents a square (fourteen lines or less,) for the first, aud 31+ cts. for each subsequent insertion. Business Cards, not exceeding ten lines, inserted at 06, a year. 1POMTICAI. OUTUNE OF THE SPEECH OF HON. I. D. WILSON, At the Meeting of the Separate State Action Party, on Sale Day last. Hon. I. D. Wilson commenced his remarks by deprecating division at home—he then proceedod to examine our condition in the Union. The pre amble of the Constitution declares that among other things, this Union was formed M to establish justice, insure do mestic tranquility, and promote the general welfare.” Had it accom " ed the ends for which it had been form ed I Ho thought not How had our remonstrances been received l When the Nashville Convention assembled in solemn conclave to consider the re peated and continued wrongs heafieii upon the South, he had ho|ied their proceedings would attract the attention of Congress, then in session. The re commendations of that body, however, had been passed by with contempt.— He did not believe that the line of 36 30 would he granted, as a compro mise to the Soutli; the Northern ma jority in Congress, and the spirit abroad among the Northern people, forbade that hope. Senator Chase, desirous of testing the power of the North, and the capacity of Southern endurance, declared in the Senate his intention to move in his place the abolition of sin' very in the District of Columbia, and then strike at the institution in all forts, dock yards, &c., belonging to the Gen eral Government Winthrop, the cun ning and intelligent Senator from Mas sachusetts, thought this would lie an im|K>sitioii of too great a burthen on the South; he feared even she would resist at last, on the ground of policy; therefore he opposed the agitation of the abolition of slavery in all forts, dock yards, dtc., at that time. What was the c.oiisi*queiire? Fish, an abo- litionist of the darkest dye, was elect ed in bis stead. Dickinson, late Sena tor from New York, had always been found in bis piaeo eloquently advoca ting “justice and the Constitution;” for this he had been sacrificed. AW these things prove that a spirit exists at the North which will never counte nance a compromise, by which justice is done the South. He then brought to notice the late batch of measures, ironically termed a Compromise.— When under discussion, South Caroli na was united in her opposition to these measures. Would she now des cend from the nohlatposition she then assumed, and bow her neck in humble submission! What surety have we that they will aTSfce emROft lMM#by the conditions of Cuq^. promise Bill t Since its passage, a pa- |»er has deen started in Boston by its strongest supporters, which advocated the right of Congress to abolish sla very in the States. Old England had thought by the present agitation to dupe New England, but had been du ped instead. Tbis, he said, was easily proved; English manufacturers are the only rivals of those of New Eng- Irm); if, therefore, the quantity of cot ton produced could be lessened, and matters so arranged that the small crop should go to New England to be mannfacturea, then all rivalry must cease. It would therefore be perceiv ed that the course of the North was not. a suicidal one. By the abolition o slavery they would decrease the nu-f nuat cotton crop to something short of 1,060,000 hales. Again: within twen- carries his cotton to market, he gets but three cents per pound. The coun try merchant says: “I cannot give you more, for we only get 4 cents in Charleston;” for since the North will control the production of the article, she can also control the price, and when the raw is transformed into wrought material, they will also con trol the price of that. If something was not done note, he believed such would be our condition in fifteen years. The honorable gentleman then pro ceeded to enquire, What shall we do t Had we the right to revolutionize!— Ihis right belonged to the serfs of Russia. He maintained that we had a higher right, viz.: Secession. He de sired most heartily to obtain uo-ope- ration; he was willing to wait so long as there was hope—when this had dis appeared, he was for seceding alone. He was willing to leave the question of time to the Convention. The charac ter of the framers of the Constitution forbade the supposition that it was in tended for oppression; he went be yond the constitution for the right of secession. We should lie careful, lest in waiting we should let the time for action pass. He believed if South Carolina would move off, this would unite the South; it was so with the colonies; they only united with Mas sachusetts, after she had acted, and blood had been shed. The honorable gentleman concluded his speech in a strain of eloquence not often surpass ed, and closed with the declaration that all he had, all he was, and all he hoped to be was at the service of South Carolina ; he devoted all to her. The speaker resumed his seat amid loud and long continued bursts of en thusiastic applause. (From the Edgefield Advertiser.) SEPARATE STATE SECESSION. It is often urged that a separate gov ernment in South Carolina would es trange the other Southern States, and exasperate them against us. We are at a loss to see how this will happen, Will South Carolina, after she may withdraw from the Union, assume a hostile attitude towards any of these States! Will she not, on the contrary, be inclined to a peaceful policy in all her relations? Far from imposing re strictions upon the commcree and in tercourse of the Southern States, she will freely admit both, and will no al ways ready to supply these States so far as her means will allow, ami the government under which they live will permit, with all the facilities of a cheap and prosperous trade. Charleston, opened as she now is to all their trade aisil intercourse, while affording them, by means of our nearer approach to free trade, mi excellent port for the sale and transhipment of their exports, w ill, at the same time, be able to sup port them more cheaply than any of the United States seaport towns, with all the commodities the}’ may wish for consumption. Should the Feoeral Gov ernment hinder their full enjoyment of these great commercial benefits, it would be no fault of ours, and it could with reason excite no prejudice against us. Nothing but a |>e»ly jealousy, from which we must consider our neigh- hors exempt, could, on this account, create any unkind feeling. But would not their gvtRrous impulses sooner di rect the resentment of these States against die real auUior of the incon- venience ? and would not new restric tions upon their trade and intercourse serve to open their eyes more fully to the wrongs they are at presest made to bear! Such seems to be the most natural course of things. It is also difficult to conceive how the separate nationality of South Car olina will create disaffection by oppo sing obstacles to die growth and pros perity of any of the Southam States. Can it, in any w»y, force them to pro duce less, to sell their produce cheap er, or buy their commodities at a high er rate than they now do ? Certainly not. And wliere will be the incon veniences to which they will be sub jected ! True, unless |>ostal arrange ments be made between our State and the General Government, die Western ty years the value of our lands had moil which now passes through & boon enhanced by an increase of la borers, one hundred per cent; drive off labor, and the landholder must sell out when all are selling, who will buy!— The Northerner,-^epd but at Ml per aero land now selling for from 5 to •10. Some one must work it; Horn would they get! The very persons they had set free among ns, or else they would overran us with lowest and vilest of mankind, one would mod or be able to cultivate much more than the Ihfie patch which surrounds his bouxo. And when bo s: Charleston, would be conveyed imme diately to Savanuah; but would Geor gia, the State most likely to be effected by such an arrangement, deem this an inconvenience, since it w’ould give more importance to Savannah, while atfoiding that State all the mail facili ties she now enjoys! So Augusta might be deprived of several hundred thousand dollars of South Carolina trade, but she might get treble that amount from Georgia which now goes to Charleston and New York, to say nothing of the large inerer^e of trade vent any struggle ? Who believes that if as a body, Southern members in Congress, should sternly resist co-er- cion by the General Government, that force w ould be employed f Should the North, against the remonstrances of the whole South, forcibly resist the secession of South Carolina—what would ho the inevitable result? The certain ami sudden dissolution of this Union. The Southern States, there fore, hold this issue completely in their own power; and knowing and feeling that the eause we espouse is just; that our common wrongs, to redress which prompts our action, are grievous and severe; ami that each State has the right, for causes deemed by it sufficient, peaceably to withdraw from the Union —they could never regard South Car olina as involving them in a contest with the General Government ‘ without cause.’—Unless by the most strange inconsistency and suicidal policy, they will consider themselves identified with us in this oreat issue. Those States O wi|l render us aid, and at no distant day, join us in a Southern Confedera- cy. They will certainly withhold all aid and sympathy from the Govern ment in its attempt at coercion. It would he highly unjust and ungenerous to our sister States to suppose them capable of any other course. How the other Southern States could look upon South Carolina in this contest ns actuated by “ factious and selfish motives,” is to us wholly incon- ceivable. To indulge such a belief is to have a poor opinion of the spirit and intelligence of the Southern people, or to take a very superficial view of the i Southern came. In that cause, as we are led to regard it, are involved great and everlasting principles, which lie at the bottom of Southern freedom and safety. The sovereignty and indepen dence of the individual States—the institution of slavery—the subject of to Savannah. It is easily to lie seen that no important interest as now existing in any of the other Southern States is at all likely to he thwarted by the separate action of South Caro lina. On the contrary, according to the opinion of those opposed to sepa rate secession, the interests of out- neighboring States, by bonuses and special legislative charities from the General Government, are to he so rap idly promoted as to excite our envy, and cause us, within a short period, to seek a re-union with the other States. If such he the case, as is so confident-1 ly expected, where will there he any cause of disaffection towards our Stale? What! the secession of South Caroli na serve greatly to increase the pros perity of these States, and render them hostile against us ? Who can explain this paradox? But it is said, ‘ the other Southern States will he aroused against us for presntniug to lead in this great contest for Southern liberty, and for involving them in a struggle with the General Government without cause.’ To sup pose our sister States actuated by mo tives so trivial and selfish, is to cast a stigma upon their escutcheon. Their generous natures forbid the suspicion of passions so grovelling. Such pal try considerations might inffame the language of the coffee-house politician or the stump orator, and lead him to abuse our purpose, to promote his own sinister designs; they could never swerve from from its dignified and hon orable career, a high-minded, sovereign State. The people of the Southern States incensed against South Caroli na for a hold defence of the rights and liberties of the South! No, never, nev er. We apply to this the language of the great Athenian orator, on a similar subject. ‘No, my countrymen, it can never he to your reproach that you have braved dangers and death for the liberty and safety of all Greece.— taxation: these are the watchwords in No, 1 swear it, by those generous souls the Southern camp. On these issues, of ancient times, who were exposed at rest the all in all ol the Southern States. Marathon ! by- those who encountered 1 0 maintain them to the utmost ol our the Persian fleet at Salami's, who fought strength, w ith our Wood and our Uea- at Artcmieium! by all those illustrious sure, is an imperative duty, to neglect j sons of Athens, whose remains lie de- | which, is to involve ourselves in ruin. A BRIEF BUT EXCELLENT LETTER. The following letter from the Hon W. F. Coleock to the late meeting in a few words plainly and intelligibly put together the real position of the State. As he says, the propositions are plain and simple,” and can he easi ly understood by all who choose to understand them: “Gkahamville, August 13,1851. “Gentlemen : 1 have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 6th inst., and to return you my thanks for the kind terms in which you have been pleased to express your ap probation of _ " conduct. “I regret extremely that my engage ments will not permit me to accept your invitation to address your Aasoci- ation on the last Mondayin the month. “I feel satisfied, that the people are daily becoming convinced that the pledge which South Carolina has giv en to the w orld never to submit to the past,’ can only redeemed by secession —as no other measure holds out any promise of practical resistance. The issue is now reduced to separate State action, or acquiescence in the compro mise. Disguise it as we may, ‘to this complexion it must come at last’ Co- operation in practical resistance can not he obtained on past issues, and if to wait for future ones, is not to sub mit to the past, then i do not know what submission is. “Now these are very plain and simple propositions and the people cannot he deceived by any false coloring which can he given them. Georgia has erec ted her platform. We have denounced derided and rejected it. South Caroli na must now build hers, and if she re jects submission as she has sworn to do she must adopt secession as the on ly mode of redeeming her pledge and vindicating her honor and her rights “I have the honor to he, gentlemen, very ret _ _ , your obedient servant W. F. Colcook. Bartlett who received his attention gra ciously. Perhaps you imagine Mr. Harry for got the poor girl whose heart he thus deliheratly labored to w in. Not he!— He had promised to call on Miss Eliza and he remembered ids engagement ; w ith a heart swelling w ith gratified pride and lofty aspirations, he went to the address liischarmer gave the door, on which the dear name “Bartlett” shone ngraued in silver. Mr. Harry was shone into the par lor. He had inquired for Miss Eliza; but Mrs Bartlett herself appeared.— She was a fine looking old lady, with an intelligent eye, which scanned Mr. Harry’s features curiously. “Did you wish to see F.li/.a ?” she asked. Mr. Harry replied affirmative ly. “Indeed,” said she, “1 think there must he some mistake, sir. Perhaps it is Jane, or Mary, you wisli to see ? “Oh, no ; !Mi«s Eliza,” rejoined Mr. Harry. “I must ask, then, why you wish to see her,” pursued Mrs Bartlett, mild ly. Harry blushed violently which she added quickly ; “For Eliza is still so young, that I am sure you can have notldnb to sav to her which you would not communi cate to me. echoed perceiving rv, coiuus- posited in the public monuments.* W e swear, in like manner, by our common fathers, by our sacred rights and interests, and by all the hallowed associatons that link together our des- ; tildes, the brave and generous people of the South can never reproach us for boldly encountering danger for South ern liberty. No! impossible. Let us begin with vigor on our part; then call on the other States; conciliate and exhort them. This is true to our dig- nignity as a sovereign State.f But how could the Southern States regard the struggle between South Ca rolina and the General Government, as arising ‘ without cause V Have they not themselves solemnly declared and reiterated, that the South has been griev | ously w ronged? Have they not, in their calm moments, said these wrongs call for resistance by the South ‘at all haz ards aud to the last extremity ?’—These States have surpassed South Carolina in the boldness of their language a- gainst Northern aggressions; and. though hindered by unfortunate party dissensions from giving effect to their solemn declarations of resistance, with what consistency or justice could they deem the struggle of South Carolina without cause, when this State would be hut carrying out their own prede termined resolutions ? But it is admitted, on all hands, that sooner or later, this contest is inevita ble. Georgia even says, she is only awaiting certain other wrongs, which she fully expects to receive, to move her to resistance. And who imagines that Northern fanaticism can he check ed except by convulsion or force? Is it morally possible, therefore, that the Southern States can be incensed a- gninst South Carolina for boldly strug- gling in a caususfevhich they have sol emnly declared rol»e just and righteous, and which in a few years, they look upon as inevitable ? The uatui^aud civil relations subsisting hetwaMrthe various Southern States, and the na ture of the controversy now between the North and the South, utterly nega tive any such conclusion. Such con duct would, in our judgment, be con trary to reason and experience. But further, 'ftie Southern States, far from believing themsRres involved in Uie contest by South Carolina, will he forced to regard themselves ns part authors of tho conflict For is it not in the power of these States by their combined efforts iu Congress, to pre- The other Southern States fe ;1 the growing importance of these issues. They know they can never give in to the ascendancy of Northern power, w ithout losing their freedom and inde pendence; without giving up their in stitution of slavery; without subjecting themselves to an odious system of tax ation that knows no bounds of exac tion, hut the measure of production; without, in a word, creating for them selves a wretched state of bondage, that has no parallel except in Russian serfdom, or Mexican peonage. In defending these great rights and interests,-on w hich rests all their hopes of future happiness and liberty, could the Southern States accuse South Car olina of “factious and selfish motives?” Could they, to gratify a mere whim, an idle caprice, side with the Government against her in a struggle involving their very existence as a free people?— Credat Judeus Apella, non ego. It partakes too strongly of the extrava gance of phrensy to be believed of any people, and least of ail of the high- minded aud honorable race of men that inhabit these Southern States.— But we conclude by saying, that though all other people submit to slavery, we would have South Carolina still con tend for liberty. RUTLEDGE. “Fikk in the Mountains!”—A- lining the contusion and excitement at tending the political discussions of the From the Weekly Boston Museum. BALL-ROOR ACQUAINTANCES. Mr. H enry Pringleton is a young gentleman of agreeable manners, good looks aud abominable self-conceit; dis tinguished for liis gallantry black whis kers, aud aristocratic aspirations. It is well to have a good opinion of one’s self; hut there is a certain sort of pride which renders its possessor con temptible. It is that pride which makes ! you blush to he seen in the street with 1 the noblest besthearted fellow in the 1 world, because he may happen to wear I a seedy-looking coat or a hat of last j year’s fashion. ; With this sort of pride Mr. Harry Piingletmi was severely afflicted. He sought to rank w ith the most genteel, with the acknowledged aristocrats “Young!” eehbed Harr ed. “Why, she is only nine years old you know'.” Harry was confounded; but remem bering tiiat lie had the name of his charmer only on the authority of Dick Stevens, he hesitated to explain mat ters. “It must lie one of her sisters then, I met her at Hall, two nights ago;” “There must still lie some mistake,” replied Mrs. Bartlett. “Neither of my daughters have been to Hall this winter.” “1 think 1 am net mistakon: This is society. He aimed high, and on one occassion he shot considerably wide of | his mark. This is the way of it— Mr. Harry w'as at a hall : a rather ; recherche affair, of course. Mr. liar- i ry never patronized your ordinary as- , semblics, one is so apt to meet vulgar ; people in such places that is, people who work for a living (lie address she gave me,” said Harry firmly. “Oh!” cried the old lady, “you mean our nursery maid ! <Sho was at Hall two nights ago, and she said she expected a young gentleman to call on her.’t “Nursery maid!” echoed Harry, in dignantly, “1 don’t know any nursery maid ! “Oh, it is her you wish to see ! re plied the old lady, good-humoredly.— “8he said you ealled her Miss Bart lett hut she didn’t mind it, as a great many call her so, she has lived with us solong. 1 will speak to her.” “No—no—1 beg—don’t trouble yourself,” remonstrated Harry, ner vously. “1 was mistaken. 1—I beg of your pardon. Good day ma’am.” Hurry left; hut the affair got out: and, to tiiis day, lie has not done hlnsli- ing when “genteel ball-room aequain- i tances, are mentioned. and shop-keejier’s daughters. He was at a hall, Magnificently had he flamed, and innumerable hearts had he broken, in the course of a few hours. Yet Mr. Harry was dissatis fied. He observed that few—marvel-' lotisly few of the elite were present.— Had he made a conquest, at which one of such lofty aspirations might feel grat ified? Ah, no! He sighed, like Alexan der,for an object worthy of his prowess. “Who was that young lady you day, occasionally a good thing is said waltzed with last ?” asked a sleek dan- which should not be lost At a mus- I dy. ter ground, in an adjoining District, there lives an old man noted for his Tall Horsk.—The Alexandria (Va.) Gagette of the 8th says; “A three story horse was offered for sale in our streets, on Wednesday afternoon, shop-keepers He was so high that one of our citi zens who wanted to purchase had to use a ladder to get on his back ami the same ladder had to he brought to ena ble him to dismount. The horse was universally considered the “tallest” of his kind ever seen here.” “I declare I have forgotten her name, and really, I think I neglected to w’rite it down,” replied Mr. Harry. “I thought she couldn’t be very fashionable ; I nev er met her before.” “Why,” cried a genteel follow, with occasionally join in the conversation, a glossy moustaelt|| who had heard the and bv his quaintness produce consid- question and replin “that is Miss Bart- honest, good humored, jolly life. A few days ago, while a party of gentle men were taking a quiet dish of poli tics at his house, the old man would * Demosthenes—De Corona. ♦ Demotthenee—Philip tUa Third. erable merriment. “ Oh, yes,” says the old fellow, “our members to Con gress are all clever, honest fellows, no doubt; hut there is one thing I don’t like about them—I never like to see a fellow’ set fire to the woods, and then run off* and leave it Zounds! they liave been firing the mountains for years back, and now, as soon as they have got the blaze up, I’ll be shot if they ain’t a trying to put it out with little pine hushes ruin, destruction, and now it is blockade, big ships, war, starvation, and famine, if we do resist! i 1 don’t like this way of latherin’ peo- f pie up to fightin’, and then slitherin' them down to submission, I tell you 1 don’t, hoys,” lett, daughter of William H. Bartlet.—- Dem genteel people. I know “That’s Eliza, the prettiest of daughters.” ••Ah!” exclaimed Mr. Harry, “she is pretty. 1 was sure she was none of the crowd, though I never had met her liefore. Mr. Harry gazed with admiration at the charming young lady, who, «to speak the truth had not appeared to First, it was fire, j him remarkably beautiful before. A if we didn't resist; | Bartlett! What a conquest! For M Harry was sure the girl with him. “I must cultivate her acquaintance,” thoujfit he. iring the remainder of the evening. Bad thoughts are more troublesome than swarms of gallinippers, fleas and cockroaches. No external vermin can plague a man so incessantly as those which are internal. We can readily destroy the former; bnt the latter arc' like riotous enemies that have gotten possession of a citadel; they only can be driven out by introducing a strong force of well disciplined and virtuous troops. So must bad thoughts lie ex pelled from the mind by those which are good. If you wish an enemy, cli<fo e c the person and expect him to bei&ne; mid he is not now’ your friemf ten to one f y ojj^banot sooner or later realize your expectations. But ou the other hand, if you take a man to nc friendly, ten to one if he does not become so. Take for yonf motto, “ Thinketh no nil.” -op- • ^ A Western editor thus sums up the peculiarities of a cotem|K>r»rv. He is too lazy to earn a meal and too mean to enjoy one. He was never generous hut once and that when he gave the i itch to an apprentice hoy.” So much ' lor this goodness of heart. "Of his Dun..g %•««'. i• — - o* i _ he dovoted himself exclusively to he mistook castor oil for honey.” industry,” he says, the public may bet- ter judge when he teates that “tho on ly day he ever worked, was the dav