The Darlington flag (Lydia, SC) 1851-1852, May 14, 1851, Image 1
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DEVOTED TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, MORALITY, AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE, AND MISCELLANEOUS NEWS.
SM-
JA1ES H. NORWOOD, EDITOR.]
T» thine otmtelf be true; And it must follow as the night the day; Thou const not then be false to any man.—Hamlet.
VOL. 1.
DARLINGTON C. H., S. C., WEDNESDAY MORNING MAY 14, 1851.
[JOHN P. DE LOME, PROPRIETOR.
NO. 11.
THE DARLINGTON FLAG,
IS rVBLISHEU
EVER* WEDNESDAY MORNING,
AT DABLINGTON, C. II., S. C.,
BY JOHN F. DE LORHE.
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POLITICAL.
(From the Richmond Examiner.)
TO TIR PEOPLE OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
Though not a citizen of South Caro
lina, I feel that I have some right to
converse with you in regard to your
own, and the common interests of the
South. The Convention which is to
assemble in Charleston on the 5th of
May, will probably attempt to shape
the course of the State for the future;
and aa, in this, the interests of the en
tire South are deeply involved, I make
no apology for the liberty I am about
to taiae.
If I nnderstanderetand the main ques
tion correctly, it ia— What course is it
best to adopt in order to secure the co
operation of the States of the South ?
I assume (and I am sure that in this, at
least, I do not mistake your purpose,)
that, in no eyent, do you mean inglo-
riously to submit to the wanton insults
and outrages of the so-called National
Government. JflNkiow enough of your
tefthrem
spirit and intelligence to say this much.
But when and how you will vindicate
your just rights, remain to be consider
ed. On these points permit me to say
a few words.
You have endeavored, through the
Convention at Nashville, to procure a
consultation wfeh your sister States,
with a view to Merest the fearful and
fatal encroachments of a reckless and
corrupt Government You have solici
ted them to meet you in council for
this high and gacred purpose. They,
with you, solemnly engaged, under the
highest and most sacred alligations,
that they would defend the common
Constitution against all assaults, foreign
and domestic. They have repeatedly
declared, in the gravest forms of legis-
lation, that the National Government
has deliberately and* dangerously vio
lated that instrument; but instead of
fulfilling their solemn engagements to
you and to each other, they have, or
rather their respective Governments
have, declared their willingness to sub
mit, regardless of their honor, their
oaths, and the interests of posterity.
.Such are the facts; and you are ad-
tfaed by some, whom you heretofore,
trusted, t9follow their bad example;
—with a promise, the most extraordi
nary ever made by sane men, that op
pression wilfincreate, that tyranny
will grow stronger end stronger, until
you end they will be forced, absolutely
compelled, to re-win your lost lilierties
by the sword! Strange madness! as
tounding delusion! Wait until your
enemy is doubly armed, and yourselves
stripped naked, before you attempt to
preserve that which is more precious
than life itself! Is not this the counsel
of Messrs. Hamilton, Barnwell, Toin-
Mtt» Cheves, and others I It seems to
ree so. Bast outrage and aggression,
they adsut,- have proved impotent to
rouse the People of the South to a
sense of their danger; hat they prom
ise us that still greater evils are yet to
come! This prompts me to inquire
what is our present condition! I refer
not to the thousand acts of gross and
wanton abuse of power on the part of
the National Government. I will not
point you to the pages of the Journals,
stamped with the indelible marks of
corruption, in almost l*ery conceiva
ble form. I pan by these, and ask at
tention only to that infamous system
of measures called “ the Compromise."
What is the condition in which that
base act hat left you i It assumes, in
respect to power, that you can be tax
ed at pleasure, against your consent,
and in despite of tnl votes of your rep.
resentatives:—that by those, in no way
responsible to you, you can bo com
pelled to enter into the battle-field, and
sited your Mood, for any designated
purpose;—that you can be, as you have
been, compelled to acquire territory by
cowuMet or purchase, while it is dis
tinctly declared to you that; though nil
other people may, you alone shall not,
be permitted to enjoy any part of it;—
that, as a punishment for the supposed
sins of your fathers, no institutions
like yours shall ever be recognised as
Republican, and no people tolerating
them shall ever be permitted to enter
into tins Union;—that, in case you,
and you only, shall violate an arbitrary
act, creating a new and arbitrary of
fence, the punishment shall not be tine
and imprisonment, as in ordinary cases,
but that your slaves shall have their
freedom, and be placed on an equal
footing with yourselves;—that looking
to your own debasement and degrada
tion, you shall be made the instmments
for debasing and degrading others, by
furnishing the means of purchasing the
soil and sovereignty of your sister
States, to be transferred to your insa
tiable and hostile rulers;—and in the
end, that any resistance on your part
to these principles and provisions, shall
be construed and punished as high
treason! Do I exaggerate f Have 1
not faithfully and truly presented the
substance of the several acts deferred
to ? And if so, do you wait for gross
er outrage, or deeper debasement ? I
protest, before God, I cannot conceive
of a state of greater degradation than
yours and ours, if we qnietly submit to
this. Even that of the Kussian serf—
of your own slaves—is more honorable;
for in neither easels it voluntary. Ne
cessity,—stern compulsion, pleads their
excuses before Earth and Heaven.—
Will it also plead yours I No. Your
submission will be a voluntary self-
abasement, unequalled in its turpitude,
save in its fatuity.
Bnt it is said by your advisers—I
mean those who have addressed them
selves to you through the public prints
—that ultimate submission is not to be
thought of;—that they only recom
mend tem|>orary submission. It would
be as well to advise a chaste female to
adopt a similar policy in a case of vio*
lence offered to her person, as a means
of preserving her virtue. Are these
men blind to the history of the past, to
the experience of the present, to the
very nature of things! What have
twenty years of tame submission effect
ed! Is the virtue, is the power of the
South greater now than then I Could
any man, twenty years since, have be
lieved it possible that, at this day, the
Representatives of the Southern States
would have gone up to Washington
city, and deliberately bartered the hon
or, rights and interests of their constitu
ents for place and plunder ? W’ould it,
could it have been believed that, in
open day, in the face of high Heaven,
without the covering of a fig-leaf to
conceal the base transaction, men in
the South would be found to perpetrate
such an iniquity 1 And yet it is so.—
Every intelligent and impartial man in
this country bellevos the whole act, in
its inception and consummation, a de
liberate and infamous political and pe
cuniary swindle. Again: would it
have been believed by any living man,
tint years ago, that a Legislature of
Virginia would have been found to
sanction this unprecedented enormity—
in the very teeth of its repeated and sol
emn declarations I And yet such is
the fact Wait you, then, for co-ope
ration from such men I
them from their torjior, and force them
from the shameful trammels of their
loaders. Eight months since and this
might have lieen easily done;—but pro
crastination has given time to the man
agers to re-adjust their machinery—to
fix their saddles, and with bit and bri
dle-reins to ride booted and spurred as
usual. The extraordinary Resolutions
Rusticus expectat dum defluat anmie,—
LabiHiret labetur in omne volubiiis ffivum.
Permit me to say to you, in all sin
cerity and frankness, unless you present
such an issue to the Southern people, as
ahull startle their corrupt party politi
cians, you will never secure co-opera
tion. The people of Virginia, and of
the South generally, are, in the main,
honest and faithful to the principles of
of fhe late Legislature show the princi
ple and the policy agreed upon. First,
to surrender the South unconditionally,
—and secondly, to win the Presidency
as best they may. Both cliques agreed
on this, though they never yet could
agree on anything else. Both prefer
red to yield up the rights, honor, and
interests of the South, rather than to
furnish their antagonists with a word to
alarm the people they intended to be
tray. State Rights were liable to be
mistaken for disunionism,—and those
patriots thought it wiser to put jtrinui-
ciples in danger than plunder.
But, notwithstanding these develop
ments,—the fungus ontbirths of con
temptible partizansbip,—the people are,
in the main, honest and patriotic. They
will not consent to surrender their in
alienable rights, or sacrifice their hon
or and interests without a struggle.—
Could the question be now fairly before
them, I doubt whether a solitary mem
ber who voted for the resolutions of the
last session would ever again be return
ed to dishonor the State.
Putting aside, however, these consid
erations, it seems to me that you have
but one question to determine. Are
you prepared to surrender your rights,
to 3’ield up your political equality, and
to put in peril your peace, you proper
ty, and your lives, for the mere purpose
of securing place and plunder for a
few corrupt and ambitious individuals ?
If so, speak openly,—practice no dis
guise,—shelter not under the poor pre
text of securing future co-operation.
Procrastination is destruction. They
who advise you to this coarse deceive
you, deceive themselves and others.—
There is no hope from this line of poli-
cy. The rights which you claim belong
to yourselves exclusively. You need
no co-operation in order to assert them
If they do not not belong to you exclu
sively, they do not belong to you at all.
When the devouring element has seized
on your own dwellings will you hesi
tate to extinguish it, because your neigh
bors, in their consternation, are incajKi-
ble of lending you a helping hand ? 1
tell you, if you wait for the co-opera
tion of other States, bound down by
the trammels of party, j'ou will wait
in vain. Your liberties will be irre
trievably lost, and with them all that is
sacred in our once free institutions.—
Strike one decisive blow, raise the ban
ner, and give out the ti’tmpet call, and
the friends of Constitutional liberty
will rush forward and rally by your
side. Let your motto be, “ Equality
in the Union, or Liberty ottof it.”
Less you cannot demand, and be free.
Now is the time to secure yourselves
and your posterity that inappreciable
blessing, won by the blood, and be
queathed to^m by the ;>atrioti3in of
your brave ancAbrs. Falter now, and
all is lost, and lost forever. Stripped
of your equal rights, deprived of your
just portion of the public property, sur
rounded by Abolition States, wired out
of your own blood and treasure, as
saulted on all sides, insulted by your
oppressors, and basely lietraycd, sold
out in the political market by your own
Representatives, yon will become,—
you must become,—the most degraded
aud oppressed people that ever existed
on the globe.
I see that Gen. Hamilton (Oh ! how
fallen! how fallen!) has assured you
their forefathers. An ignorant hatch that Mr. Calhoun, your great and good
statesman, was op|»osed to separate
State action. If this be so it is un
known to his most intimate and confi
dential friends. More than this—it is
of small caucus politicians, as they call
themselves, speak only the behests of
their leadeft, and labor for them only.
Tim late disgraceful scenes in the \ ir-
ginia Legislature find no countenance
amongst the people. I have not met a
man in the State who does not denounce
them as conitemptible and dastardly.—
Such is the universal judgment. Y ou
will ask why the people do not rise and
vindicate their rights and character. I
answer—they have so long submitted,
so long yielded their judgments to the
control of small partisan hacks, that
they have nearly sunk down into hope
less imbecility. For twenty five years
they have been taught to believe that
the election of President aud other pop
injays, was the only matter of interest
to them. Party struggles for place and
plunder, have been the only •ngrossing right to secede from the Union, be nro-
questions; find as these have given birth ! coeds to examinic into the causes which
under the operation of the numerical
majority, has necessarily given to the
two great parties, in their contests for
the honors and emoluments of the gov
ernment, a geographical character, for
reasons which have been fully stated.
This contest must finally settle down
in a struggle on the part of the strong
er section to obtain the permanent con
trol ; and on the part of the weaker
to preserve its independence and equal
ity, as members of the Union. The
contest will thus become one between
the States occupying the different sec-
tinns; that is, between organized bodies
on both sides; each, in the event of
separation, having the means of avoid
ing the confusion and anarchy to which
the parts would be subject without
such organization. This would increase
the power of resistance on the part of
the w eaker section against the stronger
in possession of the government. With
these great advantages and resources,
it is hardly possible tliat the parties oc
cupying the w eaker section, would con
sent, under any circumstances, to sink
down from independent and equal sove
reignties, into a dependent and coloni
al condition;—and still less so under
circumstances that would revoutionize
them internally, and put their very ex
istence. as a people, at stake. Never
was there an issue between indepen
dent States that involved greater calam
ity to the conquered, than is involved
in that between the States which com
pose the two sections of this Union.—
'Fhe condition of the w eaker, should it
sink from a state of independence and
equality to one of dependence and sub
jection, w’ould be more calamitous than
ever before befel a civilized people. It
is vain to think that, with such conse
quences before them, they will not re
sist; especially when resistance may
save them, and cannot render their
condition worse,” Ac.
Now, is this the language of a man
who would advise submission, for any
purpose whatever ? The very calamity
which he apprehended, and on which
his views are based, has occurred.—
The Southern States have been strip
ped of all participation in the com
mon territory—the equilibrium of the
system has been permanently destroy
ed—all power is centered in the hands
of one section—and more and worse
than this, the soil of a sovereign State
has been dismembered at the point of
the bayonet, and sold out to raise the
means of rewarding the basest treason
ever committed against any’ people.—
The Texas Bribe was designed for this
purpose, and for this purpose only.—
And shall we still be told of procrasti
nation ? What additional degradation
is demanded ? Are you not told that
all that has been done must be submit
ted to. Is not this the voice of the
politicians of the States whose coopera
tion you seek? Is not the qestion
closed against you, if you place your
reliance on them ? And if you look
to the people, think you to reach them
by quiet submission? It is madness to
expect it Be quiet for twelve months,
and the national Government will play
its patronage so successfully on your
prominent men, that they themselves
will betray you, as those of Virginia,
Georgia, and the other Southern States
have done their respective constituents.
This is the hope of the Compromisers
here and elsewhere. If they can se
duce yon to submit for twelve months,
they feel assured that, through your
own leaders, struggling for Federal
honors, you will become as debased
and degraded as they suppose the rest
of the Southern States to be. Such is
the calculation here. And hence the
admonitions and threats which yon
hear. Remember 1832—aud how
quickly, under the blandishments of the
Federal treasury, did the politicians of
Virginia and other States repudiate the
once sacred principles of the Fathers of
the Republic. Think you that, under
the same inilueqpes, they will not, in
twelve mouthf, repudiate the right of
secession t They wilL Mutterings of
Uiis I hear already. Act now, or be
forever lost. Wait, daily, (alter, and
you and yaju children, and we and ours,
are hopelessly'ruined.
Such are the views of one who has
labored in defence of yonr honor and
your rights for more than twenty years.
SOUTHERN ABOLITIONISTS.
There is a class of men at the South,
who, ranging themselves under the ban
ner of the Union under all circumstan
ces, are doing more to effect the aboli
tion of slavery than fanatics of the
first of August I top it wet or dry
which I consider a great advantage,
checking the grow th ofthe stalk causing
the forms to stick lietter, and bolls to
mature sooner.
North. These characters are really
and truly abolitionists, and ought to be
called the Southern abolitionist party.
The reason is plain. The abolition
party at the North is now powerful and
formidable. They set out with the
avow'ed and swoni purpose to effect
the extinction of slavery. The party
has been growing ever since the year
1818, is growing now’, and will contin
ue to grow. It is composed of mate
rials reckless, wild, and enthusiastic,
tliat will not be foiled or discouraged.
They have sworn to succeed. Their
numbers are increasing. Their influ
ence is becoming a matter of impor
tance to the government. Constant
dropping will wear away a stone. Un
wearied and unremitting exertions will
overcome all all obstacles. Have they
ever disavow ed their purpose ? Is there
any evidence that they have suspended
their efforts ? Southern men cry out
that they go for the Union at all haz-
zards an-l under all circumstances, even
at the sacrifice of slavery, that the
States have no right to secede. Hint
the Union is bound to
come weal or come
not sense enough to see, that if this
doctrine is established, the abolitionists
will be emboldened, and that the insti
tution of slavery is doomed to fall be
fore their incessant aggressions ? Those
are the men, fellow' citizens, w ho, under
the disguise of Union, Union men,
Union party, would set yonr negroes
free, would place them upon an equali
ty w ith yourelves, to involve your coun
try in bloodshed and ruin, to burn your
dwellings at night, to violate and butch
er your wives, to intermarry with your
sons and daughters. Beware of such,
they come before you always as Union
men. By this mark you may know
them.—Choctaw Standard.
AGRICULTURE.
simple
How pure the joy it yields!
Far from the world’s tempestuous strife,
Free ’mid the scented fields.—Everett.
questions 1
to legions of small caucuses and cons
ventions, charged with the management
of party concerns, they have almot-
ceased to think for themselves, much
utterly opposed|40 his well known prin
ciples, and the whole tenor of his life.
Did he teach ever that it was the true
policy of South Carolina, to pass quiet
ly under the yoke of an arbitrary gov
ernment I Does anything ever done or
said by him authorize such a conclu
sion ? There must he some mistake.
Gen. Hamilton has surely confounded
inferences with facts, and substituted
the former in place of the latter. There ,. , „ . , . - -
is now before me a well considered mo « ^‘“g cireumstan
of Mr. Calhoun, bearing on' ce *- They are offered wiU» deference
- 1 and profound respect. If they agree
agree not with those of others, they
proceed, at least, from a calm survey
of the whole question, and are auhmit-
ted to Yapr consideration with a sin
cere wish that they may be of use.
Citizen of Virginia.
l opinion
I the wholer subject, which I submit to
you is his own words. After showing
that cock State has an unquestionable
must lead to this result, and says:
“ They consist chiefly of two; the
one arising from the great extent of
the country; the other, from its <Hvis-
What kind of
less to act Some issue of overwhelm-1 ion into separate States, having local | man like when he
ing importance is occettvsey to rowo issthutfoo? and interests The former, acqwcueoocB.
essence does a young
| *ops the question ?
BITTER MAKING
Those of our readers who visited tin*
Fair of the Mucogee and Russell Agi i-
cnltural Society, last fall will no doubt
remember the many beautiful speci
mens of butter exhibited of home man
facture. We have never seen better
butter made any where than we saw’
there in [xiint of flavor color and solidi
ty. No country can beat it and why
should it ? It is a fact that Southern
milk is richer than Northern our cow s
do not eat as much watery food as those
of the North and in truth we should
make better butter than they do. And
we can do it if we will; bnt those who
expect to make good butter without la
bor w ill lie mistaken. The whole pro
cess requires the most scrupulous care
and attention. 'Fhe grand secret of ma
king yellow butter is to slightly scald
the milk as soon as taken from the cow
j or turn it into vessels that have just
! been scalded; either w ill answer. But
w here servants are trusted to scald it,
they frequently boil it, which is an in
jury. If the pans are well scalded it
. hang together, P» r P°? e - thur " th "
, ^ ° yvi i 1 the milk just before it turns sour, and
woe. Who has aUt J , w ^ cliun) t o stand in the
sun during the churning nor add hot
water to the milk, to hasten the coining
of the butter. Either will give the but
ter a lard appearance. As soon as the
butter Jins well come take it up aud
with a wooden spatula work out all the
butter milk, and salt it with ground
rock salt. 'Fhe common Liverpool
salt should never be used about butter.
W e once heard a man remark that a
quart of butter w ould dissolve a ship
load of Liverpool salt, and we are half
inclined to believe it. Certain it is tliat it
has a tendency to soften whatever it is
put upon, w hilst the rock salt hardens.
After the butter milk has been well w or
ked out and the butter salted to taste
put the butter away iu a cool place for
twelve hours then work it until globu
les of pure w ater ap|>ear and it w ill be
butter indeed. Housewives try it
Soil of the South.
to raise*cabIage, &r.
A correspondent of the Prairie Far
mer has the follow ing remarks in re
gard to the raising of cabbage. &c.:
“Every spring I am called on for
cabbage and other plants; when 1 in
quire of my neighbors, why they do not
raise plants themselves, I always hear
some excuse like; ‘the bugs eat them
up.’ ‘ The seed was good for nothing,’
or‘The frost killed them,’ of ‘You
cannot raise cabbage plants on old
lands’ &c.; and may be it is so with
neighborhoods where ti e Prairie Far-
reason, I
e ne
ver met with a failure. I have boxes
prepared, about twelve inches deep, and
set them up in a sheltered place, high
enough to be out of jumping distance
of the bugs, and fill them with a good
rich soil. Before planting the seeds, I
prepare a kettle full of boiling water,
and pour it as hot as posible over the
boxes. This kills the varmints and
seeds in weeds in soil, and when cooled
down some, promotes the germination
of the seeds planted which came up a
great deal quicker than when planted
in cold soil. The seeds are sown on
ton, and pressed in the warm mud with
a noard, and are, afterwards, covered
with about the eighth of an inch of
loose soil. The plants will come up
quick and thrifty, and no bugs will
trouble them. Last year, I raised, in a
box about thirty-six feet square, about
3000 cabbage plants, which woulffbe
at the rate of $G,075 per acre. Who
c&n beat it?”
(From the Palmetto Standard)
UOTTON CULTURE TOPPING.
Mr. Editor: As the season for wor
king cotton is approaching ever thing
connected with that subject will be of
immediate interest to your readers. I
have therefore, sent you herewith a
scrap which I cut from a communica
tion over the signiture of E. Jenkins,
Choctaw county, Miss which appeared
in the Southern Cultivator. One ob
ject which I had in sending the article
for publication, is to draw out some of , - .
your correspondents on the subject of me 1 *' circulates, and for that reas
topping cotton. My own observation describe my way; and ha\i
is that it is an operation requiring the
most judicous attention to the circum
stances of the crop. I have seen it
done withgreatgood and again, with
great injury to the plant
Very respecfully yours.
Uchee.
‘I will now give my mode of prepar
ing land and cultivating cotton which I
have tried for several years. After
)>ursuing different plans I have fallen
back on the old one as the best About
the midle of January or 1st of February
I commence throwing four furrows to-
gether with a turning plow—rows of
course laid off agreeably to the strength
of land about the last of March I com
mence turning out the middle which
makes the ridge complete and nearly
to the top from the 5th to the 10. of
April I plant, by opening the ridges
with a very small scooter covering with
a wooden harrow which leaves the
whole ridge clear of clods. About the
time half Hie seed make their appear
ance above ground, I put every hand to
scraping it out with the hoes. I gene-
rallav finish in ten day* or two weeks
at furthest Mean wMM f work out my
corn and then return to my cotton with
turning plows and bar K off, follow with
the hoes chop through, leaving about
two stalks in a place and take all the
grass from the drills, the plows cover
ing up all in the middles. I then return
to my com and work it oot. By this
time my cotton is Urge enough to re
ceive dirt. I pat the mould to the cot
ton, and throw the dirt back and plow
out the middles, following the hoes then
it U very nearly to a stand and cover
up what^raas there may be left it the
drill by the plows. Thenceforward I _ . *
manage it according to the season. V ft^r“I’m glad tins coffee don t owe
endeavor to keep my ridges well np with
tumfog plows so ee to keep the water
drained from the cotton About the be
Scibntific Agriculture.—Profes
sor Mapcs editor of the Working
farmer, has raised 1500 bushels of pars
nips per acre 900 bnahels ol carrots
per acre and 800 bushels turnips per
acre by proper preparation of the soil.
He also instances a farmer in F reehold
N. J. who raised last season about
5000 cabbages on half an acre the sales
of which were at the rate of $500 per
acre. ' Perhaps there is not a more
thoroughly scientific and practical for
mer in the United States than/'
Mapes. He seems to he a i
the cultivatkm of the soil,
yet to be reforms and
agriculture os great and imf
in any other branch of industry.
me oojdungi
fast ‘Why
cause I den t
hereafttd’
said a financier at his break -
, sol’ inquired Ids wife ‘bc-
belfoveLwottra ss