The Darlington flag (Lydia, SC) 1851-1852, May 28, 1851, Image 1
DEVOTED TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, MORALITY, AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE, AND MISCELLANEOUS NEWS.
JUE8 I.KfKWOOD, EDITOR.]
VOL. 1.
To thine otntself be true; And it must foUoir as the night the day; Thou casut not then be false to any man.—Hamlhc.
DARLINGTON C. H„ S. C., WEDNESDAy'mORNING MAY 28, 1851.
]I0n\ F. IE LORRE. PROPRIETOR.
NO. 13.
THE DARLINGTON FLAG,
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AGMCWTURB.
How blest th^flkrmer’s simple life.
How pure the joy it yields!
Far from the world’s tempestuous strife,
Free ’mid the scented fields.—Ererett.
[FOR THE DARLINGTON FLAG.]
Mr. Editor : I am very glad to see
that the Flag is taking an interest in
the agricultural improvement of the
coutite, and by judicious extracts and
original communications, directing the
attention of its readers to this great
subject In this wsy your paper may
be made a useful and profitable journal.
Agriculture is an employment in
which all classes of men are interested,
for it is the broad substratum on w hich
everything else rests. The lawyer and
doctor, the mechanic and merchant— ,
all the various and diversified pursuits
of life depend upon it, while the plan- ;
ter (though we believe in and respect
the. mutual dependence and relations
of the different classes of society) is to
some extent, at least, independent of i
them all.
Merely stirring the surface is all that
ought to be done, and for this purpose
watchful silence and prudent neu
trality.
the scraper is an invaluable implement ^any have thought that my official
r r i position would have allowed mo to re-
Perhaps planters are in the habit ot ma j n awa y an J take advantage of the
in the
laying-by their cotton too soon, as fro- current I have been summoned by
quent light workings with any suitable my fellow-citizens to mingle in the cur-
means keep the surface in a good state reu L ® n ^ help to guide it, or be over-
to allow air and moisture to act on the
roots, and to prevent disease.
The proper stage in the grow tli of
the plant for topping, is a most impor
tant consideration; in fact, everything |
depends on it Perhaps it is owing to
its being done too early or too late,
that so many have been disappointed, I of impartial history, to abide
and have rejected it altogether. This judgment of my countrymen
The legislature is required as far as these
proceedings can impose an obligation,
to call the Convention together, and
that body then is to put the State, as
soon as it can, on the trial of separate
independence.
In relation to this measure, and oth
ers connected with it and which have
whelmed by its violence. I embark lieen presented as alternatives, I have
with those who have a common desti- nothing to disguise—1 have no opinion
ny with me. The fate of the people to retmet, no sentiment to suppress,
of South Carolina shall be my fate— i I shall atHeast be consistent with my-
let what may come, I shall stand or self. In setting forth our wrongs and
fall with South Carolina, the fond mo- endeavoring to rouse sentiments of re-
ther of my birth and my affections.— sentment to them, and in preparing the
In the advice and counsels that I may public mind for measures of effectual
give, I am willing, before the tribunal resistance to the encroachments of the
by tlie Federal Government on Southern In
stitutions, through the breaches of a
would not change the present state of true but much abused cause of the
things. Such a clause might as well Southern States,
lie in the constitution for all practical The moefures intimated in the draft
purposes. of the address, and in some of the refo-
To conclude the proposition, the | lotions, w ill not allow many of this
Federal Government has become a body to vote upon them. All who are
despotism of an interested majority.— members of the Constitutional Con-
You w ill ask why have not the other vention of the people, cannot give a
Southern States been raadty to join vote to control tbeir future judgment
Sohtli Carolina, or rather to come into They ought not to be required to do
a voluntary conjunction witb them- so.* I have conversed with several of
selves, to devise measures for their pro- them, and they have come to a coin
fection. j mon conclusion to give no vote upon
1 cannot better reply than by quoting any matter upon which they will have
the purport of a remark made by De- to deliberate, when there shall be a
mosthenes, in answer to the reproaches
of Eschines, upon the disasters of his
administration.
He said he had to contend with the
It has been my fate, for the last five j violated Constitution, I have endeavor- three great enemies of free States:
condition is indicated by the plant as-, , . , , , , ,
. , , , i years, to take, as your representative, ed to do mv duty to
suming a more conical shape, by bios- a rogpon8ible p J in ^ National ability, and I have
soms appearing near the top, and par- I :i r r>—r...i i i I •
tieularly by the stem at the top losing
its square form and green color, and
becoming round and red. Hence it
npi»eare that we may top earlier one
year than another, sooner in one field
than in another, and at different times
in the same field during the same season.
Thus, Mr. Editor, I have spun out
this little essay on topping cotton, till I
have tired myself with writing, and
the best of my
part in the National ability, and I have no steps to take
Councils of the Confederacy. I have backwards. What steps forward is
been made to feel the exposure of a the question. Whilst measures were
struggling and isolated minority to an ! under considwation, in which the slave-
arrogant majority, who, feeling the
vulgar strength of self-sustaining num
bers, have resorted to all the machi
nery of a taunting audience and and a
sordid press to put under the ban the
State whose representative I was. I
have always had much to sustain me
in trying situations. My conviction
was, that South Carolina occupied a po
sition from which she could look down
vonr readers in perusing it. In excuse with the luxury of scorn upon truck-
I might urge the interest that every- H "K partizans and trading politicians,
, ..1. , * •.• who found it convenient to assail her
thing has which is conneated with our to 8uWrv<1 thoir ends. She has
great staple. Cotton bags saved New been a stumbling block to many, who,
Orleans during the last war with Great if they dared, would have placed their
Britain; cotton bags is our strong de- treacherous foot upon her. I say here,
that I would rather encounter all the
holding and non-slaveholding States
were at issue, I expressed myself free
ly, but with the circumspection of one
who was willing to let his remarks be
carried out to their consequence^ The
representatives of the planting States
spoke out with signal unanimity in
maintaining the resolutions of three
different Legislatures. I am proud to
say that the resolutions of South Car
olina compared with some others, were
in terms moderate, in tone firm, and in
piir|iose deliberate. All these resolu
tions were regarded as mutual pledges
and covenants for the Southern States
to make common cause, and to stand
by each other. The Southern mem
bers conferred together, spoke together
fence and bulwark against the mad fu- 1 nai V" 0 " 1 ? l ramer a " rno | c ' ,. , ,
hazard of debate with fifty Senators, 1 and at one time would have been pre-
ry of fanatical zeal and philanthropy,
and cotton hags will servo still to pro
tect and defend and to save the South
in defiance of all her foes.
Allow me to ask, through you, whe
ther any of your readers are in pos-
nr any hazards that might present them-i pared to sink or swim in a eornmow
selves outside of her limits, than differ peril. They regarded themselves as
with a single sincere friend in this as- ^ engaged in a common struggle, and
scmhly as to any measure calculated their destinies as involved in a com-
to affect the dignity, honor,4fcd rights mon fate. For a time the minds of
of our cherished Commonwealth, | all true men of the South were lifted
I am persuaded that our difference above the miserable contentions of par-
session of the interesting essay on the 0 f opinion will, in the end, be mote i ty, and the jealousies of neighboring
cotton culture, by Gen. D. R. Wil- apparent than real, I may well ques- strife. Under the influence of this
liams, of Society Hill ;* in it will be Bon the policy of a celerity that may | auspicious state of things, I finished
\r abe too much actuated bv gallant zeal ; one of my speeches with a high note
In your last number I find an article and uncalculating chivalry. If, with from the Diomede of the old Thirteen
the subject of the cotton culture, I tlon “G* interesting^ em P,^ com inU' tlie more prudent resolution of Ulysses, —our neighbor Georgia—“Equality
“ J ’ ' ’ L ' perhaps without its wisdom, I may be or Independence.” And I say now, if
disposed to restrain the impetuous the Southern States had become united,
courage of Diomede, I shall have none , thay would have made good this dela-
of the resentful temper of Achilles, ration. They have it in their power to
nor the grumbling censoriousness of | make it good at any time; and they
Thirsytes. No, my countrymen, my i will be untrue to themselves and pos-
heart is too much in the cause you are ferity if they do not I shall shrink
engaged in to suffer me to do any thing from no trial that may lie effectual, and
but what is prompted by a solemn du- shall only object to such measures, as,
ty. It is tine that the proceedings of in my opinion, must result in failure
this body will not have the sanction and discomfiture. If measures cannot
The jealousy of neighboring States,
the gold of Philip bestowed on corrupt
orators, the combined love of pleasure
and the charm of tranquility."
The Southern States have hail some
elements of distraction destined, I hn|K\
to lio temporary. The disunion of
party, in reference to federal politics,
has !>een all powerful; hut, unless 1 am
mistaken, must become less.
The Federal Government has a
Macedonian party in the South—strong
for a time through the influence of of
fice and patronage. 'Hie greatest ene
my to the South has lieeu an indisposi
tion to encounter the hazaads of change.
As it would be out of place to d\v«l!
longer on topics that may not la- imme
diately connected with the questions
here to be discussed—topics with which
tliis assembly is as well acquainted
as i am—I will go directly to the mea
sures which I have suggested, us the
objset and end of your deliberations.
Tnnt is, shall this Convention, at this
time, undertake to commit the State to !
the trial of separate secession, by im
posing, ns far as this Convention can,
real occasion for their officially respon
sible judgment. I find myself in that
class. What may be the situation of
things when the Convention shall be
called on to decide, 1 know not. There
may be many instructive developments
and revelations before that time. Mad
ness and infatuation take their course
with a blind confidence, and at the next
session of Congress 1 shall look for
some of their usual exhibitions.
Before I speak of the probable and
conjectural action of die Federal Gov
ernment in reference to South Caroli
na, should sho determine to secede, T
will notice some views, and submit
some considerations connected with
Secession as a remedy for our wrongs.
The right of Secession in the ab
stract, and the right of resorting to it
to effect a wise and beneficial end, in
a political and moral point of view, are
different tilings. 'Hie one may be con
ceded as a legal proposition—whilst
the other, as it may affect other com
munities as well as the State itself, in
volves high
eondiderations and obliga
tions of duty which no statesman can
or ought to disregard.
South Carolina had the option to go
in or remain out of the Union; she en
tered as a sovereign, to enable herself
and confederates to protect their rights
on ttie subject ot tne cotton culture, i ° ’
in which the subject of topping is par- j ni <’ ated in a ver J’ forcib!e aml beantiful
tieularly mentioned. I concur in the
opinion there expressed, “ that it is an
operation requiring the most judicious
attention to the circAnstances of the
crop, and that it has done great good
and great iiyury to the |>lant.”
With the view of drawing out some
of your readers on this put of the cot
ton culture, I will make arew remarks,
candidly acknowledging at the same
time, thfl$lhey are more the gleanings
of the experience of others than the
practical result of my own observation.
A crude and hasty suggestion may be
come a starting point of thought, and
under the plastic hand of skill and sci
ence, confer great benefit on a whole
community.
Topping cottou was at first suggest
ed! by remarking that those stalks
which had been accidentally broken or
nipt iu the cultivation, were generally
better matured and more loaded with
pods. Two objects are supposed to be
obtained by it—1. The prevention of
shedding or casting of the forms and
young pods. 2. Their greater devel
opment and maturity.
Every cotton planter knows that one
of the greatest difficulties in the cul
ture pf cotton, is to prevent shedding;
very often after the most careful and
cautious management it will occur, aud
seriously diminish the amount of his
crop. This evil is occasioned by ex
cess as well as the deficiency of mois
ture. In the former case the growth
of the plant is rapid and luxuriant;
and though the weed is fine aud beau
tiful, it is not hardy, and does not pro
duce much fruit. In the latter, espe
cially in light sandy lands, rasting is
frequent and injurious, but jierhaps
never to the same extent ns from the
cause referred to above.
While speaking of shedding, I will
remark that whatever may bo the sea
sons, proper cultivation is an important
means of prevention. Cottou ought
never to be ploughed deep alley the
second time; for then the lateral roots
are sent out in innumerable ramitica-
’tions in search of food, and must lie
tom ami severed bv the operation.—
style.
Z. A. P.
* Published some twenty-five years ago.
POItXTICAIc.
an obligation on tbo State Convention from Foreign powers, and to promote
to take the step as soon as practicable, dothestic tranquility. If these ends
1 shall now proceed to state my ob- should not he accosaplisheit—4»ut in
jections respectfully to this mode of fact, if it should turn out that the Gov-
proceedure. ! ernment is used cxclusiwf^for one por-
I think, in the first place, tiint this tion of the partners to the oppression
Convention ought not to take eo"ni- and detriment of others—the suffering
zance of so grave a matter at this time, parties should have the right of fresn-
hefore there is a real occasion for de- ming their original position. To say'
cisiou. And in this I do not differ otherwise would be to make free States
with a great many who hear me. 'lids as they entered into the Confederacy,
Convention consists of representatives, not merely parties to a despotic Gov-
unequal in number, of self-constituted ernment, but victims of it against their
associations. The Convention of the consent. But whether secession I e
people, to be hereafter convened, hav- ), conceded as a legal rigid, or as a mea-
ing the responsibility of decision, ought ' sure of revolution, is immaterial, if
REMARKS OF MR HITLER.
Before the Convention of Stmthcrn
Rights Associations. '■■■
Mr. President and Gentlemen:
This is an occasion that has associa-
and authority of law, but they will car
ry with them throughout the State ail
the infhicnce which eloquence, patriot-
ted with it in its probable consequences ism and energy can impart They will
grave responsibilities—such as have have committed advocates to maintain
intensely engaged and heavily oppress- and enforce them,
ed my mind. The address which has been read
The highest exertion of human wis- contains a recital of imposing truths,
doni is to make a good government arrayed with an eloquent sternness
To change established institutions w ith which has commanded my admiration
a view of substituting otiiers in their and respect It is both a truthful and
place, requires boldness, foresight and rebuking statement of wrongs and im-
deliberate design. Whilst impulsive pending dangers to Southern institn-
enthusiasm may be well regarded as tions. Other Southern States cannot
the motive power, and even a wise ele- condemn it without condemning their
ment in such a conjuncture, it ought own resolutions and solemn pledges,
not to aaMimc the tone of proscriptive The paper has impressed upon it un-
impatiegee. mistakable marks of sincerity and de-
Indela, those who have the control liljerate purpose. Its author, or authors,
of reason, should endeavor to make it are ready to stand by it, aud make it
to be left perfectly free to form the best
judgment in its power, under the actual
juncture of circumstances that may ex
ist at the time of its meeting. It ought
he devised—as I believe they cannot— neither to l*e instructed nor siqierseded
an associate with the dictates of judg'
ment and experience. The feelings
which I see here manifested, do honor
to the hearts of those who entertain
and express them. They spring from
the hearts of intelligent freemen, who,
knowing their rights, are willing to
make any sacrifice to maintain them.
In taking counsel from the highest im
pulses of their nature, they are im
patient at any suggestion that might
interfere with tbeir free indulgence.—
The venerable Cheves—who has been
regarded as an adviser of both wisdom
and courage—has presented to you a
communication well calculated to ar
rest your attention. It is one that
will command, I am sure, throughout
the Southern States, a profound res
pect -Yet I have seen that paper meet
with the impatience of the great and
almost uncompromising excitement
which prevails here; and even with
some who have, no doubt, taken their
bent from the fires that were kindled by
his l>old and commanding eloquence.
Under such intimations, 1 might welL^fore the probable termination shall be
pause in giving you my counsels. 1 indicated.
good in tjp true import of the terms,
at evcr^iazard aud to the last ex
tremity.” By others, it may be differ
ently regarded. Some who will give
it their sanction, may look upon it as a
paper of popular agitation only. Some
may even regard it as the neuuleus of
a State patty, to be used tkqp for and
no farther. I choose to regard it as a
solemn beginning, that may result in
an important end, that will deeply af
fect the destinies and interests of this
country. And as my friend from St.
John’s has said on another occasion,
“ we should take uo beginning without
looking to its probable end.”
The proceedings contemplated will
require South Carolina to tread her
way through a narrow pasa, as yet un
explored. Some are prepared to tread
it with confidence and boldness, and
to find its tennination by experiment
—aa Suwarrow was said to have found
hia enemy by the point of of his bay
onet Others, on the contrary, insist
on the prudence of reconnoisance be
to restore a lost equality—an equality
lost by measures, brought forth to pro
pitiate Northern prejudice—I am wil
ling to take measures for an honorable
independence of such States as by
their conjunction can assume the atti
tude, and invest themselves with the at
tributes of a national sovereignty.
As this is a grave conclusion, oa one
that will so be regarded beyond this
meeting, I must suhuiitthe proposition
upon which it is founAHl.
The constitution of these states was
intended by its express and delegated
powers to impose limitations on the de
partment of the Federal Government.
For some years these limitations were
observed in good faith; and after it
was said that some of them had been
violated, it was thought that the States,
by the interposition of their sovereign
ties. could force an observance of them.
The securities of good faith nave long
since disappeared, and the power of
the States to interpose to protect their
reecrved rights has not and will not be
recognized by the Federal authority.
All the provisions of the Constitution
intended for MBBotection of a minori
ty have been jSpverted by artful con
struction, or WSudulent compromise;
under these combined influences the
Southern States have not only lost their
influence, but will become worse than
dependent provinces. They will be
come proscribed political communities
—disfranchised from the high honors
of the Federal Government, and with
their property and institutions liable to
confiscation and unprovoked invasions.
The Southern States can no longer
by the pre-determination of an irrespon
sible body—irresponsible I mean in
any official point of view. Sucli pre
determination will make an issue not
called for by the occasion, that must
result in |K>pular agitation within the
State. It will make diviswns among
ourselves, and disclose feelings have not
heretofore existed, and ought not to ex
ist In fact, it will defeat, rather tiiun
promote the end contemplated. To
show how it will operate on our friends
in other States, I need only refer to the
consequences of movements of a simi
lar character. I say, hore that from
the time that prominent men in South
Carolina intimated a purpose to put the
State on the track of separate seees-
there be a real occasion to resort to it,
ami it can be list'd to effect some great
political end worthy of its exercise. If
it should end in merely separating the
State from her former confederates,
and placing her in a condition that
would require her to invest hersuif with
all the attributes and duties of a sove
reign nation, both at home and abroad,
then it might bring South Carolina in
to a situation of isolation, at war with
her true interests and policy. If sho
should resort to this measure, with a
view of bringing her neighbors into a
political connection, so as to enable
them jointly to forma Confederacy for
themselves, that would be adequate for
all the purposes of maintaining their
rights at home and relations w ith for
eign powers, then it becomes a question
of the greatest magnitude, full of con
sequences that should be looked to with
all the care and intelligence that can
We are, gentlemen, in a crisis that
calls upon every one, especially every
man who has accepted a seat in this
Convention, to do his duty; and to
give you the conviction of nis delibe
rate judgment No man should avoid
responsibility, by taking refnge in
The object of the address is not onlp
to put the State on the track of separate
secession, but by the measures contem
plated to commit the State now to that
determination; in other words, it ex
In its power to adopt any othermeai
sion, in disregard of the co-operation possibly be employed. The State should
of her neighbors, they deprived our re- take no course that would make rivals
al friends of the power of helping us. and adversaries of her Southern neigli-
If they did not altogether alienate our bors. On the contrary she should en-
irieuds from their devotion to the deavor by all possible means to act
Southern cause, they gave their oppo- with them as allies. If the State should
nents great advantage over them. In ook to nothing beyond her own seces-
fact, a Southern party at Washington, sion, she will enable the Federal Gov-
that was fast organizing, was dissolved, ernment to make rivals of those who
They were willing to move ns fast and in interest are, and iu feeling should be,
itt well as they could. What would her friends.
have been their final resolve and mea- I make the broad, remark, that there
sures, I know not But I dtWmow is not a public man in South Carolina
that they felt that they w ere separated sensible of a responsible trust, and fore
front their true friends by intimations seeing the inevitable consequences of
for which their jieople were not pre- separate secession, that would put the
pared. Our ancestors made no such State on trial of that experiment, if the
advertisement of their purposes as to act were to operate exclusively on the
enable others, opposed to them, to force State itself such an act would not only
anil defeat them. In general, they rut off our commerce, but would place
were by the’r acts ahead of their re- it in the bands of our rivals. In assum-
solves; and never made the latter with-, mg such an attitude, it would be the
out previously having means to acc£in- duty of the State to make arrangements
eludes the idea that the State will have ilH man from the Soath-Atlantic States
be the nurse of great statesmen. the | plish them. We seem to reverse%iis for the management of her rights
ambition of the eagle’s flight will be order. We give long notice, in the abroad. Her pride would revolt at
no longer seen—we may have crows form of speeches and threatening reso- sending forth her flag, ^without Some
and ducklings who will be ready to be lutions. The conseqnenqe has been navy to protect it, and without ministers
satisfied with the crumbs and garbage that short performances have followed and consuls to represent her rights, and
of office. TTiere are those who long advertisements, for the reason protect her interest abroad. No nation
will be willing to make an easy transi- that we lost the aid of our true allies. ^ can rely on the forbearance of others,
tion to degradation, by being candi- There are now friends in other States when there may be a collision of inter-
willing to do ad they can, under the esta, or a temptation for violation. At
cireumstences of their situation. 1 any rate, I would not allow the palnu t-
fear they will be driven to disavow us; to Flag to float by sufletepoe only,
when, if left to themselves they Might Whilst it would represent as proud, as
have pursued a course to fjpintain the I spirited a people as ever lived, it would
dates for the secondary and subordi
nate offices. Suppose there were a
provision hi the Constitution, that no
should 1>e eligible to the Presidency, it