Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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4 Darlington flag. lit- DARLINGTON, S. C. J. II. N OK WOOD, Editor. THTRSMT MOKMM], SEPT H 11,1811. ACBJiTS FOB THE DIRLIMiTOX FLAG. 8. 1). IIallkokd, - Camden, S. C. Chakles DeI^kmk, Sumterville, S. C. We are requested to announce that a meeting of the Committee of eixty- two, of the secession jiaitj', will be held at Darlington Court House on Saturday, the 13th lust We publish to-day the able Ad dress, delivered at the Annivesary meet ing of the Agricultural Society of this District, by our esteemed lellow citizen Captain 11. G. Edwards, Esq. without the parties to it. sist between MADISON ON SECESSION. It is becoming very general to deny 1 the right of secession. Has this right ever been exercised? We answer it has. The 1 Union of the States, was first formed un der the Articles of Confederation; when the present Constitution was formed, it was provided that when nine States adopted it, it ehould go into operation. How could iiinu out of thirteen .States, hound together by the “ article of confede ration, and |>erpelual Union,” adopt ano ther constitution without a distoluium of the the league already formed? It was dissolved, and that too by the withdrawal <>r trctsiion of different .Vtntcs, therefrom. In No. 43 of the Federalist, written by Madisos, recommending the adoption of the constitution to the people ot New York, he uses the fulowiug language, in justiilcatiou of a withdraw at of nine States from the confederacy. “Two questions —says Madison—of a very delicate nature present themselves on this occasion, 1st on what principle the confederation which stands in the solemn form of a compact, among the States can be superseded unanimous consent of the 2d what relation is to sub- thc nine or more States, ra tifying the Constitution,'and the remain ing few who do not become parties to it?” Tlie latter is an important question, since they speak of coercing South Carolina if she attempts to secede. He then proceeds thus to answer these questions: “The first question is answered at «nae by recurring to the absolute ne cessity of the case; to the great prin ciple of self-preservation ; to the trans cendent law of nature and of nature’s God, which declares that the safety and happiness of society, are the ob jects at which all political institutions aim, and fn which all such institutions must be sacrificed. Perhaps also an answer may be found without search- beyond the principles of the compact itself. It has been heretofore noted among the effects of the Confederation that in many of the States, it had re ceived no higher sanction than a mere legislative ratification. The principle of reciprocality seems to require, that obligation on the other States should be reduced to the same standard. A compact between independent sover eigns, founded on acts of legislative authority, can pretend to no higher validity than a league or treaty be tween the patius. It is an established doctrine on the subject of treaties, that all the articles are mutually conditions of each other ; that a breach of any one article, is a breach of the whole treaty ; and that a breach committed force, and must be fulfilled; the of humanity must in all cases be doly and mutually respected ; whilst consid erations of a common interest, and a- bove all, the remembrance of the en dearing scones which are past, and the anticipation ofa speedy triumph over the obstacles to re-union, w ill, it is hoped, not urge in vain moderation on on one side, and prudence on the other.” Thus did Madison justify .secession, and exhibit the treatment to be expected from seceding States towards those remaining in the Union, and rice versa ; were he alive, he would use the same arguments now, for in his latest writings he ever termed the present constitution a compact. In a letter dated August 1830, addressed to Mr. Everett, opposing the doctrine of Nullification, and which may be seen the Appendix of the Virginia Reports of 1199-1800, after suggesting some objer lions to the manner of expounding the constitution, he proceeds thus: “The re ply to all such suggestions seems to be unavoidable and irresistable, that the con stitution is a compact; that its text is to be expounded according to the provision for expounding it, making a part of the com pact, and that none of the parties can rightfully renounce the expounding pro vision, more than any other part. When such a right accrues as may accrue, it must grow out of the compact, releasing the sufferers from their fealty to it.” This last sentence is an explicit acknowledge ment of the right of secession. Let those who deny this right ponder well the con tents of these extracts. It is to those i who aided in framing the constitution : that we must look for a truthful exposi- j tion of its meaning. LETTER OF HON. J. M’QUEEN, Addressed to the Committee of ArTangents for the Meeting tf the secession party of Darlington, held on the first Monday of September, 1851. Marlboro Dist., Aug. 30, »8tl. Gentlemen: I had the honor to receive your kind invitation to attend a meeting of the Citizens of Darlington District, fa vorable to resistance to the aggressions of the General Government, on the first in open violation of the rights of the States and the Constitution established by our fathers, to abolish slavery, as will appear in the bill for the District qf Co lumbia;'they have executed their long contemplated scheme of running a belt of hireling States around us, by which sla very is confined, in aH time to come, to the area of their limit—and those a- mongst them in high places, boast that in twenty years the sun shall neither rise or set on a slave or a master, in this con federacy. The secretary of .State, (I sup pose a fair exponent of the views of the Government,) openly avows that no more slave States shall be admitted into the Union, and together with all these startling truths, they aver in advance that the States have no independent sovereignty, by which they can extricate themselves from a consolidated govern ment, now in the hands of an abolition majority. Who is there, with the proper spirit of a freeman, who would not as soon live under the Government of a Cuban Governor General? There, there is always a responsible head, against whom resistance can be directed. In this confederacy, the responsibility is divided amongst an unscrupulous majority, al ways baffling concentrated resistance, leaving no remedy upon earth to us, save the reserved and inalienable sovereignty of the States. If we have not the right to exercise this, thwt, in all time to come, we have no rights, and our ancestors not only failed in their objects in forming the Federal Government, butthey have insep arably bound us to our worst enemies on earth, who may make laws to make slaves of us, and we must submit to the yoke forever; but I will not dwell longer on the evils of which we complain, as I have no doubt they are familiar to the intelligent people of your District. The matters of most imiivdiate con sequence to n at present, is, what is the duty ol our 8tate, and what course ought she to pursue under all the circumstances around her ? There was a time when we all hoped that the whole South would unite as one man, and hurl forever from all dominion over us an enemy who, like vampires, are feeding upon our life’s blood, who have plundered, robbed, and intend to ruin us, but I lament to say that that hope has almost vanished. We were invited to co-operate with our sister States in taking effective measures to redress our wrongs; wo accepted the in vitation, and were ready at all times to fulfil our part in all things calculated to effect so desirable an object; all know the result, and I need not dwell on it.. South Carolina waited until nearly all of her sister States had gravely resolved to only the action of Mississippi, but a rea- aonable time beyond, if there be ground* of hope, such as ought to be entertained by sensible men, from any other South ern State; this failing, I would secede alone, and that before the Convention of our State is finally dissolved, and trust the consequences to a righteous God. I believe we have as perfect a right, under the circumstances, to secede, as any of us have to occupy our lands. If we have not, we are in one of the worst govern ments on earth, and all the glory award ed our ancestors for their wisdom might well be tamed into bitterness and con tempt. In exercising this right I should not have so many gloomy apprehensions as some of our friends entertain; I never have been of the belief that those in pow er in the Government, would dare at tempt force against us; they well know that all the politicians in the South have, by party struggles and ambitious motives, become so divided that States, as States, may not move with us, the whole people of the South are deeply concerned in this great cause, and that the first drop of Southern blood, spilled by abolitionists, would call thousanos and tens of thou- sands to our rescue, who in fighting our battles would but fight their own; indeed, it seems to me the brightest prospects of co-operation would open before us at the first sound of the drum that ever yet have made their appearance. It is hu man nature that it should be so, because our cause would be their cause, and our defeat would be the death knell of all that is most dear to them. If force should be attempted, however, we can scarcely gain much by delay, as our enemies are rapidly increasing in number and strength, whilst we are comparatively growing weaker; nor should the threat of wrong ful force deter a people having the spirit of men, from the necessary exercise of a clear and unquestionable right; procras tination and an aversion to strife have brought us to what we are, and every day our grievances are becoming more intolerable. Nor do I believe, in the event of our secession alone, the melancholy picture drawn by those who oppose it, as to our maintenance of a separate government, will ever be realized. We have the vored with ten years grace to prepare for the sacrifice. Against this “pronunciamen. to” from the oracles of the Higher Law partv, not a murmur has been heard from the North, nor has a inonosylable of dis sent, one note of condemnation been ut tered by abolition State, or abolition rnan. The abolition and free soil party, impa tient for turther assaults on Southern rights, are now in the ascendancy, and have complete control over the legislation of Congress, Can any m a n honestly be lieve that under such a government, whenever the subject of slavery is to be acted on, that the legislation of Congress can or will be confined within the legiti mate, constitutional sphere, «r that the objects and purposes of the Federal Un ion will be carried out in good faith, with out sectional feeling, discrimination and partiality. The dominant majority in Congms are the true representatives of their constituents—exponents of the bad feelings and bad passions of demagogues, fanatics and bigots, who are our slander ers, persecutors and enemies. “ Power is a curse in tyrants’ hands. But in bigot tyrants’—treble curse.” By the legisiation of Congress in rela- ilifc * the separate secession of South Carolina from the other Soutltorn States, and in favor of co-operation with them, are re quested to fall im.” Whereupon an immense number ral lied under a banner inscribed on the one side, “ Co-oMration the only sure reme dy." OnNUie reverse, “ No submission.” “Let us be ready and avail ourselves of the first occasion to form such a confede ration among the slave States as will he of strength fully sufficient to protect that Monday in September next, and I sup posed until recently I would be able to do myself the pleasure of accepting the in- twist aggressions which have evidently vitation, and participating with you in a b«“n perpetrated, before she published to cause in which we all have so much in volved; but just recovering from fever inyselt, and my son having taken it this week, it will be impossible for me to leave home, and I must, therefore, deny myself the pleasure. I do not know, if it were in my power to be with you, that I could present any new views to the intelligent citizens of martksd off preceded by the eadet band of Charles ton, to the Academy Grove, when, after an appropriate and fervent prayer by the Rev. J. A. Fonville, the following named gentlemen were unanimouriy appointed officers of tho meeting: WM. E. JAMES, President Vice Presidents: J. D. Witherspoon, Col. J. F. Ervin, your District on the great subject now agitating the public mind, which their own observation has not suggested to them; yet I feel that we are surrounded by circumstances which demand ourgra- i vest consideration, and such as have never happened to our generation; and which, if we meet unwisely, all that is dear to ua may forever be lost. I have ; never felt myself capable of doing much ! more than to warn those who have hon-; ored me with their confidence of their im pending dangers, and faithfully represent- | ing to them the facts and indications 1 which portend those dangers. I did hope that so far as South Caro lina was toncerned, all necessity for the further enumeration of our wrongs had ceased, and that we were, with a una nimity not often found in any communi ty, resolved to act without much longer delay, so as to extricate ourselves from disgrace and ruin, so unquestionably awaiting us in the Confederacy in which wo live; but I regret exceedingly to see a State of things getting up amongst us, from which I apprehend the most serious consequences, not only to onr reviled lit tle State, but to the whole South—as well as our indispensable institution of slavery. All have admitted that the time had come, when it was necessary for us to take some effective step to relieve our selves; and indeed it would seem that none can deny but that that necessity is upon us. We are in a government in which we are entitled to equality in eve ry respect, as well as regards our feelings as our property, and the protection of both; and yet we are associated with a people, who, for many year*, are torment ing and harrassing us, regularly and in cessantly, and avow their determination openly to destroy our most valuable pro perty, and change the face of our beloved country from the smiling condition in which it would be, but for them, to that of a barren waste, where the black race are to be on terms of social and political bv cither of the parties, absolves the 1 equality with the white, or the scenes of St. Domingo are to pervade our land; our honest labor has been taxed for the last thirty years, surreptitiously, by the Government, avowedly for the support of their manufacturers; and that, too, in such artful manner as to allow them to argue to our people it ell was for theirgood —and to prevent many of them from feel ing its direct operation; they have built up magnificent cities and proud aristoc racies, by which they are better able to exercise an arrogant power in the Gov ernment at our expense, and in proper tion as their power increases, their arro gance and aggressions follow; they have robbed us of % territory as large as E 1 rope, which we purchased in the ratio i two to one, with our blood and treasi > and tore.ver prevented us from enjoyl ! a foot of it, upon the ground that we ha 1 a black curse and stain upon us, which others ; and Authorizes them, if they t ilease, to pronounce the compact vto- ated and void. Should it unhappily be necessary to appeal to these deli cate truths, for a justification for dis pensing with the consent of particular States to a dissolution of the Federal pact, will not the complaining parties ; find it a difficult task to answer the multiplied and important infractions, with which they may be confronted ? The time has been when it was incum bent ouus all to veil the ideas which this ]>;«ragfilBh exhibits, Tito scene is now chaiigocLnnd with it, the part which the same motive dictate*. “The second question is not less deli cate ; and the flattering prospect of its . a DlacK curse ana sum upon us, winch being merely hypothetical, forbids an render us unworthy of equality with them; over-curious discussion of it It is one . they have taken out of the public treasu- of those cases which must be left to ; ry (also made up two dollars to onelty provide for itself. In general It may be observed, that although no potitical relation can subsist between the assen ting and dissenting States, yet the moral relations will remain uncancel led. The claims of justice, both on one side and on the other, will be in our produce and commerce) ten millions of dollars, and applisdl It to the mutlft- tion of a slave State, that it given up to abolitionism—ai with the threat that the a won for our defence and security drenched in our blood; the? sumed jurisdiction, by the G< publi the world her own resolve; then, and not till then, by her Legislature and as semblages of the people, from the sea board to the mountains, site gravely, and as I supposed, earnestly published to the world her determination never to submit to the acts of tyranny enacted by the Government; and I have always thought these resolves were made for’herself, as they were made by herself—(indeed she would idly attempt to resolve for any other State)—and that they were not de pendent on the conduct of others, who might or might not fail to act out their own resolutions; nor until recently have I entertained a doubt that, let others do as they might, she would act out hers. I lament exceedingly to witness a di vision amongst ourselves, as to the final action of the State. If our enemy had the control of us, all they would desire would be an angry and excited contro versy amongst us, because they know nothing would be so likely to defeat all our hopes and paralyze our energies.— They know that other Southern States have given in to their tyranny because of internal dissentions. It is the very means by which they have always got compromises from the South, in which they have always got all, and the South nothing; and it is the reason why they have been permitted to violate every com promise they have ever made, with im punity. I trust in God this division will not extend so far with us as to prevent us from doing any thing to extricate our selves from disgroce and ruin, which an who are candid admit will be our inevita ble doom, if we remain in the Union as we are. I will not impugn the motives of many of those who are unwilling that the State should secede alone, after all reasonable prospects of co-operation shall have dis appeared, for I know there are many amongst them who are incapable of any other motives than those ot patriotism; yet 1 seriously fear the organization of a party in opposition will be followed by the usual consequences of party strife, until concert of action may never be ob tained ; and that we may settle dowu af ter a bitter conflict, and take no step to ward our deliverance, than which noth ing, in my judgment, can be more disas trous to the honor and safety of tin- State. I cannon dwell in this, at length, on the va rious views advanced on both sides, as to whether the State shall secede alone, after all hope from the other States shall have disappeared. Indeed, unless we now look to Missiseippi, with a glimmering hope, I think we may feel reasonably cer tain that to talk of co-operation from any other State, is idle and useless. I mean as States, and as the Convention of that State is to meet this fall, we may soon know what we may expect of her. There fore it does seem to me we may as well face our case boldly up, and make up our minds as to what we will do in the event that Mississippi submits no propo sition from hesConvention, by whieh we ought to be governed in our’ action; of .course, if she should propose anytni Calculated to preserve our rights, all w desire to resist at all will hail it with joy, and act with due regard to it. 1 have given this subject all the reflec tion my humble capacity is capable of; 1 have seen a good deal of feeling and adroitness of our enemy; I am sure I know something of their determination as to slavery, and I believe that if we do qot resist, and that before u . will .§* only be ruined in the flSR sense of word, but irretrievably disgraced. 1 would rejoice as much as any one to have as- have tha cooperation of one or more ro' eminent, States, and would be willing to await not means of producing as many of the ac tual necessaries of life as any people on earth, and we will have the sympathy of every honest hearted Southerner in all States. It is idle to talk of our being es tranged from them; we are of the same race of people, breathing the same at mosphere, God has created us with con genial spirits, and all abolition power can never change us. So far as the limita tion of slavery is concerned, in no event can we be worse off than we are; in that respect, it is limited already to all the States, and may we not employ our slaves profitably as long as the whole Southern States can employ them within the limit assigned them, through the agency of the Government? especially when the slaves of some five or six States are transferred South, under the respite allowed them by abolition thieves? And, moreover, so intimate will be onr intereourse, that slaves can be bought and sold across our lines, and defy all the powers ot an abo lition government. The expenditures of a separate government are held up with much earnestness to deter our people from reassuming their sovereignty, but it does seem to mo that all those who use this argument, should in all fairness as certain first what we contribute to sup port the government of our enemies, and then make their estimates—from which, I presume, we should have not much to fear. Nothing, however, would be more melancholy to contemplate than a people so intelligent, as may be accorded to us, who, from the fear of spending a portion of their money, would sit down in dis grace and infamy, which would not cease with themselves, but be transmitted to their posterity to be borne by them forev er. I did not intend extending this letter to its present length, more especially as it seems to me almost everything which can be said on this subject, is already before the world, and I will only add, I have no doubt the people of your District will meet this momentous crisis with that spirit and wisdom which becomes intelli gent freemen, and will not be driven back by any such considerations as are unbe coming those who sustain the high char acter which they do. Please accept for yourselves and your fellow citizens, my thanks for the honor tendered me, and believe me to be, with considerations of highest regard, Your ob’t serv’t, JOHN McQUEEN. tion to California, and other territory ac quired from Mexico, the slave States have been placed under the ban of their aboli tion masters, and have been assign## to a station of political inferiority and deg radation. Can South Carolina acknowledge her po litical inferioritytand crouchingly submit to political degradation. Passive obedience and non-resistance,calling upon Hercules for cooperation without malting prepara tion, or uniting our own energies to de serve and secure it, will not avert the dire calamities which the abolitionists have meditated, planned, and expect to bring about The ends and objects for which the Federal Union was formed, have been overlooked and perverted. The Consti tution, unused and perverted, lies cover ed with the dust and cobwebs of oblivion. The constitutional government of the United States, if not in name, has in fact, been abolished, and a fierce and insolent despotism has usurped its place. Thus proscribed and degraded from her polititical station of equality in the Union, South Cauolina has no alterna tive, but to make an ignominious surren der of her constitutional rights, or, through her convention, to reeume her sovereignty, and to declare to the world that it has “ become necessary, in the course of human events, to dissolve the political bands which connected her with the governmeut of the United States of America, and to assume among the pow ers of the earth the separate and equal station to which nature and nature’s God entitle her.” Feeling most sensibly the wrongs and aggressions perpetrated on the rights of the slave States by abolition legislation, knowing from their own declarations that further and greater injustice and spolia tions are intended, seeing we have no guarantee for the security of slave pro perty under the reign of abolitionism, I cannot hesitate to acquiesce in the neces sity of the State of South Carolina sece ding from the Confederation, and be coming as she was before she acceded to the Union, a Free, Sovereign, and Inde pendent State. Respectfully. Ac. THOS. SMITH, M. D. Society Hill, S. C., Aug. 30. Lewis Lawson, Dr. C. J. Flinu, Wiley Good sou, G. I/W. McCall, Rev. J. A. Fonville, John Fountain, W. Huggins, A. N. Stuckey, James MeCown, Wm. McCall, Rev. John Jossay, Secretaries. LEETER OF COL. MAXCY GREGG. Columbia, 22d Aug., 1851. Gentlemen : I have had the honor of receiving your letter of the 19th, inviting me to attend a public meeting of,our par ty at Darlington, on the first Monday in September next. Two prior invitations to meetings, to be held at distant points, the 2nd of Sep tember, w’ould hardly leave me at liberty to accept yours, even if it were in my power (which is doubtful) to quit my post at this place at that time. I regret that my occupation will be such, for several days to come, that I cannot undertake to prepare in writing anything worthy of your attention. I can only say that my heart is in the cause with you, and that in my firm be lief, the policy of action is the only one which can save the honor, the liberty and the very existence of the State. I am, gentlemen, with high respect. Your obedient servant, MAXCY GREGG. Caleb Coker, W. H. Heron, Dr. R. La Hart, J. H. Hugg ins, Thomas Atkinson, Dr. J. E. Byrd, Charles Brueo, CoL W. H Cannon, Wm. King, jr., W. H. WIMG ATE, Wm. R. Hu.ntku, ^ Col. J. D. Ashmore, of Claremont, and Col. James Chesnut,* of Kershaw, were successively introduced to the assembly, and addressed it After the reading of the resolutions, afterwards unanimously adopted, B. C. Pressly, Esq., of Charles ton, was introduced by the President and in an able speech sustained the reputa tion for ability in argument already ac quired as editor of the Southern Standard. RESOLUTIONS. Resolved, That though this meeting re gards the right of secession as inherent and inalienable in the States of the Union, we believe the exercise of this right by South Carolina alone, under existing circum stances as inexpedient. Resolved, That prospective secession is liable to the objection that it makes no al lowances for circumstances which may hereafter exist is our own State, or In the surrounding States, and binds us to go out of the Union whether it be expedient at the time appointed or not. Resolved, That believing co-operation to be the most effectual and proper rem- dy for grievances of which we, in com mon with the whole South, nave so good reason to complain, we regard it as our duty to labor earnestly to procure it, and when all our efforts to obtain aid and un ion with our sisters of the South shall fail, it will then be in our power to cliooec the best mode of Resistance. Resolved, That South Carolina has, in our judgment, given im other pledge and avowed no other determination than to co-operate with her sister States of the South, is resisting the aggressions of the General Government. The following Resolution, offered by W. H. Wingate, was also unanimously adopted: Resolved, That a delegation of four be appointad to meet others entertaining like views with ourselves, at Marion C. H., for the purpose of securing the unity of our party, and the nomination of suit able candidates to represent us in the proposed Southern Congress. Letters from the Hon. T. J. Withers, Hon. C. W. Dudley, Capt. F. Sumter and C. A. Thornwell, Esq., were received, and on motion ordered to be printed with these proceedings. Unaer the resolution relative LETTER FROM Dt. THOS. SMITH. Gentlemen of the Com. of Ar’m’ts : If the state of my health permitted, I would cordially unite with you in your deliberations on the grave and momen- tons questions, which are to be brought tip for discussion at Darlington Court House on Monday next In her present political exigency, South Carolina requires the aid of all her citi zens, and she may justly deem him re creant who occupies a doubtful or a neu tral position. A celebrated orator and statesman of antiquity has said: “ Let the opinions of every man, in relation to the commonwealth, be written on his fore head.” Let no man be deceived. Let not our vigilance be lulled by the porten- tious fallacy that the abolition agitation has ceased; that the compromise has re stored peace, concord and harmony, or the still more ominous assertion that we have neither grievances, nor insults, nor aggressions, nor unconstitutional legisla tion to complain of. Facts, like figures, cannot lie, and he that runs may read. Horace Greely has said, from 1836 to 1850, its (the abolition) course has been steadily forward, and its conquests une quivocal and glorious. Seward, the re gent of the wnig party of New York, has said, in a tone of exultation and confi dence, “ In ten years, the relation of mas ter and slave will not exist, from the At lantic to the Pacific, from Nova Scotia to the Rio Grande.” The abolition and free soil party are fighting under the banner of the British Emancipation Society, whose motto is, “African slavery is to be extinguished and annihilated. And we are tu be fa- PROC EE DINGS OF THE CO-OPERATION MEETING. Darlington, C. H., Sept 1, 1851 I In accordance with a notice posted on the 8th August last, the people of Dar lington District assembled at the Court House square on this day, I The following named gentlemen were appointed a committee for the preserva tion of order, by the co-operation party Col. E. W. Charles, W. H. Stanley, D. S. Law, Col. J. F. Ervin, Robt C. Davis, Wiley Goodson, J. J. Ling, Col. H. G. Charles, Dr. J. E. Byrd, Calvin Rhodes, B. McNeese, J. G. McKenzie, Jamea W. Segars, James W. Owens, Maj. C. H. Nettlea, John Witherspoon, E. B. Brunson, Hon. J. P. Zimmer man, W. H. Wingate, D. C. Milling, J. H. Huggins, Col. W. H Cannon, Rev, J. A. Fonville, J. A. Fountain, Dr. T. J. Flinn, delegation to Marion, Cant. John Foun- Joseph Hodge, Josiah Bass, James MeCown, W. H. Trapp, Wm. Parnell, jr., Thos. H. Hewett, Wm. R. Hunter, D. M. Jackson, A. J. Bland, Capt. J. J. Russell, John J. Milling, Capt O. D. Lee, Capt. R. R Cannon, Dr. C.J. Flinn, Maj. R. B. Bacot, James Bell, A. Sing, J. H. Parrotf. B. Shirly, Martin Morrisa, Thomas Atkinson, A. N. Stuckv, W. H. Heron, Mai. 8. J. Ervin, B. W. James, P. R. Mowry. to the »Pt. / j tain, Dr. J. E. Byrd, Col. J. S. Gibson and Wm. McCall, Esq., were appointed prin cipals, and Messrs. G. I. W. McCall and S. O. MeCown, to fill vacancies. Hon. J. P. Zimmerman offered the fol lowing Resolution: Resolved, That tlte sincere thanks of our party are due, and that they be ten dered through a committee, to Col. J. D. Ashmore, Col. James Chesnut and B. C. Pressley, Esq., for their valuable efforts this day in our behalf. And it having been unanimously adopt ed, the President appointed Hon. J. P. Zimmerman, Col. E. W. Charles, and Col. J. F. Ervin, as the committee to dis charge that duty. The meeting on motion then adjourn ed sine die. W. E. JAMES, Pres. Wm. H. Wingate, ) ^ . Wm. R. Hunter, [ Secretaries. [for the flag.] Mr. Editor: The Cooperation Conven tion at Marion, nominated J. P. Zimmer man of Darlington, and C. W. Dudley of Marlboro, aa Candidates of the party for the Southern Congress. IMPORTANT FlIici’IA!!! By the brig Argus, Kean, arrived at thia port from Matenzas this mor- ring, we have dates from that port to the 29 ult We learn that up to that time there had been about 900 pris oners taken, most of whom had been executed, thirteen of them were shot on board the PiRarro. The authorities bad made such com plete arrangements for the capture of the remaHder out that none of them could escape, The Spaniards mani fested a moat thorough contempt for the Creoles, and had expressed the opinioa that they had induced |«opes to undertake the expedition. Capt Kean bad not learned that At II o’clock, a. m. Capt Oran D. Lee, as chief marshall of the co-operation par ty, rode forth and prodalmed, “ All per sons opposed to submission, and also to Lopez had been taken have files hy the Argus of Hie Diaro de la Habeas to the 97th wit, which contains official accounts from La Gaceta, which confirms the disas ters which, had befallen Lopez and his troops, aa4 the opinion confidently expressed that the whole of his forces will be captured.