Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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I « V 4 4 DEVOTED TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, MORALITY, AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE, AND MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. JAKES 11. NORWOOD, EDITOR.] VOL. 1. To thine ovnself he true; And it must foliate as the night the day; Thou const not then be false to any man.- DARLINGTON C. H., S. C., THURSDAY MORNING SEPTEMBER 4, 1851. THE DARLINGTON FLAG, IS PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING, AT DARLINGTON, C. H., S. C., BY NORWOOD & DE LOR HE. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION : In advance, (per Runout,) - - - §2 00 At the expiration of six months - a 50 At the end of the year ... - - 3 00 advertising : Advertisements, inserted at 75 cents a square (fourteen lines or less,) lor the first, and 374 cts. for each eubsequenf insertion. Business C^rds, not exceeding ten lines, inserted at ®5, a year. POLITICAL. (From the Edgefield Advertiser.) SEPARATE HATE SECESSION. NO. IIP. Will the separate condition of South Carolina cause the commerce and pros perity of the State to decline? Unless calculations, based on correct data, greatly deceive, the reverse of this must be the result We have said, that our present ex ports arising from the produce of South Carolina vary between 1‘2,000,000 and #14,000.000. This will appear from a brief examination of facts. For Die year 1849 the total value of exports from Charleston, coast-wise and for eign, was #15,830,291.* Of this not more than #3,000,000 could have ari sen from the products of other States. This estimate will, we suppose, answer also for the year 1850. Now the cotton crop of South Car olina lias been estimated at 75,000,000 lbs.; say 70,000,000 lbs. By the cen sus of 1810 k was 01,710,204 lbs.— The average price for 1850 was 11—3f The value of the cotton crop, there fore, would he about #7,010,000. The exports in Rice from the State in 1849, (we take this year because we find the facts rejSWled) were 103,330 tierces. For that year the average ■ales, were #3,53 per cwt.: which at 000 per tierce wmuld give #3,595,089. To this add 20,000,000 feet of lum ber at an average of #8 per thousand —#1,000,000 ; 50,000 barrels of na val stores, coast wise and foreign, at #1 20 per barrnl—#00,000 ; and #50,- 000 for miscellaneous articles coast wise and foreign. We shall then have the following results: Value exp’ts in Cotton, #7,910,000 “ “ Rice, 3,395,789 “ “ Lumber, 1,000,000 “ “ Naval Store, 00,000 “ “ Miscellaneous Articles, 50,000 Total value of States ex« ports, #13,015,789 Total value of exports, 15,838,291 Value of produce of other States, #2,822,502 E; elusive, therefore, of produce from other States, the exports from Charles ton exceed #12,000,000. This would give us, if freed from the shackles of the Federal Government, #15,000,000 of imports, for from an export trade at present of #15,838,291, Charleston re ceives imports to the amount of #20,- 000,000. If then, the State in her commercial intercourse should be cut off from the other Southern States (which can never be the case) Charles ton might experience for n few years, r falling off of #3,000,000 in her ihi- ports. But this would cause no loss to that CHy; for, at least half the im ports that reach her harbor belong to merchants in the interior, having been purcMksed at New York, and are sim ply conveyed through Charleston to their place of destination, with very slight profit to any interest in the city. Bat it is said four-fifths, or at least •15,000,000 out of the #20,000,000 of imports into Charleston are sold to merchants in other siStatos—only one- fifth, or at least #5,000,000, being Consumed in South Carolina. How is this possible ? Does South Carolina ftctualH(i consume no more than $5,- 000,000 of imports? What then be comes of her annual produce? Her •12,000,000 of exports bring into the United Stales not less than #15,000,- 000 of imports. Allow #5,000,000 for govcmnMmt revenue and profits of Northern trade—what is done with the remaining #10,000,000? If wo con sume bit half, we should get the other half in specie, but every bodf knows we do not There is no escape from the fact—we consume the #10,000,- 000, and^would consume in some way * Pat. Off. Rep., and Charleston Mer ror v. or other, the whole #15,000,000, if al lowed so enjoy them. Only about #10,- 000,000, therefore, pass as mereban- dize to the other States. Bat of this #10,000,009 of merchandize, scarcely half is purchased in Charleston—the larger | art, probably, having been pur chased by Southern merchants at the North, merely pass, as we have said, through the port and streets of Charles ton. And the same is true in regard to the commodities for South Carolina conwmption. Probably two-thirds of the fflirrhants in upper Carolina now f urchase their goods in New York.— t is fair to assume that the #10,000,- 000 of imports consumed in this State half are purchased at the North. This would leave Chariest onat pre sent with mercantile profits upon onlv #10,000,000 of her #20,000,000 o“f imports. And this we take to be a just estimate of her trade. We leave out, of course, her profits upon exports. How would the matter stand if South Carolina had a separate Gov ernment in successful operation?— With the #5,000,000 of imports, which now pass to the North by means of the Tariff and Northern trade, and which would be certain to come to us in commodities of some sort, our im ports would reach about #15,000,000. Charleston would have the rc-selling of the whole; for the merchants and the planters of the interior would find it greatly to their advantage to buy there, to say nothing of the ditikulties in trading at other places out*f the State. Charleston would then derive mercantile profits upon #5,000,000 of imports more than she does at present Will it, in reply to this, be said, that the State could not consume the #15,- 000,000 of imports? The ditiiculty with most nations is to make produc tion equal consumption; but we, it seems are to constitute an exception to a general rule. But let us see. The consumption of the State, at present, both productive and unprodudtive, is not less than #10,000,000. Now with the means at hand, how much more could the State profitably consume in improving her present methods of in dustry, and even in creating new ones, that would add largely to her wealth ? It scarce admits of calculation. But we are limited in our capacity to buy, and hence we consume no more than we do. It is a fact hi the progress of na tions, that in proportion as consump tion is cheapened, it is also multiplied; and that the more a nation produces, unless under a bad Government, the more it consumes, from the fact that it is more able to purchase. Opulent, civilized and industrious nations, being greater producers are always greater consumers than poor ones; and they usually consume unproductively the greater part of their revenues, whether delved from industry, capital, or land.* This much, at all events, may be as sumed with safety. Either produc tively or unproductively, a nation al ways consumes its products, sooner or later. And on investigation it will be found, that the :<Amports of every nation, which carries on a profitable trade, always equal and often exceed its exports, Y«t nations grow weal th j*. It is a great mistake to suppose that tig! increase of wealth consists rh the mTre heaping up pf specif. A na tion may accumulate capital, or grow in wealth, by exchanging products, which may be emptied as re-produc tive capital. Commerce, indeed, is but the exchange of the labor of one man 0(,nation, for the labor of another man or nation. One hundred dollars or its equivalent in produce, exchanged for a horse, by which new capital is produced, isi>utau exchange of values, in which the #100 and the horse are consumed, but in such manner as to add to the wealth of both parties con cerned in the barter. So of all ma chinery and implements bought with the view to increase production.— They contribute to the more rapid ac cumulation of capital. They create wealth. This is what political econo mists term re-productive consumption, by which industrious and thriving na tions add much to their wealth and prosperity. If tlua-view of the subject bo not correct, what becomes of the export of a nattfftf A State sends out #12,- 000,000 of exports—If she do not receive #12,000,000 of imports, what becomes of the remainder? Will it be said she will receive it in specie ?— What nation could stand the draught it would make upon her specie? Sup pose South Carolina in trade with Eng land, after taking seven millions of commodities, should demand five mil lions in specie—how long could Eng^ land aflferd to trade with her? In 20 years that nation would loose #100,- 000,000 of specie, nearly one half of the whole that circulates within her borders. No! it is evident that South Carolina, to trade profitably, must take in exchange fen- her exports, commodi ties of some sort, with a very small amount of specie. There is no dan ger of her not being able to consume these commodities. In the necessaries and luxuries of life, and in the great improvement she could make in her various branches of industry, she would, like all other nations under the sun, demand imports to the full valu- of her exports. And she would there by add greatly to her wealth. This would be the case at present, but for the Government and the North. W e are therefore at a loss to per ceive how even Charleston is to lose, when South Carolina has established her independence. But we protest against the common practice of viewing this great question in reference to Charleston only, instead of looking to its effects upon the State at large. We would go far to protect and to promote the prosperity of our Queen City, the “ pride of the State.” Had we the ability of Themistocles, to “ raise a small village to a great city,” we would delight to make her the Em porium of the South, magnificent in wealth and splendour. But other in terests must, also, he looked to. Charleston should feel that her wel fare is that of the Stale ; that until the shackles of the General Govern ment be thrown off, by which the State may be more prosperous, she is destined to move at a snail’s pace in her commercial and general advancement. Let her unite heart and hand to throw off the incubus upon her prosperity, and she will leap for ward with an energy far surpassing her present most sanguine expectations. RUTLEDGE. « ♦ The great evil that will result from hold with us. We repeat that, under the co-0[>erationist3 of South C’aroii- these circumstances, the only question na, is that they render their friends in for South Carolina to decide would be other States powerless—they destroy whether to choose single handed re- the chance of co-operation. As States, sistanee or co-operation to tlie extent Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, of submission. cannot co-operate, without a majority R then Georgia and Mississippi to give them the control of the Gov- should show by the result of their com- ernment. Hence, although the South- mg elections, that they too are under ern Rights party in Georgia may be in the control of l nion submissionists, we the minority by only one hundred, they ; i s k our friends who advocate co-ope- can do nothing to bring about co-ope ration wMfe South Carolina waits for it Let South Carolina move, and she will not only have the Southern Rights party of Georgia, Alabama, and Mis sissippi, to co-operate with her, but she will soon have the whole of all the Southern States. There is not a can didate for office in Georgia now, who dares to say that he would be in favor of using force against South Carolina. If the North were to attempt it there would be but few who would not be in favor of using force in her defence. There is not a Union press, ora Un ion candidate in Georgia, so far as we know, who dares even to discuss fairly ration to tell us their plan of proceed ing. Ours we give you frankly and fully—it is to resist alone with the spirit of ’70 and of ’32. Will not this be our platform also, under the circum stances ? We would not think other wise. Only say that we are right in this supposition, and for one we are ready to join hands with you most cor dially. We are unaffectedly anxious for union at home, and we are not un willing to sacrifice a part of our cher ished wishes of our heart to procure it. To show that we do not ask you to approach a step nearer to us without our advancing to meet you, we tender the following common ground. If our and the Fulwilen on account of their mills; when to be avenged,Henry Sny der took along with biin a book in which he recorded his judgement, and moun ted his throne to try their cause'.— He was heard to pass the following judgment: Having prepared himself (acting as judge and yet responding for the ac cused,) he called George Fulwilder. ‘Shorge Fulwilder, stand up. V\ hat hush you been doing in dis world 1’ ‘Ah ! lajrt 1 does not know.’ •Well. Shorge Fulwilder, hasn’t you got a mill ?’ ‘Yes, Lnrt I hash.’ ‘Well, Shorge Fulwilder didn’t you never take too much toll!’ ‘Yes, Lort, 1 hash, when der water was low, and mine stone wash dull 1 take a leetle too mnch toll.’ ‘Well, den, Shorge Fulwilder you must go to der left, mit der goats.* ‘Well, Shake Fulwiler, now stand up. What you been doin in dis lower world ?’ (The trial proceeded precisely like the former and with the same result) ‘Now, 1 tries mincseif. Henry Shnyder ? Henry Shnvder! stand up. What hash you Ireen doing in dis low er world ?’ ‘Ah ! Lort, 1 doesnot know.’ the right of secessiou. Even those friends in either Mississippi or Geor- who were wont to talk so much about g' a . ar e sufficiently triumphant to shape treason, and traitors, and this glorious •h® course of their res|>eetivc States Union, no longer dare deny the right ;i| »d to give us a surety of their ability of secession. It is true that while ,0 control them in the future, we will they admit the right, they endeavor to join you in advocating such delay of ‘Well, Henry Shnyder, hasn’t you got a myatify it by talking about revolution; 1 final action (within the limits of the mill! but there is not a man of them who ( ’onvention Bill) as will give time to dare advocate the right of the General '"'"ig either one of these States up to Government to use force; and if they , our l ,c possible. I’rovided dared plainly and openly to deny the t,iat •» case our friends are defeated in ‘ ‘ * .. - . these States, you will help us to raise didn’t vou right of secession, there could not be a Union man elected in Georgia, not even Toombs and Stephens. Then if South Carolina wants co operation, let her act. If she were out of the Union to-day, we have no doubt that the Southern Rights party would carry the elections in October by an overwhelming majority. THE HOUR OF TRIaVTs HASTENING ON. It is but three short months to the | meeting of our Legislature, and then • suie . wi,tl pleasure by ail parties and will have arrived the period when the classes of Englishmen that Lord Pul- SOMEBODY MUST BEGIN. Mr. John S. Preston, in his recent correspondence with the Richland, claims for the Co-operation- to be clearly ascertained. By that time ists the title of the “ party of action.” it will be plainly shown whether or not They look, he affirms, to a means of there is any hope of another State’s disunion that will be effectual, and Se- ' co-operating with her resistance to the cessionists to a means that is doubtful 1 unjust and tyrannical measures of the of success, therefore the former are General Government. To our mind the real action party. We coni- it is a melancholy conviction, that the mend to his attention, and that of all grounds for this hope are rapidly van- who think with him, the following ishing. We had trusted much to the the Palmetto and declare the Indopen dence of South Carolina. Thus much we are perfectly willing to do for the sake of harmonizing dis crepances at home. Who will accept the terms we proffer. Decide quickly for the hour of trial is hastening on.— EdgeJIeld Advertiser. THE RELuTse1)F KOSSUTH. It will be observed, we are quite ‘Yes Lort, I hash.’ ‘Well, Henry Shnyder, never take too much toll!’ Yes, Lort 1 hash when der water wash low and stones wash dull I has token too much toll.’ ‘But Henry Shuyder, vat did you do mit der toll ?’ ‘Ah ! Lort, I gives it to the poor.’ (Pausing.) ‘Well, Henry Shnyder, you must go to der right mid der sheep^but it ish a lam tight squeeze*’ Why is a losing speculation like a a steal trap ? Because nobody would like to have a hand in it. clear end striking statement of the merits of the two positions, by the Co lumbus (Ga.) Sentinel. It seems to us to cover the whole ground, and to ad mit of no reasonable answer. It is consonant with all the facts that have yet transpired, and it is assuredly in accordance with the plainest deductions of reason. “ The only way in which there can be co-operation, is for some body to begin.” In that sentence lies the whole logic of the question. We say it is true to the core, and the only State which is in a position to begin, is South Carolina. Will she desert her position ? Never will we believe it, till we see it: [Mercury. (From the Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel.) / Thb Co-operation Party ok South Carolina.—It appears to us that those who propose to wait for co operation are pursuing a strangely fa tal and suicidal policy, if they are sin cere in their professions of a desire to act at all. “ Put your own shoulders to the wheel, and then call on Her- cnles,” is an old adage, and one full of meaning and sense. They profess a desire for a Southern Confederacy, but they wish to wait until other States arc ready to form it with them. Sup pose no other State will move—will she continue to submit ? We hope not. The only way in which there can lie co-operation, is for somebody to begin. We received in onr revolutionary strug gle no aid from France until we had put onr shoulders to the wheel. Sup pose Massachusetts had postponed her resistance until she could have got the other colonies to declare their indepen dence. We should have been depen deneies of the British Government per citizens of true complexion of Carolina politics is nierston has announced to the house of j Akron, there was a young lady w Commons the intention ef the Turkish took a very sensible view Torte to release Kossuth and the fete though lier doctrines were remaining Hungarians from their eon- ' finnnent in Asia Minor. We have never doubted the sincirity of our for- eigh minister’s frequent professions of j concern for the harsh treatment of the refugee, and more than the disapproval ho expressed, during the conflict, of the conduct of Austra in violating the Hungarian constitution. Indeed, the published correspondence of our diplomacy during the few months that followed the end of the war, is enough to prove that valid efforts were made by Lord Ponsonhy at Vienna, and by Sir C. Canning at Constanti nople, to protect the fugitives from be- exertions of our good friends in the West, and will endeavor to hope that something decisively favorable to the policy of South Carolina, may result from these exertions in some one State. But we fear it is almost like “hoping against hope.” The result of the re cent elections in Alabama is anything hut cheering to the genuine advocates of co-operation. To those who, un- ing delivered up to the Czar and to der this cloak, hide the pale habiliments Haynau ; which must have been the of submission, it may afford secret de- cas ® n °t R*® ^ulta® 1 >I I urkey been light. But we apprehend that a large i backed in his refusal by the effectual body of the Co-operationists of South Carolina repudiate the idea of final submission. To them, as well as to J us, the prospect, which seems to be 0|>ening up to our view, must bring real disappointment. Should Missis sippi and Georgia follow in the foot steps of Alabama, (and it is very pos sible,) our State will then unquestiona bly be placed in a position where she must also make a final choice—and that choice must be between resistance and absolute submission. There ran then be no half-way ground. If it be conclusively proven that our friends in other States are powerless even to consult and advise with us as to the best mode of organizing future South ern resistance, what have we to do but to turn to each brother Carolinian and support of Great Britan, and secondly of France. Notwithstanding a menacing intima tion which is put forth in one of the Vienna journals we do not apprehend that the pence of the continent will risk any fresh disturbance by the libe ration of these objects of tyrannical suspicion. The Austrnin Government, which, besides, is financially incapaci tated from a war-like undertaking, would surely not venture on grounds so trivial to attempt to punish Turkey for an act done at the urgent request of this country ; we should rather an ticipate, that Austria might seek to dictate some conditions, such as to pledge on the part of Kossuth, to ab stain frofri any furture action in the affairs of Hungary ; and po endeavor to earnestly inquire : “ What now is our fi n< l a pretext for a tardy and duty ?” If it be settled that no South ern Legislature will hearken to any proposition that looks to disunion, where will be the wisdom of our di vulging such a propositios ? Will it not be but inviting their condemnation beforehand, and thereby weakening the force of action ? Can we, who cions assent to his freedom: Chester (Eng.) Times, Aug. 0. ungr% —Man- At the Woman’s Rights Convention io of things, not popu lar with some of the elderly maidens present. Here is an extract from the report of her speech ; “For her own part,” she said, “she loved inau individ ually, and collectively, better than wo man, and so, she was sure, did every one of her sex if they, like, her, would utter their real sentiments. .She was more anxious for man’s elevation and improvement than for women’s, and so was every true woman. -♦ • ♦- — A man in Michigan, not long since, committed suicide by drowning. As the body could not be found die core- oner held au inqueset on his hat and jacket, found on the bank of the lake. Vordict—‘found empty. An Iowa paper says the village where it is printed has recently been visited by a “Bloomer freshet,” On being questioned as to what he meant, the ■ editor says; “the water w as knee high in thosstreet.” How to keep Worms out or Dried Fruit.—Have a pot full of senluing water on the fire then put the fruit into sacks of suitable sizes, and dip them in boiling water which w ill kill the worm or what causes it After dipping, spread the fruit out to dry— the scalding does not do the fruit any injury. Whatever it is causes the worm is_ deposited during the process of drying. So necessary at one time was coffee considered hy the Turks, that the refu sal to supply it in reasonable quantity to a wife was reckoned among the le gal causes for a dfvoroc. MISCHLLAHHOUS. A GOOD STORY. There lived some years ago in Wes tern Virginia, many Dutchmen, and declare that we will not remain in this among them, one named Henry Sny- ‘ ‘ doj; and there were likewise tw*o brothers caRed George anil Jake Ful- wilcd—they were all rich, and each owned a mill. Henery Snyder was subject to fits of derangement, but they were not of such a nature as to render evening, ried man t Pat. Off Rep. flay.'Po' F'-enomy. haps to this day. When Lopez, some j Union and submit to the wrongs of the months since, attempted to revolution- I past, confer with States which will as- ize Cuba, everybody said it was a great suredly reply to us, through their con- piece of folly. “Let the people of stituted authorities, that theycheerful- Cuba,” said they, “ begin themselves, ly do Iwth of these things? We can- and tlmy will have plenty of help.”— not believe that onr friends of the co- So ’aay ws now of South Carolina; operation wing will entertain the hu- let her begin, and she will soon have miliating tliought for a moment. Such plenty of help. If the North should a course would be unbecoming and have the wisdom to let her slone, qui- even ridiculous, unless it were adopted the infatuation, bod himself a throne of .lb* tram, he etly to manage her own affairs, why with a predetermination to fall back butla on which he sat to try the cause of ^ waved bis hat the South would go with her, as a mat- quietly under the tyranny of Northern all who offended him; and passed them l turned about tor of course, and so will the West— majorities. For it is evident, if Union- off to heaven or hell, as his But, if in their arrogance and folly, i*ts are in power throughout the South, 1 prompted—he personating both J' they should attempt to make war upon that this would lie their advice to us— and culprit her, the whole South will rise up in her that this indeed would be the only kind It happened The most approved Grahamite dial for invalids is a cedar shingle fried In saw-dust batter, and washed down by half a pint of brown thread. “Good morning, Mr. Jenking, where have you kept yourself this long time?” “ Kept myself! I don’t kept myself— I board out on credit!” | Elopement.—A rase ofeJn^ierU fromdliis city came to our car* Iasi he The parties were an unmur- and yeung married wvilian. him dangerous to any one. He merely *n ie husband getting wind of the affairD conceived himself to be the Supreme ru- k fallowed his wile to the curs and found ler of the Univsrse and while under the her seated. Remainiug tiH the starting flood bye, and then n - Servetfjher defence. of con they wdbld deign to culty oc tempHauce din the temper ance on with ardentlpi.-iiF