The Darlington flag (Lydia, SC) 1851-1852, August 06, 1851, Image 1
■ ! - ^ - - _ — ^
DEVOTEB TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, MORALITY. AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE. AND MISCELLANEOUS NEWS.
JAMES H. NORWOOD, EDITOR.]
To thine jpttuelf bfjf true; And it must follow as the night the day; Thou const not then be false to any man.—Hamlkt.
VOL. 1.
DARLINGTON C. H., S. C., WEDNESDAY MORNING AUGUST 6, 1851.
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POMTECAfr,
SUBSTANCE OF THE
. T '
S 0 *
Again : She has a larger slave popula>
tion in proportion to her white, than any
other State. But the chief cause for this
state of forwardness on the part of South
Carolina, is the entire absence of party
division within her borders. This gives
her an advantage over her sitter States,
and is not set up as a title to superior
merit. Not at all. Every one knows how
party divisions and party contests color
and control all questions. In our sister
States the people have been drawn away
from the calm and uipassed considera
tion of great Federal questions, and have
been engaged in eager strife tor party as
cendancy. But with us there has always
been a “ unify of sentiment,” which has
emphatically “constituted us one people.”
Hence we have been able to look at these
great questions through a clearer and
more correct medium, and in this way the
popular mind has been sooner informed
= and sooner set in motion. But South
| Carolina has manifested no disposition to
| aspire to the leadership of the South.—
Ix’t the records of her Legislature for the
of past fifteen years be searched, and it will
ns- be found that she has invariably preferred
to give the lead to others. Good taste,
as well as sound policy, require this of
her. Her nullification contest placed hersuf
ficieutly far in the van to forbid her voluuta
rily assuming that position again, and ac
cordingly she has ever exercised all proper
deferrence and respect towards her sister
States, and is even now doing so by in
viting them to meet her in a Southern
REM
ULUAM CO
DelireVeiT^efore the Convention
Sotithenfk Rights Associations,
semblea^in the Military Hail,
Charleston, S. C., May 7,1851.
[COSCLUDED.]
President, I sometimes fear that
fight of secession and the im*
6f the measure when adopted,
rated. To my mind this right
Edliar and incalculable value to
ember of a sectional minority of ^ ? 8 '
ierated States. To us, who are, as 11 .['. . . • • .
our senior Senator says, “ proscribed po- responsible for the present agitation than
“ - the last anchor al ! n06 Lany other Southern State. Vir-
ways been this: Will the Adpiinistration,' It is true, that we have all been taught to 1 sword,
with the powers they no\v T poseess, un- believe that “ this government, created
dertake, on their own responsibility, to by compact, was not made the exclusive
oppose the secession of South Carolina or final judge of the extent of the pow-
in any way; or, supposing Congress to ers delegated to itself.” So said Thomas
be in session, will they ask for its author- Jefferson, in the Kentucky resolutions ;
ity to coerce us, and for an increase of but the good old wine has been poured
power for that purpose! Now the an- into new bottles, and they have burst.—
swers to these questions must of course The moderns, I fear, have forgotten the
be wholly conjectural. I doubt very faith of their fathers,
much if the Cabinet itself is prepared But we are not left to speculation as
to answer them without qualification.— to the opinions, at least, of the head of
Events must control the judgments and cabinet on the character of secession.—
the actions of all men. But still it is wise In a letter addressed, during the last win- resistance “at
and proper, with the lights before us, to ter by Mr. Webster, to a dinner party in * last extremity.
Now, I think think this objection
is only the blockade idea in another form,
and may as well be classed under th|Al
head. 1 cannot see how our commerli
can be effectually restricted, except by
such measures as must ultimately result
in a practical blockade of our ports, and
refer to what I have already said on that
head. But if something less that this is
meant—if a sort of peaceable coercion is
intended—then I ask if its hazards or ex
tremities are too great to l>e encountered
in defence of a cause which is worthy of!
every hazard and to the
But I think that with
endeavoi to ascertain w hat are the prob- New York, he declared that “ secession is ten or fifteen
abilities that be in our path. No issue war.” By this is meant, I presume, that ducts of the earth ibr sale, it would lx
would ever be brought to an arbitrament, secession on the part of a .State is ipso difficult to destroy our commerce by any
if each party waited to know with cer- facto a declaration ol war by her. Then measure of practical coercion. If we
tainty, the plan of his adversary’s opera- supposing that the Administration deter- will be content to realize moderate profits
tion. Whether the Administration may
think it possesses the right and the power
to coerce a seceding State or not, I can
not pretend to say. We all know' it did
not think it had sufficient power to coerce
a Boston mob, and asked for more, but
did not obtain it. Now, I do not intend
to speak in terms of disrespect of the Ad
ministration, or to excite unfounded pre
judices. Our cause is not to be strength
ened by throwing dirt at any one. It
spurns the aid of such missiles. Let
them be used by those who hax'e a taste is not improbable that I may be mistaken
for '
mine to use coercion, in what form will it
be attempted ? I have been one of those
who have conjectured, for as 1 have al
ready ol»served, everything on this sul>-
ject is conjectural, that a blockade of our
ports would be attempted. In this opin
ion I find our senoir Senator, (Judge But
ler) if I understand him correctra does
not concur,! whilst our junior Senator,
(Mr. Rhett) pronounces it in very em
phatic terms, an “unmitigated humbug.”
With such high authority against me, it
tom houses? Will not slavery become
hemmed in, and localized within the l*or-
ders ofyour confederacy! Will your power
of recapture be perfect and complete! Mav
not the commerce of Charleston, and your
other ports, be harassed and driven away?
Who shall have the Mouth of the .Missis
sippi ! I have heard many brave words
uttered by Western men on this subject
on the floor of Congress, and high claims
upt into this right.
Speak kindly, therefore, I pray you, of
secession, for it is the first born—the law
ful offspring of disunion doctrines. Such,
be assured, will Hb judgment of a candid
ten or fifteen millions of the richest pro- world, the record of impartial history.
1 admit, however, that our friends have
one advantage over us. Their echeme
lies in the future; ours is at hand. They
have the chapter of accidents on their
and to offer a cheap market to the world, side; we have only the chapter of history.
I am aware it may be said, that if. ac
cording to my argument, there is no dan
ger of any overt acts of aggression against
the South on the part of the Government
in our day, then there is no danger to us
if we remain in the Union; that in this
respect my argument is contradictory.
Hut the reply is obvious. The argument
on thu othef snje w, that our destruction
is inevitable if we remain in the Union;
that it is the Government of our enemies.
ijamari
I venture to assert that ft cannot he closed
by a war of custom hdnses. But these
are but speculations at best, and if we
wait to ascertain the exact cost of every
hazard in dollars and cents, we will never
resist either separately or conjointly.
Supjxising, how ever, that coercion in no
form whatever is attempted, and that
South Carolina is permitted peaceably to
secede, still our friends contend that she
cannot maintain a separate existence.
Now this objection seems to me to amount
The truth is, that South Carolina is less
litical communities,” it is the last anchor
now
ment, and their friends, we must speak do not mean to say that the Government
of them according to their known opin- will call the measure a “ blockade.’ —
ions, principles and conduct. The school , They will merely term it enforcing the
of politicians, to which the Administra- revenue laws—collecting the customs;
tion belongs, is the school of consolida- but by whatever name it may be called,
n i tijui _ tionists. Its most prominent members the attempt must very soon result in no-
0 f )j 0 p e t h e | ast gjjieid of our defence' g illia > Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama : are thoroughly anti-slavery in their feel- thing more nor less than actual block-
- ■ w ere certainly in advance of her. If itigs, their principles, and their policy.— ade. It will soon become an interception
then she now appears to be in advance The President believes that Congress has of all communication, commercial or
of others, it is the result of causes for the power not only to abolish slavery in
which she is responsible. But, I freely 1 the District of Columbia, but also the
admit, that if she retires from her present slave trade between the States, and that
position she should always in futiixp pre- this power ought to be exercised, at what
serve the dignity of silence. SB8 must he calls a projier time. His opinions are
. _ , . _ who will annihilate us, but that further
them. But in speaking of those who in my conjecture, but it is always better to nothing more or less than this: That it aggressions will soon he committed which
v wield the power of this Govern- to be prepared than to be surprised. I South Carolina should resume those now- will unite the South, in conjoint seces-
Sectional majorities need no such protec
tion. They can always take care of them
selves, and hence they seldom seek or per-
dl^lt
mit amciidnihits to Constitutions, for
they can always take more by usurpation
than they can obtain by amendment. In
my judgment, secession will jiever be re-i . _ i • - —r
sorted to except in the defence of the »ow act, or “ forever after hold her peace, on record, and will lie found to be extreme
• 1 Again: It is said that the cause ot dis- 1 on this subject. Mr. Webster believes
and “ regrets ex-
exists in tfle Southern
eminent, the creature of the States, form-1 B, k d wait for , ’ ur,he . r developments—that States;” and whilst he admits that Con-
institution of slavery. All other subjects . - . . . . , ,
of difference may be Hdjusted without union is making nrogre«, and we ought slavery to be an evil,
appealing to this remedy If this Gov- P[ esent a . <lva !L c °: I o.^I"5! y . ,h J at J l t : 1 " 18 '
eminent, the .creature of the States, form
ed chiefly to hike care of our external re
lations, can deny this right, and by the
mere (tower of its arm hold a sovereign
State to this Union, like a victim to the.
steke, then the sooner we know it the
better. It is surel^fogh time, at the end
of seventy yearsj^Hmow the form of
Government under which we are living.
Let no one suppose that the secession of
ers which she Ims delegated to the Gen
eral Government, and become, what we
have always contended she was, when
she came into this Union, a free, sovereign,
and independent State, then that moment
she perishes. I must be permitted to say,
with due respect to those who urg«' this
argument, it proves too much, and gives
up everything in dispute. It is a fatal
concession to the Consolidationists, and
will be regarded by them as a complete
surrender. They have always contended
vS'onjh Carolina can be looked upon with
indifference anywhere. Politicians and
veMlpwsses may den'ounM and deride «« We have no other is-
if ’ arrow
a few years ago there was no disunion | gress has no power to act upon it there,
party in South Carolina, whilst now there ! still he suggests, to use his own words,
is scarcely any other. To this, I reply, “ that in the dispensation of Providence,
that if it is meant to be said that onr some remedy for this evil may occur, or i fi'-d as blockade. But blockade is a biy-
fiiends iu the other States have “ kindled may be hop'd for hereafter.” The truth hgerent measure, and must be made pul>-
their fires at our altars,” shall we now is, that both the President and Mr. Web- lie, so that neutrals may have notice ol
abandon our position and expect them to ster, like many other advocates of the it and act accordingly. War, then, pule
advance? Some of them are now telling : Compromise, are responsible for much lie war, must be declared against Nouth
us, “ we w'ant a measure to unite us—we of that Ary agitation they are seeking to Carolina, and Congress must be called
are beating the empty air—we speak to quell. They have sown broadcast anti- on, for Congress only has power to leve
the idle winds.” Let us then give them slavery doctrines in the Northern mind, war.
and now behold the fruit. “Theengi-j I think therefore, that the question of
otherwise, between us and all other
States and nations, maintained by a be
sieging force sufficiently powerful to ren
der any intercourse with us dangerous that the sovereignty of the .States is an
to third parties, and expose them to seiz- j “abstraction,” a mere thing of words; that
tire. To render their coercion effectual it has no practical value, and cannot pro-
tlieir measure must come to this: it may tect the citizen, who therefore, imvcs it no
commence in overhauling vessels at a allegiance. They say that this is not a
distance from shore, and inspecting their Confederacy of sovereign States, hut a
manifests, or iu attempting to erect float- Government of one people—a unit, of
ing custom houses, but it must end, I re-
pect, in what, through respect to the
rights of foreign nations, must be justi-
which the States are the fractions, and
that, therefore, the majority must govern,
for there is no legal remedy against its
acts. From all this, it follows that our
only remedy is that which belongs to us
in common with our slaves—revolution,
and no more.
I cannot but think, therefore, that if
South Carolina declines to secede for a
reason like this, she «ill give a death-blow
to the great cause of State Rights, for
which she has hitherto perilled so much,
sion. The first branch of the
1 admit,but the latter 1 deny. How, then,
you ask, will our destruction come? I
answer, by the gradual, but certain advan
ce of abolition; by the process of sapping
and mining; by immigration; by the spread
of anti-slavery opinions; by degrading
State Rights and exalting Federalism; by
combining measures of justice with mea
sures of wrong—a fugitive slave bill with
an anti-slave trade bill; by dividing the
South; by party contests; by denouncing
slavery as an evil, and hoping for a reme
dy through the dispensation of Divine
Providence; by going on step by step in
this way, until Consolidation and Abolition
become so strong that (if I may lie par-
tinned the quotation) the “ one shall hold
whilst the other skins.” This is the way
your destruction will come, and there is
no contraction whatever in the argument.
It will stand the test of any scrutiny.—
Hear whalihe leading journal of Europe
11 nfa i
says ot
i subject:
as a most impressifferevent. The great
popular heart of the South will be moved
to its inmost recesses, stripped of all the i
disguises with which false issues may
surround it; the naked fact will be ure-
sented to the people, that South Carolina
has made her choice between slavery and
the Union 1 That, nurtured in the doc-
trines of V
trines
quiver—it is the only
native to submission.
Mr. President, a state of high excite
ment is not a natural condition, either in
men or nations. We must not expect to
keep up this agitation always. The peo
ple become wearied with long continued
and fruitless exertions; they become fa
tigued into compliance,and yield a strug-
of Virginia, stimulated by the doc- "k u 1 * » } • TT
of Georgia, encouraged by the ex- 8 le 4 ,hat “ out 1,0 ho P e °‘ »>..ned.ate
of Mississippi, and sustained by v,C Ory ' ^ “*r. « our danger. I*t
ama, jjie
m
the love of Alabama, nfre has planted her
self in the P at ^4Ni|v t lie Abolitionists,
and resolved to dNfoim her institutions
“atevery hazard and to the last extremi
ty.” A spectacle like this, by every law
and instinct of our nature, must com
mand the sympathy and respect of every
free people. Our sister States may say
that we are rash, that we are precipitate ;
but. if they themselves have fixed a Unfit
to. their forbisftiiM, can they say that
wo are withouPNostifiration, or that our
rortn
us bew are how we lose our opportunity.
Another objection urged against us, is,
that our friends in Congress liqm other
Southern Stab's, have not counselled se
cession, and I am appealed to by my
friend and colleague (Mr. Orr) to say if
this is not the case. I answer it is, so
far as my intercourse extends. But,
the same time, I must be permitt
say, that I am inclined to think these
gentlemOn, who are worthy of all our ad
miration and esteem, would make the
most uncompromising secessionists if
they were, as 1 wish w ith all my heart
they were, citizens of South Carolina.—
IP, PW it
lut^gt v
to*'to I
e Very A
^ is unwortny of success? A new
issue will be presented. It must be met
and decided. A right as dear to them as , , .. ..... , . , • . •
. .... .J In all questions ol this kind, involving
to us is at stake. It will be the first strug-1 nf
gle in that conflict which, all admit, must
tion and slavery.
;e place Detween aboli-
The manner in which
the contest is begun, whether by too has-
le centre,
ty a movement on the rigb_
or the left, will soon be forgHften, and all
hearts wiUJje turned to the great issues
involved, res, sir, be assured that the
OgSp^an of a single State of this Union I
wiubring up for judgment the mightiest ® .
fundamental changes of government, we
generally find that the people are ahead
of their Representatives, and it is wise
and proper that they should be so. Iu
the ordinary administration of public af
fairs, the Representative may rightfully
assume all responsibility—but the respon
sibility of altering their form of govern
ment belongs to the people,«nd cannot
:ed. Hence we frequently hear
bring up for judgment the mightiest ~ uc,c 6“" u '
questions ol a modern age. Statesmen, i £ mark > c , ve “ 1,1 our 0 *'\ ,
siTnot venal politician!, not hireimg ll . le Ri'presen.at.ves are behind the peo-
not* pension^ libellers, b.Tt 1 P ,e °- n . ,he ‘^ ue8, . , - 0 " of dlaumon
State, that
talesmen, will find materials for the ex-‘ I our C . on ^ thertfore ’ ver >
mrc
The London Times tints describe* what
is to be jhe result of the Union lo the South,
if it goes on as it has been doing.
“Slavery is but a question of time. It
is scarcely possible to conceive that a
hundred years hence there will lie one
D . . . , . . slave in the United States, not to say in
neers have been hoisted hy their own pe- | coercion must be referred to that body, and with which her name is so proudly the whole continent of America. The
tard.” The Pope taught republicanism j The Administration will be compelled to i associated. 4k 1 slave owners see the ramparts rising, the
ilicanism drove him from | do so. But when the question conies, ; Ix t us glance however at some of the trenches opened, the commnni. aiions es-
then no human sagacity can predict difficulties which it is urged lie in our tablished,and the blockade closing around
what course things will take. The I way as a free sovereign and indejieiident them, that is one day to reduce them to
Presidential question will then be. in full State. It is said we will have to resort to unconditional surrender. We doubt not
discussion. Much will then depend upon smuggling fora livelihood. That nur tie- lor a „ instant that our children’s children,
the bearing which the Issue of coercion 1 gro population will become redundant, vv i|| w .,. ji l( . chains drop in one hour from
way for the coining of the Compromise. ‘ will have upon thafquestion, for it is the and that if they escape we cannot reclaim t h e limbs of three million slaves. The
Trained, then, in the school of the con- mighty whirlpool which draws within its them. The objection in regard to smug- Fugitive Slave bill is only a last legi.-lativ
solidationists, having as little respect in greedy vortex all other subjects. glmg is sufficiently anlwered by showing
principle for the secession of a .State as While the Administration will be in the that it goods are carried from our territo-
at Rome—republicanism drove him from
the Vatican. Mr. Webster taught anti
slavery in Boston, and anti-slavery drove
him from Faneuil Hall. French bayonets |
opened the way for the return of his Ho
liness. Federal bayonets opened the
which rests our happiness and prosperi
ty, and which no '
erase
profoundest wisdom,
But, if I am still told by oiMh^iends
in these view
mission
7,1 v TJ iAm l^nreT.ireir P r0 F rl v declined to counsel a measure
’ 04 the,r h « he#t 'Ate^ncfctheir | £ r ‘ eg&rd t0 wWch they , iad no tu , hority
to commit their constituents, I know that
I they will never he found in the ranks of
those who will denounce South Carolina
if she secedes, but that in them we will
always find men whom we will delight to
honor.
Lastly; It is urged that secession will
oe met by coercion and its consequent
difficulties. Now, before proceeding to
consider this objection, 1 must be permit
ted to say, that if I were contending for
the mere triumph of a forensic discuss
ion, I should hold our friends precluded
from bringing into the argument any of
the dangers or sacrifices ot secession, be
cause die highest authority amongst
them, one for whom we all feel a conv
111011 veneration, (Judge Cheves) whilst
iu^jg’Union, [^posing th ‘s measure on other grounds,
0 ( n,„ expressly says that “no dangers and no
of die cJhvention Jwch sacrifices can be too great in such a
nt Constitution, aflorl caU8 f ” ® ul 1 ■ ,n e ? ek !' , K tr ‘-
of this faefa-she is now, um P h r The « ub J eot fdrbld “ 1 am ac :
s been*— I h'atcd, I trust, by a higher purpose. 1
f nPvculinr lit- * l11 proceed, dien, tf consider this objec-
” tion. U opens, I adroit, a most important
inquiry.
The Dpect iu which diis branch of the
subject presents itself to my min*has M-
t they cannot concur in these
ffu* they cannot believe in the sympathy
(4 die Southenv States, then I submit
that my aiguroenta against cb-opcration
Before secession, as potent as theirs
Maitift co-operation afterwards; and that
iCi^lher is to be obtained, and South
Cafdlina cannot maintain her separate
existence as they also contend, then sub
mission, hopeless, helpless, abject sub-
inission is the doom of the South.
again, it is asked why should
Carolina be further in advance
he q|her Southern Statefe. This is
attributable to several causes. It must
be remembered jted from our earliest his
tory, South Carina has been one of the
strot 1
Tlte
federation, i
formed ©itr
abundant
■fore, whore site liar' " beeiK—-
this is one cause of N^eculior ha-
always exhibited towards her by the
Aboiitionista, and w hy they would rather
see a a very crushed through j»er than any
other State,
itrongest pro-slavery
Pile history af the Coi
the sedition of a mob, with all their feel
ings and opposed to that institution on
minister of State has
any right to denounce as an “evil” ot
such magnitude as to call for a “ remedy”
at the hands of “ Divine Providence,”
with such feelings and opinions as these,
say, it is altogether probable that the
Administration, urged on too by “ the
power behind the throne, greater than
the throne itself,” will lie disposed to co
erce South Carolina. The extirpation of
the “ pestilent heresy” of secession, the
subjugation of a slave State, out of which
through the “dispensation of Providence,”
the extinction of slavery may be “ hoped”
for, are triumphs to tempt the ambition
of better men than live in these degene
rate days. In such a crusade it is not
difficult to foresee that an army with ma
ny many banners might soon be enlisted;
but what fruits would victory bring to
them. The Administration would be
compelled to say to their allies, like Phyr-
rus of old, “ such another victory and we
must go home alone!” But it may be
asked: Is the power to coerce a sove
reign State so clear that the Cabinet will
feel authorized to exert it on their own
responsibility ? Are there not such grave
doubts on tfie subject, as to make them
pause before proceeding to such an ex
treme? 1 have already said that the
Cabinet belong to the school ot the con-
solidationists. They deny the sovereign
ty of the States; they contend that the
StatM never were sovereign; that at no
perM had they the powers of sove
reignty, or if they had, they have trans
ferred them all to the General Govern
ment. They say that “ the doctrine of
Republicanism is, that the majority can
do no wrong, in the same sense in which
it is said in England, that the King can
do nAwrong, and for the same reason;
became there is no legal remedy.”* With
such doctrines as these, it is easy to per
ceive that the Administration would not
call it “ coercing” a sovereign State, but
merely enforcing the laws on the disobe-
(TOnt citizens of an empire, who have no
more right to justify their proceedings,
under the authority of South Carolina,
than under the authority of theirmprticu-
lar protege, Hungary, whose recent at-
#mpt at a redress of grievances, has
found such ^underfill “ favor at court 1
; hands of the Whigs the Democratic par-
1 tf will be largely in the ascendency in the
next Congress. If it is found that the
effort against that which is more powerful
than legislatures—the progress ot human
affairs. Every acre added to the territory
of the Union, every freeborn child added
to its population, and e^ery immigrant
that lands on its shores, is another weight
to the scale of abolition. Then why, ex
cept because they are demented andaootn-
ed, do the slave owners take no steps
whatever to prepare for the great day ot
reckoning! Why do they assume
l >r •
Why do they assume the
perpetuaT stability of an institution at va
ry into the other States, it must be done
by the citizens of those States themselves,
and they must settle the matter with their
South Carolina question can be made po- j own government. As to a redundant po
litical capital of, it will be used for that > pulation, I have no fears what ever on
purpose. Although the couftomise has that subject. If we ever have more slaves
patched up a hollow truce between the than we can profitably employ, we will be
old party leaders, yet them is no love be- able to sell them at a reduced price, and
tween them. There can be none what- I have no doubt that the surrounding
ever. They are as far apart as ever, and slaveholding States will soon be aide to
when the Presidential race begins, the obtain the sanction of their government
cry will be “occupat vostremum scabies" for their purchase. It will be a very dif-
“the devil take the hindmost.” This w as ferent thing from the African slave trade,
clearly shown to be the state of feeling and as our slaveholding neighbors are to
at the last Congress, when an at-| he the pets of their government for fear of
tempt was made to gi t up a great Union the contagion ofsecession, I have no doubt i ag the great statesman of that day hoped
—• - under a written compromise pledge, they will be able to make satisfactory ar- and expected. If time has hitherto a &-
rangements on this eubjesi, even ifNt should gravated rather than removed the enor-
invqlve an amendment of the constitution, i mous difficulties, what will be the case
Long before the day could come, when . thirty years hence, when perhaps there
we would voluntarily give up our terri- , nu „t and will be aliolition without either
tory to our slaves, and run away Irotn the slave or his master beingprepared for
them, or they could conquer it groin us. the change? The choice lies between
riance with the whole tenor and course of
modern civilization? VVe do not hesitate
to ad\ ise them to set tlWr house in order.
If it is harder to do so now than it w as
seventy years back, instead of being easier.
This pledge received the signatures of
many distinguished W’higs; but, if my
memory serves me, of only two promi
nent Southern Democrats, (Messrs. Cobb
and Foote.)
The cohesive power of the compro-
f irise is fast giving way
eaders, and they will soon
gradual and sudden abolition, ah*|| in
the slave States themselves ttieno
is for
States themselves to^choose
w hiqh of those two they will have—for
one they must!” - j?
Behold this picture and say if it is true!
then let me ask you, w ill delay
between party 1 our neighbors would findmeaitWro relieve
be found in 1 us as well as themselves from such dire
hostile array. 41 calamities, by giving them much better
But shoujg the appeal toCongress by : employment in their rice and cotton fields,
the Adminlwration result iu the passage South Carolina w ill not lx- permitted to
of some Force Bill, or other measure of become a St. Domingo in the of. (f j t
coercion, then we will be calledgipon to the South. History presents jip ig.-'tsiico t(>ar dowll tliew , rampfts, close thesi-
defend ourselves with all the reronrees of a nation perishing from a redundant trenc | ieS) blockade..and save
we possess, and I feel the utmost confi-: population—a peaceful exodus has always y 0 u from unconditional surrender! Ye
dence that in such a contest the South j been found. arc men, answer for yourselves. I have
will never stand neutral. Let the sword As to the difficulty in relation to the re- thus, Mr. President, endeavored to give
be put into the hands of the Executive, capture of our fugitive slaves, it is obvious my views on the present deeply mterest-
after a long and angry debate in Con- that as the slaveholding States would be ing condition oi' our public affairs. I am
for the purpose of hewing down
Rross, . .
sovereign State, whose only sin has been
her impatience to defend our common in
stitutions, but who can appeal to the
Judge of the World for the purity of her
purposes, and the justice of her cause,
and that sword must be dyed deep in
Southern blood before it is returned to its
scabbard. In such a struggle, whoever
shall triumph, the Union will fall.
But it is said by some of our friends
that we will have no direct issue of force,
but that a war of custom houses and of
commercial restrictions will be waged
againat-us, in other words, that we w ill
be destroyed by famine ar ’ not the
| exposed to the same evil by their slaves sensible that I
escaping into our territory, a remedy would
soon be found by our mutual necessities,
t
linv'
performed this duty
very imperfectly. I nave purposely ab-
do just what we are doing now
to their loss.
Mr. I’resident, I admit that if v**y e
to say many hard things against alscee.-
stained from aii]F*attomptto*»imulate tffi»
Interest will regulate these subjects as it counsels of this assembly, or the popular
has always done. Sliould our slaves es- mind, by appeals to pride, to passion, or
cape into the free States, we will have lo to prejudice, I trust I feel too deeply the
ubmit '
* This is the lani
a»ft, ip, a recent
nguage of C
publicalifo.
of Chief Justice
what
f At this point ol my remark < Judge
Butler rose and observed that I did not
understandjtum correctly, and re-stated
his position, which will be seen in his
published speech, to wfcich I refer, as I
write NMhout notes, find my memory
does noAmable me to repeat accurately
i said on the occasion.
4k
so I apprehend it is just as
many hard things against disunion,
friends muot allow me to say to them p
Hush not your arguments against seces
sion too far, or you may find your batteries
turned against your own favorite scheme
i —disunion by co-operation. Do you know
that you can accomplish disunion and the
establishment of a Southern Confederacy.
without
now
fed at consists H
whether you will be permitted
without coercion? May you
encounter blockades aud a war of cus-
irejudic
heaviespoiisibility which rests upon me,
to address myself to any other tribunal
than the calm judgment of an intelligent
ople. I have endeavored, too* careful-
' J the use of anything like the
of crimination or censure. I
well that such language only
closes the door to reason, and, opens the
windows to passion. I deprecate from
the bottom of my heart anything like an
gry dissensions within the State. Our en
emies are watching our councils, and
w ill rejoice at our divisions. Let us give
h triumph. Let us tell them,
we differ
I do not
t the introduction of this discussion.
It lias beau said, that your Convention
w aaeldch4 before the question of socees-
t of a Routliern Confederacy, win rvjo.et- m
y of those very sacrifices you I thcjftjio such triumph. Let us t
linst secession? If your Cor* i once and foreyer.ftiBt though \
sista of the cotton states, do | we will never deride. For one,
hoth-r vnn Will be permitted Tregret the introduction of this di