Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, South-Carolina) 1852-1852, April 23, 1852, Image 2
Direct Trade. "If /?
We find the following letter from Mr. Baylor
in the Charleston Mercury, and chcerftjly comply
with the request to cony: ; 3 '
v ft 4 A
" w ashington UITY, V. tj. April, -J 00?ii
Gentlemen : Will you alloSv me to call the
attention of the planters in your State to the
late proposition received by m'c from the Messrs.
Hartsen Brothers, Amsterdam ? It will be reremembered
thatthe6e parties, on account of
misunderstanding on both sides, and wilful misrepresentations
of the enemies of Southern commerce,
were dissuaded from exerting themselves
in regard to a trade which they were led to believe
could never be established. I took the
liberty of saying in behalf of the planters of
the South that they were in earnest, and that to
test the matter let an advance of half be made
bv Hartsen Brothers for atrial cargo. That this
trial cargo would evidence to mv Southern friends
the disposition abroad to co-operate with ns to
4 start the ball,' and would prove by actual results,
evidenced by the account of sales, whether
direct trade was a humbusr or not. That all the
planters wanted was a means, safe, simple, and
guaranteed, and they would act. These statements
of mine were in opposition to those of
hundreds who had busied themselves in regard
.to iny arrangements in Europe. In accordance
with my earnest solicitations, and upon the faith
of my assurance in behalf of the planters, the
Messrs. Hartsen Brothers have renewed their offers
and given a specific authority, in accordance
with my proposition, to authorize an advance of
of half upon this trial cargo, and, if the results
prove favorable and mutually satisfactory, that
further advances of two-thirds and three-<jaurwill
be made.
w I have notified Messrs. James Gadsen ?fe Co.
of the same, and merely ask, through your journal,
to call the attention of the Planters of South
Carolina to the facts. It is not for me to say
anything more about direct trade, to a people so
intelligent as the citizens of the Palmetto State.
If that subject is not now understood at the
South, it never will be. We are now on the
eve of the first fire, before the great and general
battle. Shall my representation* be sustained,
or shall the enemies of Southern commerce,
at home and abroad, still further cut us oft from
that sympathy and confident which it is so im
portaut for us to establish with the Continent of
Europe ? Here, at least, is the issue made.
Here are the 4 darling advances'?the opportunity
of moneyed alliance with Holland?of low
interest and the hundted advantageous items
involved in a direct trade. What better time
could be selected i What more is want* d ? A
consignment to Messrs. Hartsen Brothers, Amsterdam,
through Messrs. J. Gadsen <fc Co. Charleston,
will be received, duly forwarded, and an
advance of half made.
4, "My duty is discharged. The regular and
usual commercial details are arranged?correspondence
established, and it now remains with
the Planters to decide whether direct tiade is an
abstraction to be talked about, or a fact, involving
the commercial, social, and political redemption,
to be sustained by the South, as a wise and
safe domestic policy Nous verrons
C. G. Baylor.
The Public Printing.
Both houses of Congress have been occupied
from day to day on that most complex and interminable
topic, the Public Printing. The contractor
having failed, and the accumulation of unfinished
work retarding the public business, there
is a necessity to replace the defaulting printer
by a subtitute. The debates which have taken
place have turned, not on the intrinsic merits of
the question, how can the printing be most expeditiously,
economically and effectually executed,
but on the claims of the party press in Washington.
The latest proposition before the two hou
ses was to divide the printing between the proprietors
respectively of the Washinton Union
and Washington Republic?that is, to divide
the work between one of the Democratic and
one of the Whig papers in Washington.
This subject should be withdrawn from the
arena of Congressional debate. It occupies at
almost every session the time that ought to be
devoted to the public business. It becomes blended
with party predilections and enmities. The
support of party newspapers, aud not the exigencies
of the particular service to be performed, is
made the test of speeches, votes and political influence.
The public printing becomes an element
of our Presidential election, as the hope of
support from the leading organs of party at the
Capitol supplies the inducement for giving
the printing to this or that paper, while if the
contract to do the work is not performed, it furnishes
the motive for releasing the defaulting
party from the consequences of failure. The
public will recollect what a large consumptii n
of time took place in the debates which followed
the non-performance of Mr. Ritchie's contract.
Now the only proper remedy, we think, for this
evil is the entire divorce of the printing from the
political press. It is this union which is the
source of the prolonged debates by which the
subject is complicated. The contract system, duly
enforced, will be found jierhaps the best. The
establishment of a Bureau of Printing, under the
supervision of Government officers, would not be
found the most economical, if practicable. If the
printing is brought within the operation of the
principle of competition, with certain guards
against default or non-performance of contract,
excluding from bidding the condnctors of political
journals, we cannot perceive why responsible
contractors could not be obtained for this as well
as other public work. The mechanical means
and appliances, it is contended, could not be
found unless in connection with the daily papers
at Washigton. We do not believe this. If Congress
will give fair remunerating rates for the
printing it would become the interest of parties
wh.-? mnv desire the contract, to brincr wiirlrmnn
to Washington for its ready and faithful execution.
But as a neceasary part of such a system
the rigid enforcement of penalties for non-performance
is a necessary requisite.
The whole evil now is the connexion of the
political press with the public printing. If there
is default appeals to the sympathy of political
partizans become irresistible. The penalties are
not enforced, and never will be while there are
political associations to control the judgment of
members of Congress. It were better to estalish
a Government Bureau of Printing than to continue
a connexion that gives play to political
sympathies, if it is not the parent of intrigue,
and ma/^eome'the source of corruption. But
there can be no. difficulty in getting the
done by responsible Contractors unconnected
with the politicalpress:? Eve. JTews.*^
Letter from Daniel Webster.
Washington, April 10, 1852..
Dear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your letter of the 8th inst., and
thank you for what you are pleased to say of
niv fidelity to.arreat national whig: principles. 1
trust there is not a man in the country who
doubts my approbation of those measures which
are usually called " compromise measures," or
my fixed determination to uphold them steadily
and firmly. Nothing but a deep sense of duty
led me to take the part which I did take in bringing
about their adoption by Congress, and that
same sense of duty remains with unabated force.
I am of opinion that those measures, one and all,
were necessary and expedient, and ought to be
adhered to by all the friends of the constitution
and all lovers of their country. That one among
them which appcai-s to have given the greatest
dissatisfaction?I mean the fugitive-slave law?
I hold to be a law entirely constitutional, highly
proper, aud absolutely essential to the peace of
the country. Such a .law is demanded by the
plain-written words ot tne constitution; ana now
any man can wish to abrogate or destroy it, and
at the same time say that he is a supporter of
the constitution, and willing to adhere to those
provisions in it which are clear and positive injunctions
and restraints, passes my power of
comprehension. My belief is, that when the
passions of men subside, and reason and true
patriotism are allowed to have their proper sway,
the public mind, North and South, will come to
a proper state upon these questions. I do not
believe that further agitation can make any considerable
progress at the North. The great
mass of the people, I am sure, are sound, and
have no wish to interfere with such things as are,
by the constitution, placed under the exclusive
control of the separate States. I have noticed,
indeed, not without regret, certain proceedings
to which you have alluded, and, in regard to
j these, 1 have to say that gentlemen may not
think it necessary or proper that they should be
called upon to affirm, by resolution, that which
; is already the existing law of the land. That
I any positive movement to repeal or alter of any or
all tlie compromise measures would meet with
any general encouragement or support, I do not
at all believe. But, however that may be, my
own sentiments remain, and are likely to remain,
quite unchanged. 1 ain in f?vor of upholding
the constitution, in the general, and all its particulars.
I am in favor of respecting its authority
and obeying its injunctions, and to the end
of life shall do all in my power to fulfil, honesti?i
c a.ii.. ?ii I*. a.:n: MM r 1^1,
; ly aim iuiunuuy, ;ui its piu>i?iuiis. i iuut\ upuu
I the compromise measures as a proper, fair, and
final adjustment of the questions to which they
relate; and 110 reagitation of those questions,
no new opcring of them, no effort to create dissatisfaction
with them, will ever receive from me
the least countenance or support, concurrence or
approval, at any time, or under any circumstances.
I am, with regard, your ob't. scrv't.,
DANIEL WEBSTER.
A. G. Tavennek, Esq.
The Pardoning Power.?We are as little
disposed as any one, to justify the frequent or
hasty use of the power confided to the Governor,
of remittii g the penalty of offences. To use it
in any other way than in strict subordination to
the purposes of the law, is to abuse it, and make
it a source of great mi-chief. But the power
has been conferred, assuredly with the intent
that it should bo exercised on proper occasions ;
: and the indiscriminate or hasty condemnation
of its exercise is as improper as the abuse of the
power itself.
Governor Means lias been censured in two
eases, in which we think a true statement of the
facts will justify liiin to every impartial mind.
The first is the case of Sharp, convicted of manslaughter
at Columbia, and condemned to twelve
months iniprisonment and a fine of ?1000. 1 he
Governor remitted the former penalty, (not the
tine,) on the certificate of two respectable physicians
that Sharp's confinement had already greatly
impaired his health, and if continued, would
produce serious consequences. Moreover, the
condition was annexed to the remission of the
imprisonment, that Sharp should either leave the
State never to return, or give bond and security
of ?<2000 to keep the peace for two years.
The second case is that of Henry Wrede, who,
when brought before Judge Withers to receive
sentence for a misdemeanor of which lie had
been convicted at the previous session of the
Court produced the Governor's pardon. On this
occasion the Judge remarked that the practice
of pardoning criminals before sentence would be
more honored in the breach than in the observance.
But subsequently on hearing an explanation
of the case, he in open Court, entirely
withdrew his censure of the Governor's act.
The facts, we are informed, are as follows :
Wrede had been the owner of a grocery store,
which he had sold and delivered over to another
person. But he was in the store one day when
some stolen goods were brought in and disposed
of to the proprietor. For this, Wrede was indicted,
tried and convicted, in his absence and
without his knowledge of the proceedings. As
soon as he learned his conviction he voluntarily
delivered himself up to the Sheriff, and had
been in iail till the oo.oasion referred tn Thene
I ? -?J -dircnm^tances
being made known to the Judge
who presided at the trial of Wrede, he re
commended him to Executive clemency, which
in this case was certainly not abused,?Charleston
Mercury.
The Precept of Washinfton.?The following
sentence is from a letter addressed by
Washington to Lafayette and dated Mt. Vernon,
Dec. 25, 1798;
On the politics of Europe, I shall express no
opinion, nor make any inquiry who is right or
wrong. I wish well to all nations and to all
men. My politics are plain and simple. I think
every nation has a right to establish that form
of government under which it conceives it may
live most happily, provided it infracts no right,
or is not dangerous to others; and that no government
ought to interfere with the eternal concerns
of another, except for security of what is I
due to themselves.
.? "rtw ' 1
The Old Fogies and Young America.?
These terms dow form parts of oar political vo- .
cabulaiy, if they have not bejbrrie party designations.
Grave legislator!* at Washington use'
them. The press is redolen t of them. Many of
our readers may ask for a definition. We .cannot
furnish any but a loose description, and
must resort to personal illustration. We perceive
that Old Fogies is a phrase intended to ex- t
press the elder class of American politicans, and
Young America those who represent in political
sentiment the more ardent and enthusiastic of
of our countrymen. According to this classificafinn
f5nr> Piics Mr Buchanan. Gen. Butler, and
Gen. Houston are in the categoiy of Old Fogies, ^
whilst Douglas, Shields, and Stockton are the
leaders and organs of Young America.
Now these designations although not precise,
for it is hard to draw the line where age is the
point of division, are yet expressive of a fact of
much significance?looking rather to the future
than the present. They denote classifications
that indicate the character hereafter of our foreign
policy, if we comprehend their meaning.?
That class of our statesmen who venerate the
maxims of Washington are thought to march too ]
slowly for the sanguine and the progressive spirit 1
of Young America. Hence a name of ill-savour 1
has been bestowed on them, as if in their staid
and stationary opinions they were the enemies of 1
progress. To the reverse of this is the more 1
suggestive epithet "Young America," which leads 1
the minds of die more unreflecting to brilliant an?
A? nntiAnol fntnpii tn tlm 1
Ul'J J'UlIV'Iin UUI IJHHVIKU 1UW1UV W V??v "V....
zations of visions that have not yet assumed a !
definite form in the imaginations of the manifest- destiny
men. They look to territorial acquisition
as the dream of Young America which is to re- '
ceive embodiment in the jiossession of Cuba,
Yucatan, if not the whole West India Archpelago.
No specific scheme of acquisition is proposed.
No mode or means are suggested of acquiring
foreign possissions, which are hinted to
be necessary, not to round off our territory, but
to complete the Republic geographically?to
make the Gulf of Mexico, as the phrase goes
"our own closed sea." These suggestions are but
I dimly hinted at as part of the future of Young
I America, but enough is disclosed to satisfy us
that this idea of the bright hereafter is to be kept
constantly before mind of Young America, that
the ardent portion of our population may become
familarizcd with the conception of progress that
it suggests. The aspirations of candidates for
the Presidency, with whose success is associated
these anticipations of territorial glory, are upheld,
whilst the Old Fogies, who revere the councils
and example of Washington, and who move
quite too slowly over the field of national advancement,
are ridiculed. It is by such associations
that names are to work on the imaginations
like spells to influence political action, if
not now, at no distant period. The Republic is
to bo thrown from herequilibrum,not directly by
legislation, but finally by insidiously working on
opinion, by which it will be shaped, as well as our
elections, through the magic of names, and an
artful classification of our politcal leaders into
Old Fogies and Young America.
Charleston Evening News.
Comparative Power of Nations.?The ;
power of nations may be divided into three kinds.
1. Geography ; 2. Physical; and 3. Moral. In
geographical power, Russia, or the Cossac, stands
foremost in the rank of nations, having a territory
of four millions of square miles ; and were
her moral and physical energies in proportion, I
she would annihilate all other people. Great;
Britain, with only thirty-four thousand square j
miles, may be said to give the law to all Europe ; i
owing to her superior physical and moral power,
i The whole Austrian dominion, including Ilutij
gary and Italy, is only three hundred square
I miles;?with an inferior moral and physical
{ power t<> that of France. The United States
now possesses three and a quarter millions of j
square miles?little less than tuat of Russia?
with infinitely more moral and scarcely less '
physical power.
With so small a geographical power, it ap-1
pears a miracle that Great Britain should check |
all the colossal empires of Europe by moral and
physical power. Geographical power amounts i
is* n.dKinir in hr?iiwr rtnltr ?i Kacia for fhci I
development of the two other kinds of power;
as seen in France, whose 197,400 square miles1
enabled her, under 'the Little Corporal,' to not |
only hold all the European Continent in check
by her moral and physical developments on that '
small geographical organization, but even to j 1
menace with annihilation, at the gates of St. 1
Petersburg, the whole Cossack empire of four , 1
millions of square miles?which doom was only I
averted by such a winter as seldom howls even i
in Russia. :
Where is the power of France now? Ab- ;
sorbed by a vicious capital, and that capital .
(Paris,) absorbed by a standing army under an i
ubsolute master. What u lesson to mankind!
Purchasers at Sheriff's Sales.?We learn
from tue rnuaueipnia ruuuc imager that tne ;1
Supreme Court of Pennsylvania has decided that\ '
the purchaser of property f t a Sheriffs sale who 1
acts by agent, is not bound by the bid of his (
agent, if it exceeds the amount to which the 1
principal authorized the agent to go in bidding.? ?
The case in which this doctrine, was laid down, '
was one in which the Sheriff claimed to recover j
the difference between the bid of the agent and j
the price for which the property was subsequent- 1
Iv sold, on a second sale, after the principal
had refused to take the property at the price bid <
by his agent at the first sale. The Court deci- (
ded that the principal was not liable for any c
act of his agent, which was done by the latter t
in violation or excess of the authority delegated t
to him. \
A hov heariner the minister read that "An i
angel came down from heaven and took a live ! a
coal off the alter," repeated it thus : ' An Indian | c
came down from New Haven and took a live t
coalt off with a halter." p
t
An Irishman lost his hat in the well, and was v
let down in a bucket to recover it. The well tl
being extremely deep, his courage failed him be- o
I fore he reached the water. In vain did he call tl
j to those above him ; they lent a deaf ear to all b
ho said, till at last, quito in despair, he bellowed
out?" By St. Patrick, if yc don't draw mo up,
sure, ril rut tficrope /" ti
rflE Spi-VEIEKLY JOUmaIT
FRIIUY EYEWMQ, APR1I, 23,?ie52. jjf|~
THO.J. WARREN, Editir. 5 J
Our Cotton Market - - . j
The Cotton Market continues inactive, without macrial
change in priced. Extremes, 6 to 6 7-8.
Charleston quotations, 6 1-2 to 8 1-2.
In making up our Tuesday's form an awkward
ranspositiou occurred in the article of our corresponlent
"Richland;" we re-publish it to-day in proper
orm. It will be found on our first page.
Free Schools.
It Is presumed that the primary object of law
8 to do the greatest amount of good to the greatest
lumber. Consequently, that system which can best
accomplish this end should bo preferred. Happily for
js, our laws generally are not oppressive, and are only
Tiale really burthensome by our acting contrary to
iioir toonhiiiM Tr in iHlo to hnno for nerfection
? ? r
n finite things?we never can reach it Yet wj may
improve upon old customs and laws, and it is our duty
to improve. i
In the accomplishment of State enterprises, it is not
the policy of the government to look to the origin of the (
means by which they are to be attained, but to the ;
end in view.
Railroads are public benefits?therefore, it is but ,
right that tho State should tax itself for their construction,
to some extent, at least Colleges and
Schools are for the public good. TTe must not say
that the section of country immediately interested must
do the work?such institutions are generally those in
which the weal of the State is largelj' interested. It
is right that aid should be drawn from the common
treasury, while each has contributed its quota to tho
common stock, for the public good.
Having thus premised, we proceed. - Out of the
general tax, levied upon each citizen of the State, for
the support of its government, a certain fund is appropriated
for tho support of Free Schools. Each District
and Parish receives for its distributive share, three
hundred dollars for each member allowed it in tho
House of Representatives. For example: Kershaw
has two members, and receives six hundred dollars. It
must be remembered, in this place, that Kershaw pays
a larger tax to the State than three fourths of the
Districts and Parishes in the State. Charleston District
(St. Philips and St. Michael's,) pays the largest
tax of any other, and consequently is entitled to a larger
representation, say 18 members, which at $300
each, would make $5,100. Thus it will be perceived
that Charleston District receives nine times as much
as Kershaw, and has nine times as much political power.
But of courso Charleston pays for this in her taxes
which are nearly ten times as much as Kershaw pays.
The question naturally arises, is there nine times as
much necessity for tho application of this fund in
Charleston as in Kershaw? We doubt it for reasons
to be shown horeaflcr.
We beliove the present system is wrong or rather the
distribution is wrong. It should be applied so as to
meet the necessity as nearly as possible throughout the
State. Now the simple fact that Charleston District
pays such a large tax, and has such increased political
power, is a sufficient reason to warrant tho presumption
that the necessity in the same ratio is not as groat as
in other less popular and wealthy portions of the State;
for it must bo remembered tliat Charleston has not a
whito population corresponding with her taxes which
are paid. The proportion to Kershaw is about four to
one, as nearly as we can ascertain it. This therefore
shows that the application of the fund is not in proportion
to the white population, but is also upon taxation.
" A writer in the Lancaster Ledger, over the signature
of "McC'ottry," has satisfactorily explained this point,
and clearly shows that " the present mode of distribution
misapplies the fund, because it is not made to depend
uj)on and follow strictly the subjects of the fund?
the people?but also makes taxation necessary for its
application." We have shown that taxation is entitled
to representation, and therefore to a distributive
share of the fund, not in fact but in law,?is this right?
It would not do to say that because Kershaw pays a
larger tax to the State, than three fourths of all the other
Districts, that Kershaw should be entitled to a
larger share of the fund; this would bo giving to each
according to the amount paid into tho Treasury, and
the objoct would still bo unaltained. On this principle
the sparsely populated Districts would suffer immeasurably
greater than they do at present. So that it
seems about the best way to apportion the fund, unless
means were used to ascertain directly, tho exact amount
(or as nearly as possible) Of benefits needed in every
section of the State. If a census was taken with a view
of ascertaining precisely the number of beneficiaries and
the amount necessary to relieve their educational wants,
no doubt the appropriations now, almost indiscrimi
nately made, would be ample for the purpose. The
present system is unwise ; it does not meet the object
as freely as it should; it ought to be retnoddled, and
made to answer a better purpose.
The amount now appropriated annually, say thirty
to forty thousand dollars, might be constituted a
Free School Fund, subject to be drawn upon by
\ competent board of Commissioners or Supervisors,
with such discretionary power as would meet the wants
if their several Districts. The Commissioners, like
ither district boards, to account for all monies received !
ind expended. And the whole system overlooked by '
i general Superintendent, elected by the Legislature. ;
The Commissioners of Free Schools should at least en- ,
oy some power, as mueh as other Commissioners en- <
oy; as it is, to rcceivo and pay out the fund is all they i
lave to do. j
"We are wedded to no particular view, only that a ' <
ihnnge is necessary in the distribution of this fund. ]
Certainly among so many wise heads in tho State, at '
>ur next Legislature something will be done; at least j
o change the present system. Tho plan pursued by ,
he Stato of Florida might answer the purpose; elscvhere
in our paper to-day it may be found. 1
?? o l11iniv tuuio 13 iiu injustice in me pian winch wo j
iroposo. Where Districts are wealthy and populous, (
vhero they receive in tho Councils of tho State in- t
reased political power, it is but right that they should 1
to taxed, or at least a portion of their taxes, bo ap- *
iropriated for the moral and educational benefits of
boso less favored, and moro dependant. Nothing i
rould be lost to tho Slate at large, for wo hold that in *
he increasod intelligence, honesty and happiness of a
ur people, ample remuneration would bo found for g
he small amounts of pecuniary sacrifice each would ft
o called upon to mako. ^
The National Whig Convention is to be held in Bal- ^
moro on tho 16th of Juno. tl
\
\
??a??*V
"'"V* Opr- '--? -- T ~
"Our State'Convention meets in Columbia on
Monday next.^Mr.
Webster's Letter.
Mr. "WEBgr^it lias handed in his bid for the Presiieneyr
Atrmfrbe seen by reference to bis letter in
another column he endorses the compromise in general,
andtbe fogittre Shi t ! W yHWf * *
The Inclined Plans' A vofcteL( ) J
Tlie Augusta Chronicle states that the enterprising
contractors, Messrs. J. XS? bS
Q'ltllf/lnif Inn# tUn -?T. J xii
uui-uiuo^ uwv 11if uav;xk uruuuu uitj. WHJIIIHX* pmnc vu 7
the Charleston Railroad at Aiken, and that by the first
of May the cars r T nass over thenew route bj^-which
the plane, such a terror to nninj jnhnfiiiiiniH. is entirely
avoided.
A Secret Circular,?The Wilnjington (N.
C.) Journal has received a lithograph Tetter, frank-,
ed by "B. Thompson, M. C.,w dated New York1,March
16th, 1852, and signed by" sundry j>roinir
nent Whigs of New York, in which it is uitima-ted
that both Scott and Fillmore will bo thrown
overboard, and that Mr. Webster be nominated
as the Whig candidate for the Presidency.
Wo have been favored by the same if. G. with
a copy of the circular mentioned above, in which w? j
find the following paragraph: "We respectfully re-1
ccmmcnd that meetings of the friends of Mr. Webster
in your vicinity be held held." We don't know ofbutono
" friend" that ho has in this vicinity. If the committee
desire it we will request him to hold a meeting
Despatches have been received in Wf^ingtonwhwh
announce that Nicaragua had withdrawn from the proposed
confederation of Central American States and
had resumed her position as an independent State. Mr.
Kerr, the American Charge de Affaires, had presented
his credentials, and been received by the Nicaraguan
Government . iT
Thomas Monroe, Esq., an old citizen of Washington, '
one of the earliest Commissioners of that city under
the Presidency of Washington, and its postmaster frorr
1800 to 1829, died there on Wednesday last, In the
81st year of his ago. y
Texas Lands.?By an act of the last Legislature of
Texas, lands sold for taxes and purchased by the State
may be redeemed by their owners until the1 . day of
January, 1853, on paying to the State Comptroller or
the assessor of the county wherever tlio lands lie, the
whole amount of taxes due, with 8 per cent interest,
and a fee of one dollar to the officer.
t . t |
Gen. Cushing, Ex. Member of Congress, Ex. Commissioner
to China, and now Mayor of Newburypbrt,
Mass., is said to be the principal candidate for the new t
scat upon the bench of the Supreme Judicial Court,
which the Legislature of Massachusetts contemplates .]
creating at its present session.
Public Executions.?A bill lias passed the House
of Delegates of Virginia, to prevent in future, ,the execution
of the sentence of death in publie-7-ii was immcdiately
sent to the Senate, anil will no douty pass
that body: thus putting an end to these disgusting and
demoralizing spectacles.
h'-f'in t.tA
A lcttei writer in one of oar exchanges discourses
thus upon Jenny Lind's matrimonial movement:,
" Mr. Goldschmidt is a small, thin, weak,. hunjan
article, extremely inclined to take care of himself; and
has just apostatized from the Jewish to the Christian
faitli. lie won'Jenny by an assiduity of attention'beyond
all parallel. He never left her side. lier tastes
were his, her opinions were his own. And fh wiedding
him, Jenny firmly and legally so (arranged all her property
that her husband will never bo able to touch a -a
penny of it, and he submits to such a weekly allow- 1
ance of pocket money, etc., as, in her judgment, his
good conduct may deserve. These are all facts, and
you may depend upon them."
"Woman's Rights Convention.?The West Chester
Republican says it is in contemplation to hold a woman's
rights convention at "West Chester, Pa., on the
second and third days of June next.
Free Schools.
"We extract the following from the Spartan, one of
whose editors, Mr. Tucker, had received from Governor
Brown, of Florica, an account of the Common School
6ystcm of that young State.
"TheState of Florida has created a School fund, -s
which is constantly accumulating? aristaj^in pnrtTrcm
the sale of public lauds, reserved by the act of Congress
for educational purposes to that State, and in part by
taxation, and from other resources. The State guarantees
the amount of two dollars per annum to each child
attendiug the Common Schools, between the ages of
five and eighteen years; while the Commissioners in
each county, and the Trusteesof Schools in each school I
District, are vested with power by law to raise much
more by assessment There is one Superintendent of
Common Schools for the State at large, whose duty R
is?to report annually to the Governor, tho condition
of the Common Schools throughout the State; the mode
and amount of tho expenditures of School funds; plans
for tho improvement of the system, and ameliorating
tho condition of tho Schools; an exhibit of the number
of Schools; number of scholars botwoon the ages of
five and eighteen years; and apportion the School fund
among the several counties according to tho number of
schools and scholars in attendance.
This is an important office, and no system can operate
well without a genoral superintendent. '
There is one county superintendent for each county A
in the State. The Judge of Probates for each county
becomes the couuty superintendent by virtue of his office,
whose duty it is to report to the Commissioners t>f
schools for the county, annually; the amount of funds
proportioned to such county; to lay off each county
into School Districts of convenient size, defribe and
number the same, in or near the centre of which tho
School House is erected; to make an annual report to
the State superintendent between the months of July
and October, embracing a full statement of tho num.
bcr of schools and school districts in his county; number
of scholars receiving instruction; number of teachare
employed, and whether malo or female; and the j
amount and mode of expenditures of money ; to visit
?ach school in person in order to encourage and promote
its usefulness, at least once a year; to contract
tvith teachers for their services, pay their wages from *
tho county tend, and notify the trustees respectively
af such schools of any deficiency of money, to be supplied
by a tax levied within such District; and finally,
o act as public Examiner of Teachers, and, becoming
satisfied with their qualifications, to give certificates of 1
ieense to enter upon tho discharge of that important
ivork. jj
xins iook3 tine an omcient organization, really and
practically designed to accomplish great and good results.
}
There is in each county a Board of Commissioners
>f Schools, who have power by law, to raise, through
he Tax Collector, any 6um found necessary to sustain
he several schools in such county, to the extent of don- |
>le tho sum apportioned to such county by the State
uperintendent from the public fUnd.
There is a Board of Trustees for each School District
n the county, who have tho immediate supervison of
he school; and the inhabitants of such District, under
. regular call from the Trustees, elect their school offiera,
and vote the amount of tax to be levied withiu
uch District as may bo neoeseary to erect suitable Houses t
urnish suitable books, fixtures, 4c.
Any school Dictrict that fails to elect Trustees, or to
uild a suitable House, or to make a roport to the suerintendent
of the condition of its schools for the curant
yoar, shall receive no part of the school fund for
be sueeccding year. .