Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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■ DEVOTED TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, MORALITY, AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE, AND MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. JAMES H. NORWOOD, EDITOR.] To thine ownself be true; And it must follow as the night the day; Thou const not then be false to any man.—H amxet. VOL. 1. DARLINGTON C. H., S. C* THURSDAY MORNING AUGUST 28, 1851. [NORWOOD & DE LORME. PUBLISHERS. NO. 26. THE DARLINGTON FLAG, IB PURLI8HB!) EVERT THURSDAY MORNING, AT DAKf.IRGTON, C. H., B. C., BY NORWOOD * DE LArME. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION : In advance, (per annum,) • - - $2 00 At the expiration of six months - 2 60 At the end of the year - - ... 3 00 ADVERTISING I Advertisements, inserted at76 cents a square (fourteen lines or less,) for the first, and 37} cts. for each subsequent insertion. Business Cards, notexceeding ten lines, inserted at $5, a year. POLITICAL. [From the Vbionville Journal.] HON. D WALLACE'S POSITION. According to the promise made in our last number, we publish below a brief sketch of the address delivered by Hon. D. Wallace, on the 7th inst. The speech was delivered in the Court House, and though no notice had been previously given, a large number of persons were in attendance, who listened to the speak er with profound attention, and frequent ly evinced their approbation by repeated bursts of applause. He commenced his address by stating that he would not at tempt to discuss the wrongs inflicted up- on tne South by the Government of the North. Upon that branch of the subject the argument is exhausted. The ques tion before us relates to the remedy which must be resorted to, fot redress these w rongs. It is of the utmost consequence that the people of South Carolina should understand their true position. In refe rence to the wrongs which we sutler, and those which are threatened, it may be said there is but one opinion among the people of South Carolina. We have ar rived at the point when we must deter mine the nude of resistance. There are three alternatives which present them selves to our consideration—secession, civil war, or submission. He regarded the latter as impossible. The people of South Carolina can never be so unjust to themselves and their posterity as to sub mit to dishonor and degradation. There remains then the two alternatives, seces sion and civil war, and we must choose between them; for by one of these modes we must resist, or submit. To resist by civil war tit the Union, is to take up arms for the purpose of overthrowing the gov ernment by violence and bloodshed. Se cession may lie peaceable—if it be not peaceable it will lie notour fault, but that of the government which seeks to de grade and ruin us. He believed it would be effectual, and the on/y mode by which we can secure our rank as an indepen dent peoplf—our liberty and honor. It is due to ourselves and to the cause we have ao milch at heart, that Uie plain truth should be spoken. The contest in which we are engaged, is not of our seek ing. We have preferred peace and tran quility—they have been denied us. The aggressions of which we complain, and which have created such deep discot, in the public mind, have been forct"* on us, and in ttpetting them, we only to the law of self-preservation, which nature herself lias stamped upon every heart. We are not responsible for the perils which surround us. We can not allay the excitement—it is beyond our power. It is not a sudden ebullition of feeling, which will cease with the passing hour; it is in iact a revolution, moral, so cial and political, and we must prepare to breast the storm or it will sweep over us in an irresistible torrent, and cover our country with desolation. This is the al ternative presented, and we cannot evade it. We have now no check upon the despotic power of tlie government of the North. Our delegation in CoBRess is poweltess to protect us—as modi so as it we were w ithout any representation in the national legislature. If Congress, at itsjjext session were to pass a law eman cipating evttry African slave in the south ern ntates, to what measure could we re. sort to save ourselves frftn such a vio lation of our rights, except to one of those suggested,Mfocession or civil war! The veto power given to the President by the Constitution, is virtually abrogated. The war commenced upon that check upon the dominant will of the majority, by Clay, in the eenate, in 1841, has iifcfttfc resulted in a repeal of that cla Constitution. The will of the niejWfty is now the law, an^ the government is now Rnverted into a despotiam as des potic as that ol Russia. Gen. Taylor was elected upon a virtual repudiation of tlie veto power. He declared in his let ter of acceptance of the nomination for the Peaidencv, that he should regard the action of (Stress as an >expression of the public riil, and any measure passed by that body should meet his approval. Tlie oniy barrier which the Constitu tion interposes between us ami despot ism, is thus broken down. If&was the last foothold of southern rights. We have now no guards remaining to pro tect us from the sggreseive juts of the governmgnt; and it may be aaserted with out fear of contradiction, that the veto Dill) UMlt SCOl%*llt ived up- re irsort people under the monarchy of England. The House of Commons of the British Parliament may compel a reform in the government, by fefttsing to levy the ne cessary supplies; but the government of the north holds both the sword and the purse within its grasp. It can tax the south to raise the necessary funds, for its own subjugation by the sword. No lan guage can be used which can better de fine a despotism than this. The right of secession is the only mode by which we can exercise a veto power upon the fed eral government The veto power should have been left with the States, by the ex press terms of the Constitution itself, where alone a safe depository of it can be found. It becomes, therefore, a ques tion of the last importance, that the right of secession should be established and acknowledged; and were there no other question now before tlie people of the south than this alone, it would be imeum- bent upon them to obtain a clear and dis tinct recognition of this right. How are we to obtain this recognition 1 There is no way to obtain it but to resort to the act of secession. Until we shall have seceded from the Union, we can obtain no recognition of the right to secede.— Once out of the Union, by the act of se cession—having once resumed that sove reignty which is now denied us, our voice will be respected, and until then it never will be. We will then be in con dition to make terms if we desire it, and even if we desire to sure the Union, this is the only mode by which it oan be done. Let us suppose that South Carolina has seceded from the Union. If the general government resort to coercion, and South Carolina is subdued, there is an^nd for ever of Slate sovereignty on tins conti nent. By that act alone the character of the government will be disclosed, and it become at once, to all intents and pur poses, a consolidated empire. If State sovereignty be thus crushed in the case of South Carolina, in our fate every Southern State may read their own.— What State south of us would ever seek to defend themselves in any way against the tyranny of the general government, after South Carolina has been subjugated? VVhen that time shall arrive, the phantom of a confederated republic of indepen dent States will disappear forever, and we will be under the iron rule of a re morseless despotism. Do any suppose that the people of the South are suffi ciently blinded not to see this? When ever, therefore, South Carolina shall make the practical issue of secession, the States south of us, in order to save themselves from these dire calamities, will be com pelled to co-operate with her; they can’t escape it. If lie were told, therefore, that he must wait for co-operation, he would answer, the only mode to guarantee that co-operation ist to 1 act’—to make ^prac tical issue—and if we do not obtain co operation then, all past history is a fic tion. It is clear from these propositions that the secession of a single State, must, in the very nature ot things, either effect a reform in the general government, by placing it in the power of a State to check the tyranny, by exercising the veto of secession, or dissolve the Union; and the Union once dissolved, a Southern Qttifederacy is inevitable. Let us not, then, hide from ourselves the important fact that South Carolina holds in her hands the power to destroy the Union. He had no fears of her being subjugated. Thu States having like interests with hers, cannot—will not—dare not permit her to fight the great battle of Southern rights alone. In his judgment, the. prevailing ideas in reference to the co-operation which is sought, arc not well founded. How did the colonies in 1776 obtain co operation with one another, in resisting Britiafc aggression? Was the Union formed before the revolution began? Cer tainly not. The battle of Bunker Hill was foii|fht by tlie militia of Massachu setts, under Col. Presscot, a militia Colo nel. The Commission he held was from the Colony of Massachusetts, and not from the United States. The regiment he commanded was not catted out by the authority of the United States, but by the authority of the Colony of Massachu setts. The conflict was thus begun by a single Colony—without co-operation.— How did she obtain it? The sound of the guns of Bunker Hill had scarcely passed away, before South Carolina rush ed to arms to co-opeiate with Massachu setts in a common cause which involved the late of both; and the first victory of the revolution was won upon Sullivan’s nd, against a powerful British fleet, a regiment of South Carolina Militia, under the command of a militia Colonel, and under the sole authority of a South Carolina Colonel. When these events occurred there was no Union—the blood that was shed at Bunker Hill and Fort Moultrie, brought about, and that speedi ly, a u4p of all the colonies. And Washington was not commander- in-chief (0ten the Union was formed.— Tlie uqpn of which we now hear so much, was the legitimate result of sepa rate State action, and Washington placed at the head of an army raised after the war began. This is a ieqaau which his tory teaches ue—let us noflbk the reso lution to profit by it It is tlie part of wisdom, when a State is called upon to consider the great ques- ral government? One great object for which the Union was formed, was to pro tect each State from foreign invatiou and domestic violence. Admitting the fact that we are protected by the general gov ernment from foreign invasion, what price do we pay lor it? Whilst we pay into ‘he public treasury millions annually in the shape of tribute, to protect us from foreign invasion, are we not threatened by the protecting power itself with the sword of domestic violence ? Are we not told now, that if we dare to take such steps as we derm essential to our preser vation, that our country will be devasta ted by the domestic violence of the sword, placed in the hands of the general gov ernment to protect us from all such ag gressions? And by the taxes of which we are plundered, we furnish the means of our own subjugation. These are the sel, is only in deferrence to the judgment of those who think differently—for him self he was ready for the issue at any mo ment, and did not believe it could be postponed much longer with honor to the State, or safetyto ourselves. And while he made this broad declaration, he would not connsel rashness or precipitation.— We have fatten upon a time which more than any other in modern times, requires coolness, resolution, and a profound po litical wisdom. One element, without which all is lost, is union among our selves. I/et us take care, lest in dividing among ourselves, we become the more efficient agent of our enemies. If there are any, then, who desire to wait yet a with the Federal Government, but an is sue with the co-States. And if the Gov ernment interferes to decide the issue then tendered, it is usurpation—and if it ten ders force to put down the State, thus making the issue upon tlie original pow ers of the compact, it is despotism, and we are cowards and slaves it we do not meet it like brave men, although the land should be drenched in blood or wrapt in flames. ****** The sovereign States themselves are the judges in the last resort, and from the nature of things there can be no other judges compatible with sovereignty. The power to interfere and check in extreme they alone can alter or amend it, even so as to alter the whole government itself, and if that be not sovereign pawer, then I am at a loss to conceive what can he. The truth is, the federal government has no sovereignty. * * * * Fellow citizens! we now come to inves tigate onr present position as a State, and to state tairly what may In-our particular duty in the present emergency. 1 was opposed to the call of the Con vention under existing circumstance!, and particularly opposed to the meeting of the convention being so long after the election. I thought it would give a pre text for divisions amongst our own peo ple. I thought it dangerous to repose little longer, he would say to them let us . and vital cases, involving the liberty of the sovereign power of the fc»tat not separate—but by our united strength, shape our course so as to command suc cess when we do act. It is more impor- enemy, and unite too, to protect ourselves from their assaults? It is the design of our enemies to di vide and conquer us, and the darkest omen of the times is the fact that our en emies are united in solid phalanx, whilst the South is distracted with intestine di visions. This condition of things has ever preceded the fall of empires. Greece could not unite to repel the invasion of Phillip because Philip's gold had prece ded the march of his cohorts. It is much to be feared that federal gold is now per forming similar work for us, and let us to be, free and independent old articles of confederation, the very 3d article, expressly declares that, “each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence." In the present constitution it is laid down that “the powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor power will never agsin be retorted tojp ttfMi of t change of her fundamental in- arrest tyrannical legislation; for no nwd aHutions to ask the question, what she will ever hereafter be elected President, it to gain bn tlie one hand and to loo«! except upon the ground that he Is oppo- on the other by the step she ia to take, sed to African slavery. We are thus It becomes us, then, to enquire now, what placed in a condition mr worse than the are the benefits we derive from the frde- benefits of the Union—before the idol of ,ant ?? accomplish the great design of rt which we are required to fall down and deeming our country from the ruin which worship. A government like this could awaits her, than that we should begin the enkindle in his bosom no sentiment but contest unprepared and with a divided the most inveterate hatred, and a people people. I<et us at all events keep the who still pay their fealty to it, and bow i State up to the color line, determined to before it in obsequious obedience, deserve i triumph or perish, and when the proper to be slaves. That part of the compact, oioment arrives, to strike whatever blow therefore, which guarantees each State the righta of our country shall from domestic violence, is abrogated and the sword which was to protect us is the instrument by which our country is to lie deluged in blood. There is but a single item left—that of protection against a foreign power, for in the act of inflicting upon us the devasta tion threatened, every personal right and every right of property must lie destroy ed. Protection against a foreign enemy alone remains. If we be subjugated—if we must cringe under the rod of a mas ter, w hat boots it to us whether the rod lie held over us by the King of Britain or the abolition government of the North? Even if the protection against a foreign power be observed in good faith, it is a right without any value, and we should scorn it under such circumstances. In the present state of the world, what ever fears we may entertain of foreign in vasion, are little more than imaginary.— Commerce constitutes the bonds into which the world has entered to keep the international peace. The cotton crop of the South is a more potent element in pre serving the peace of the world than all the navies and aftnies of Europe. Tlie crown of England’s sovereign would not be safe if the great staples of the South were withdrawn from the commerce of the world for twelve months. What peo ple on earth are more liable to oppression than we are, under these circumstances? Who so defenceless and powerless to pro tect themselves ? And with these tacts before us, shall we longer delude our selves with the phantom of liberty, when all its attributes are denied us? We are on our backs—the tyrant stands over us ready to inflict the last stab, and shall we pause? If we resist not, will it not be said, and with too much truth, that we/ear the consequences?— By a timid, vascillating course of policy, will we not in effect say to the tyrant, “ we know our wrongs—they have pene trated deep into the public heart—we know we are dishonored—degraded— and that ere long our ruin will be consum mated. We know that a power which seeks to dishonor a people will not stop short of conquering them, but we are aware that we are too weak to resist you r A people who can thus reflect, cannot long retain a vestige of the spirit of liberty. On the other hand, let us consider what we are to gain by the proposed ac tion of the State. If we succeed, (as he believed we would) in practically demon strating the right of a State to secede, we shall have established upon a sure basis the only veto power than can ever hold the tyranny of the government in check. We will have laid the founda tion for security, equallity and indepen dence in the Union, or of a better govern ment out of it—a government which must in the end result in a Southern con- federaev, upon the establishment of which depends the last hope of liberty on tliis continent But suppose we make the effort and fail, and we in fact be sub jugated, advent which he did not be lieve ever Wll happen, even in that ex tremity, our condition will be no worse than that which awaits us in the Union. In every view of the case, therefore, se cession seems to be the policy which alone can secure our honor and our liberty. Thia is briefly our position. Our wrongs must be redressed, and we must have guaranties for the future. We cannot so false to ourselves or our children as to submit Is it a matter of surprise that we should have arrived at a period in our history, when we are called on by the highest obligations of patriotic duty, to take our rights into our own hands, and to reform the State ? W hoover sup posed that our liberties were placed upon such a sure basis that they would last forever without an effort from us to de- fiaf Rem ? We have heretofore placed JRpnuch confidence in the honesty of wr government. Beware! lest it prove a fatal delusion. We HMist apply the remedy of civil war or secession—for there can be no sub mission. Between the two he could not hesitate. He was in fovor of secession with co-operation, if ire can obtain it; if not, then by tha single action of South Carolina. He preferred anything to sub mission. If we do not obtain co-opera tion before wc act, he felt confident we wc ild obtain it afterwards. Our hope m action. The delay he would coun- the state, is inherent in the nature of the compact itself. Without this we have made no advance in the System of regu lated liberty. It is the great distinctive feature of American freedom. Ifis tin- great fundamental law of the American compact, without which we are under a consolidated despotism, one from which we will have to march sword in hand and through the perils of revolution. Under the recognition of this great fundamental command, S right belonging to the States, there can lie and leave the consequences to God. He (>eace and no revolution. A fair adjust- would commit violence upon the feelings ment and new understanding of the con- ot none. The difference which prevails federacy. But without it our doom is amongst us he hoped and believed, is on- fixed-the hand writing is upon the wall, ly at to the mode by which we are to free and we have no alternative,but an appeal our country from bondagee. The North to arms ami the God of battles, are united almost to a man against us. But the right ofa State to secede or in- the prospect of affairs. Allow me to say e, even extending to life and property in its re sults, in so small a body of men as con stitute that Convention, for so long a time in advance. Tin- great strength of a convention consists in criming fresh from the people, and the people themselves de* ciding all great questions in advance. I thought there was dang.ir of confusion and feared final imbecility. 1 therefore w ould have preferred the election of the Convention to take place in Octola r next, instead of February last. But now that we are in Convention—1 am for going through. 1 am against standing still or taking any step backwards. True, tin- issues may somewhat change by next Spring, when the Cqim-ntion meets.— New questions may arise that mav vary Shall we not profit by the example of the 1 terpose was not questioned by the repuli- lican party of old. The Virginia and Ken- j tucky resolutions of 1798, drawn by Jef ferson and Madison, expressly laid down the doctrine boldly and ably, and it was universally recognized by the republican party from that day until now. Virginia did actually interpose and declare the alien and sedition laws of no force, null and void within her teritories—and em powered the la-gislature to carry it out. The Government was checked and con trolled, and a civil revointion was brought aliout. If those who enacted tlieselaw-s had held power andperserved in beware that it does not produce the same enforcing them, the Union would then disastrous results. have been dissolved. But State interpo- mem i sition made the issue palpable and they EXTRACTS FROM SPEECH OF HON. were overthrown. F. XV. PICKENS The right to withdraw or secede is not r, ^ .. left to inference, although clear from the Delivered at Edgefield Court House, very nature of the coll J act and ofgov ,, r . July 7th, 1861. eiguty in the States. But New Fork, in The separate sovereignty and Indepen- the conditions upon which she ratified, deuce of these States is the fundemental expressly declared that the ‘ powers of law of American liberty. i Government may be reassumed by the In the declaration oClndependence it is people whensoever it shall become neces- expreoMy laid down that these “colonies'' sary for their happiness.’ Virginia did (not these people) “ are, and of right ought the same except using the. words, “ wlion- md independent Stales. In the soever the same shall be perverted to their gin cone injury or oppression." Rhode 1 stand did the same. Those were the canditions these States expressly annexed, and if it was a right they expressly reserved, if it avails any thing, it accrues equally to all: for it was ratified by equals and no one could retain a power which each and all and independence of a State, and cannot bo limited or circumscribed by any parch ment on earth. ******* prohibited by it to the States, are reserved did not have alike. But it does not re- tothe States respectively or to tlie people.” quire that the right should be secured in This compact united States together for totidem verbis. It belongs to the existence certain specified opjects. The mode and — 1 : " J 1 manner in which it was adopted proves this. It was acceded to by the States se parately in their State Conventions, and until each State adopted it for itself it had no binding effect upon such State. North Carolina and Rhode Island actually re fused to adopt it for sometime, and they could have remained out of it to this day if the had thought proper. The debate in this State took plase in the Legislature upon the proposition to call a convention to ratify the constitution, and the call of the convention was carried by only one vote. Ninty six district, of which this district was a portion, voted against it except one vote, and the great majority in the middle and upper districts were against its adop tion. It was carried by Charleston and w ith deferrence to others, that the great danger now is, not rashness, hut division and imbecility. The danger is that wt- w ill sink under the pressure brought to bear upon us. I fear that if we pass this crisis without doing something, tne coun try will sink. The spirit of our people w ill die aw ay. If we permit thi^ accu mulation of all power in the federal hands under tho dictation of Northern fanati cism. Northern prejudice and Northern Interests, we will be worn out and prostra ted, and finally quail before despotism. Oju young men will sink—they will !>e- t* worship Northern power, and U- indifferent to their own country.— They will how down before a magnifi&nit Government, where literty will be absorb ed in tho extended rays of patronage— “They will crook the preanant hinges of the knee e * Where thrift may follow fawning.” Our very women will contemn and despise us, as a degenerate race, and they w ill look to others for protection. The first evidence of the corruption ajid de cay of a people, is that the women begin to idolize foreigners. If the men become cowardly and luxurious, the women be gin to look to others for that manliness which they so much admire. Such was the case m Mexico, and such will be the case in every country where the men w ant spirit to defend tln-ir rights. I know that tlie great chartered rights of inv State are in danger—I feel that we are a degraded people if we do not rise. I de sire co-operation with our sister States of the South—I will wait to the very last while there is hope—I will yield every emotion of pride and every thing, hut a sacrifice of principle, to procure co-ope ration. But it may become our sacred du ty to act alone, awl if so, we must walk the the low-country. The convention, sitting in the capacity of a sovereign Btate, im- that made the constitution, and posed the obligations of the federal com- States alone that can alter it. I have said that the States acceded to plank alone like men. although that plank the compart as separate States, and to may lead over a gulf of frightful dangers, deny this is to deny history. But I go If it he a right to secede—it is ajierf ct farther, andsay that it was not only made by the States as States, but that they on ly can unmake it—and I say that the federal government at this day is but the creature of the States. How is the in strument to be amended or altered ? Is it by the people of the Union ? No! Ar ticle 6th declares that amendments may be proposed and if ratified or adopted by “ the legislatures <f three-fourths of the SEVERAL STATES, of by Conven tions in three-fourths thereof," shall become part of the constitution. It is the States right, and belongs as much to onefltate as to all. It is a right incident to sove reignty. And the denial of that right by the constituted authorities would make it an imperious duty tu exercise it. If this be tlie issue, tho sooner wc test tho question of the unlimited powers of tho Federal Government, the better. ******** After the British government and our Nothern brethren were deleated in their schemes against us to be effected through Texas, they fell back to circumscribe us it is the by the Wilrnot proviso. After the acqui- Three- sition of those vast territories from Mexi- pact upon us as citizens, and the same fourths of the States can make a new- sovereign power can be again called into constitution and a new- government un- action to release us from those obligations, der it. Suppose three-fourths ot tly; As the State acceded to the compact so, States, by amendment to the constitution, it can secede in like matuier. Without declare there shall be no navy and no ar- this right and power the reserved sover- my, or that there shall be no President, eignty and independence of the States is and nothing but a Congress of States.— rabid declamation and swelling assump- Can they not do so? and where then is tion. Rk I tlie power of this Government? where The right and the power of the sepe- are the original and inherent powers that rate States to cheek, in an extreme case belong to it, independent of the States ? and as the last resort, by secession, is es- | To talk about the Government having sential to preserve their independence, substantive powers independent of tlie If this were known and acknowledged as States, is nothing but naked assertion.— a dormant power belonging to our system, Suppose a simple majority of the States there would be no cause for dissolution, should refuse to elect or send Senators for the Government would abstain from , to Congress, where would your govern- their common agent the Federal Govern usurping power over local and vital in-1 merit of inherent powers be ? I admit, ment, had alone the powjjr to take incipi- teresta, and the States themselves would as long as we are in the Union, it is a con- cut steps in the organization of territories feel eaay as they had the ultimate power stitutional duty in the States to elect I in tha public domain, llut under this • ' * Senators; but suppose they should think it a duty not to elect—where is the pow er to conipt ! them? If under force they are compelled to send Senators, it is not of their free’ election, anfifefellf changes changes the Government. There can be no law made without a Senate, and 1 only use this to shew how completely the co—it was suddenly laid down that there was no need for the Wilrnot Proviso to exclude us, for we were already ex cluded by the Mexican law. And ID ad dition to this it was gravely laid down as American law, that any hand of adventu rers that might seize upon those territories, under the natural and unalienable rights of man, could assume to themselves so vereign power; and theh erect any gov ernment they might think prop'-r. so they colled it a (State, and extend their juris diction to any boundaries they might de clare, no matter how extensile or where the lines might run. Until tins we had supposed that the States united throug to protect themselves, and would not be come excited on any temporary usurpa tion or exercise of obnoxious power. But without this, there must ever be in the public mind a restless uneasiness and im patience, for fear that the ultimate liberty ol the parts cannot be preserved. And the Government which was created as a mere agent to execute thflL compact be- Government ia ill the power of the State: tween the States, will in the course of time,; In feet it is a government of Mates, and make fts own interests the measure of its of no simple majority of people. Wher- power^md substitute that power as the law i ever reposes the power in any comm uni- new doctrine, together with the (feeu(op tion as to the force of Mexican IftW, we were to be excluded from all priviteges as citizens of alaveholding States in the rich te^jjtories acquired, and that was suffi cient to make those, who now assume to be our masters, adopt it. They have as serted the power to circumscribe us— they have enclosed us in % great peniten tiary wall, and our doom ia inevitable. in the progress of a few years, and, by one quarter of a minion of foreign .enn- , they^K ty to make or amend the organic law by | grants a year, they wiL, under theif in compact itself. This compact is not a , which the community is kept together,. tem, have new States sufficient tg makei compact with tha Federal Government, there resides sovqfWgnty. If the written | any lawn—or, it the ^ter of the coqpfitu- but itis a compact between co-States, of constitution be the supreme few ^f the tion should happen to. stand in the wav, the confederacy? And when a Stale, in land, the jiOwer that can moke or alter it they w.ll hav^ampM^wer to make a d,- its sovereign capacity, makes an issue up- is the supreme and j»overeign power ol ruet amendment. I my y ears a- >u 4 a*. : r I - *- t( j j havqshewn that the States very short tune in national existence, aud is the on the organic law by which it is connec- the land. » -r - . , ^ l —» ted with the other States, it is an issue not afeoe made the constitution and that 1 fifty year* * ill fix us beyond the hqp^.f v M|| fl