Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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/ tL I ifp v "\ -\ -x p^l p W^i^' ^|| | *f S^'lf | || itf^'^|j^'*| ^|j Xi| ||f^ i^! - >JI J^k U UP Jtl^||# JIK H IMM JC/1> Iklr JW JH- J1P BEVOTED TO LITERATURE, THE ARTS, SCIENCE, AGRICULTURE, MEWS, POLITICS, id., &C. TEEMS?TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM,] "Let it be Instilled into the Hearts of your Children that the Liberty of the Press is the Palladium of all your Rights."?Juniux. [PAYABLE IN ADVANCE VOLUME 4?NO. 38. ABBEVILLE C. II., SOUTH CAROLINA, FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 23, 1857. WHOLE NUMBER 194. RATES OF ADVERTISING. 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F>r nil ml vcrtipcmpnt-s set in (louhte column, Fifty |>er Cent, extra will lie added to the above rates. 1JAV1S ?fc II0I.L1XGS WORTH, for litnmcr ; LEE A WILSON, For Prrxn. MISCELLANY. Speech of the Hon. James h. Orr in the House of Representatives. Mr. Orr. 1 had not int.en<)i-<] to have participated in this debate, at least untill the in"s?a^? of I lie I'resident had heeti referred t<i the Cnnimilee of the Whole on tli< Slate of llit* Union. and ordered to In* nrin ted,?This d<-bato in the limine is unusual : and I, therefore, on the very day on which it opened, voted to sustain tlie demand foi tlie previous question on the motion to re fer. I am only induced now to say any tiling, in consequence of what, has fallen from my distinguished friend from Kentucky [Mr. II. Marshall.] who has just tak'-n hi: scat. liefore I commence, however. ] would like to inquire of mv honorable friem from Kentucky whether, if In* had been ; member of thw Inst Congrf-ss, he would havi voted for tin* passage of the Kansas an< Nebraska hill ? Mr. II Marshall. T will say this, in rf> ply to the question of the gentleman, so fa as the bill touches power over slaverv? with the Southern construction of the Kai sa* and Nebraska bill I would have votei for il ; with the Northern cunstruetion would not have voted for it. Mr. Orr. Every gentleman who oeeupi eu a seal in lias null, when that tun cam to lie p:isscfl upon, had to rli*t?*rii)iin* fii liiinsclf what construction it was sii?n*pti hie of. Now I tlcsin* t<> know of the <r.-ti tieman from K. triwkv wIh-iIiit. if h? lia been a ii?"inl?erof tin* floiisi*, what confirm lion h?- would havegiv?*n it, ami wlicthc upon that construction lie would have vote fur or against it ? Mr. LI. Marshall. If th'? gentloma wants inc. to construe the hill I will doit. Mr. Orr. I would like to have the pr?i tleman answer the question so as to inak it inteliigihh?. Mr. II. Marshall. T am like tho Pen ocrais. It seems I hat I cannot make in\ self intolli<ril>le. But I will explain. I my opinion, the nineteenth clause. I believ it is of tlie Nebraska bill contains a guarai tee that the State to be. formed out of tli Territory shall bo admitted with or withot slavery, as the constitution of such Stal shall itself determine. That I regard i conclusive and sufficient on the subject. In regard to the proviso contained in tli thirty-second section, if I had been here should have done as the gentleman from Tci ?es*ee from the Nashville district [Mr. Z<i licoflfer] did, and as a good many other ol Whigs did ; I should have construedllm proviso as consistent with the express gua antee in the nineteenth section, and I, ther fore, with this construction, should ha\ voted for the bill. li>it when, I find di -f.i.. r> wngiumini men ui mo i^i'iuor.rauc party h tempting to give a subsequent ronstruc.tio to tlio bill, ami destroy the guarantee tin given by introducing the new and dubioi principle of squatter povereignty?I say th if tbat i9 to be the construction of that bi 1 place my foot right there, and I am. (rainst the Nebraska bill. Mr. Orr. The gentleman has not a: swered my question rot. Mr. II. Marshall. Then T cannot. Mr. Orr. I hope the gentleman'will a ewer my quest ion*. either one way or tl other. It to a matter of no consequence, i far as the point to winch I wish to arrive concerned, what constructions may have sn sequently been given. Every member the House, at the time of the passage of tl Nebraska bill, construed it for himself; and ??k the gentleman from Kentucky whethe ? with the Miction lie would have giv? it, he wo},, mve voted foe it. * Mr. H. Marshall. If it does not can with it the power p( the people of the Te ritorife to cxclude slavery oeforc tlie tin tvt their adioissiou as States, I would ba< 4 ;:v, HHK | voted for the bill. It' it does, I would have 1 voted against it ; and I should have ascer tained certainly which ground was taken be- ; 1 fore I voted. Mr. Orr. The gentleman from Kentucky . has ability and exj>erienee enough to know, i that when he, as a member of this House, j 1 ! casts a vote, lie does it according to con- j v id ions of his own judgment and conscience, j K and not from the con>!ructions which a sub- ! 1 sequent Congress and subsequent parties may j ?iive to the measure under consideration. I Hut I will put the question to the gentle- j ! man frnni lCpntn/*L*v 5n ? . Would the gentleman vote now to repeal the Nebraska hill ? Mr. II. Marshall. I will answer the gentleman in this way : guided l>v the attempts that are being made by the northern Dem- : ocracy to construe the bill one way, and of the extreme southern Democracy to construe j the bill in the opposite direction, if the q?es | i lion were to arise, I would vote to repeal ; : that clause of the bill upon which the dif- i t ference of opinion arises. j Mr. Orr. Would the gcntlemain vote to ; repeal only that clause ? | Mr. II. Marshall. Only that clause, so | ; far as this question is touched. There are ! i other clauses ?.o which I am opposed, and i always have been. Mr. Orr. Do I understand the gentleman, then, to say that, if he had been a member of the House during the last Con' gross, with the construction given by him; strlf to the Nebraska bill, he should have ' voted for it as it was then framed and prej sent I-*.! ? Mr. II. Marshall. I have already said, ! ! that if I had construed it as .southern Dem- ! j oorats and southern \Yhi??s construed it, I j should have voted for it; bill if I had dream- i : ,..i ..c .1.- ? .? . i . i ^ I ch in uiu construction wme.n lias ueeu given ( i it by northern Democrats, 1 should have i voted against it. j Mr. < >rr. Then I understand the position I ' of the gentleman froin Kentucky to hethis: j in construing tint Nebraska bill as his own j j judgment would have dictated, lie should i : have voted f?>r it; but knowing as he now does | I that there are others who coiistiue it differ- j j entlv, he should vote against it. | Mr. II. Marshall. 1 desire not to be mis- j | understood, and I therefore say toiny friend < from South Carolina, that what (he bill , means of course depends upon the construction of the bill. Mr. Orr. Exactly. Mr. II. M.tn.hs.11 VnvV if VA11 vvl.r. I seil the lii!l intend to say that tlx; bill a.< i passed, contains?no matter how?the doc- i I n ine of si|tiattcr sovereignty, then I say I am ; I against it. | Mr. Orr. The bill does not refer the ! matter of of its construction to I lie Demo- j ; c.ratic party at all. It. refers for its construe- ' ! tion in :ili its parts to the courts, the proper ' 1 | tribunal for that object; an<l 1 will not. be j driven from mv interpretation of the bill ' been use another man, or set of men, choose ' to construe it diftVrently. 1 will wait the 1 ; decision of the courts before I will come ' | forward and distrust tin* constitutional con* : elusions to which 1 have come with refer[ i ence to it. ' Mr. II. Marshall. A single remark. I do 1 not feel di>posed to visit any censure on r* : tho?e in Congress who voted for the Kansas ' : awl Nebraska hill. If I had construed it j as mv friend from South Carolina I prc; suined construed it, I should have voted I he 1 i same way. 1'ut that is a very different | I question from the matter which is now pro"! sen ted.?The party with which the gentle| : man acts, hy I heir Cincinnati platform, put ; forth to the world, as the philosophy of the j Nebraska bill, and as the doctrine upon ; which they were to t?o into the canvass, a \ '* 1 particular construction of iliat hill, and that r ; const met ion, as stated by northern l>- mo i rials sanctions squatter sovcrcignly?so i j ?:iv the miwl distinguished members of the ' northern section. I ?1?? not ensure those i who voted for tlie hill, hut I denounce it I" when gentlemen make it, with that const ruction. part of their future creed. n Mr. Orr. The extent to which the Cincinnati platform goes, as I understand it, is ) siuiplv thi*5; it does not attempt to construe ^ i the NVhrn-ka bill at all. It announces as j a principle of the Democratic, party, that I when the population of a Territory is sufli, 1 cieiit to entitle it to admission into the Un' ; ion, it shall come either with or without sln^ J very, as the people themselves shall deter^ i mine. It does not attempt to construe the j Nebraska hill at all. I The gen leman from Kentucky during the te last session of Congress was on more than ls one occnssion very industriously and assidiiI ously occupied in endeavoring to produce ! confusion ur.rl lloclrily.firtM !.i l"? ~e Clio lillltk^ U1 I the Democratic party. IIo was occupied with the cftort lo convince the country that ,]. the Democratic p;irty was not standing up(j on principle ; and hence, when our distiuguished friend from Illinois [Mr. HiehardT. son] was nominated hy the Democratic pare. ty in this House as their candidate for the ff. Speakership, the gentleman from Kentucky ft_ tried in various ways to identify him with a construction which he knew would be n nun KiiiTiy wfiiiocrais, and nonce JS produce discord. Ilu failed then to accoigjf, piisli the result, aqd now renews the effort at, against the entire pnrty, to weaken it North and South. a- Now, I desire the gentlemen to understand that the Democratic parly, North or n- South, do not attach the importance to this issue on squatter sovereignty which he seems to attach to it hy the attempts he has - - - - iu n^nyuuy ?, hh mo cniei leaiure ot le the Nebraska-Kansas bill. The great obm> ject sought to be accomplished in the introis (taction anil passage of that bill was this : b- the continual agitation of the slavery qnesof tion upon the floors of Congress had prose duced discord and dissolution here ; it had I alienated the different portions of the Cont, federacy from each otlrer, and was threat:n ening the existence of the Government itself, and hence it was thought l?est by a ma-! y jority of the members of the Congress in r- 1854, to transfer as far as possible their agile tation from the Halls *of Con grew to the re 1 Territories themselves, llence tho great % .# : | | - an<l leading feature in that liill waste trans- . fer the legislation, ami power of Congress on slavery, ami all other subjects, to tlie Territorial Legislatures, aa?J let the popular will there shape and form the laws for their own government without restriction save the proviso that such legislation shouid he consistent with the Constitution and general laws of the United States. This was the great idea in the legislation of 1854, arid it has been indorsed in the late election of the people. Now, I admit that there is a difference of opinion amongst Democrats as to whether . this feature of squatter sovereignty he in the I hill or not. Hut the great point upon which | me L'emocraue party ai Cincinnati restetl wa?, that the government of the Territories lia<J been transferred from Congress, ami, carrying out the spirit and genius of our institutions, hail been given to the people of the Territories. 1 am one of those who do not believe in the doctrine of squatter sovereignty. I do not l>elieve that the KansasNebraska bill establishes or recognises squatter sovereignty within the limits of the Territories of Kansas ami Nebraska ; and the < process of reasoning by which I reach that [ result is, that I see no authority in the Con- j stitution of the United States which authorizes Congress to pass the Wihnot proviso or any antislavery restriction in the Territories ; ami I do not apprehend how Congress, not having the power, itself, can create an authority and invest a creature with greater |iu?i;i >tuu ?tiniiornv iiiilli 11 possesses. I know there are other gentlemen belonging to the- Democratii; party who think that the Territorial Legislatures are invested with authority to prohibit or introduce slavery within the Territories. I Jut the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Smith] the other day struck the true point in this controversy, and it takes all the wind out. ot* the sail of my friend from Kentucky, and leaves him higlt and dry upon land ; and I invite his attention to tins statements and arguments in referenee to it. I say, although I deny that squatter sovereignty exists in ilie Territory of Kansas and j Nebraska l?y virtue of this bill, it is a matte- . Iiracticallv of little fonsemienee wlu-tlier it . dot's or in.?t; nn<l I think I shall be a hie Id satisfy the gentleman of that. Tin* gentlemen knows that, in i vcrv 8lavch?il?ling community <>f this Union, we have local legislation and local polite regulations appertaining to that institution, without which the institution would not only lie valueless, hut a curse to the community. Without them ; the slaveholder could not enforce his rights ; when invaded hv other* ; ami if you had i no local legislation f.?r the purpose of giving protection, the institution would he of no j value. I can appeal to every gentleman upon this floor who represents a slavelmMing constituency, to attest the truth of what 1 have stated upon that point. Now, the legislative authoritity ofaTerritorv is invested with a discretion to vote for or against laws. We think they ought to pass laws in every Territory, when the : Territory is open to settlement, and slave- j holders go then1, to protect slave property. 1 lint if they decline ti> pass such laws, what is the remedy ? None, sir Iftliu majority of the people arc opposcil to the institution, ami if they fly not desire it. ingrafted upon their Territory, all they have to do is simply to decline to pans laws in the Territorial Legislature for its protection, and it is as well excluded :is if the power was invested in the Territorial Legislature, and exorcised hv them, to prohibit it. Now, I a?k lite gentleman, what is the practical importance to result from the agitation and discussion of this question as to whether squatter sover- j eigntv does, or does not, exi*t ? Practically it if a matter of little moment. j Mr. II. Marshall. I>o I understand the ! gentleman from South Carolina to take the I position, that if it is his constitutional riglit j to take his negro into Kansas, or any oilier | Territory, lie believes that liis right Incomes of no practical consequence unless lie has a Territorial Legislature which will protect him in holding that property ? Mr. Orr. No, sir. The gentleman from Kentucky lives in a slaveholding Slate, ami knows that there must be peculiar laws passed within the limits of the Stale, for I he purpose of securing that peculiar species of property. Suppose a party in a Territory inveigles away his slave, and there is no law making it a criminal offence, how do you reach hi.n ? Suppose an individual hnrbors your slavejphile in tho Territory, what remedy have j*ou against liiiu? Wliaf remedy have you to enforce the rights of the owner ngainst trespassers and intermeddles, unless you have a local Legislature to pass laws to enforce those rights ? I undertake to say that in the Slate of Kentucky, if there were no local legislation to protect the institution, the institution would be an unmittigatcd corse to the country. Mr. II. Marshall. The Constitution protects the slave as property. It does not establish slavery or forbul it in a Territory. Wlren the citizen goe? into the Territory with his slave, holding him as property, the political law of this country protects him in his property, whatever that properly is of rigtlt, and the common law of England furnishes him the remedies to assert his right.? If my slave is beaten I ean maintain detiuue or trover. The remedies I draw from the common law, ,lhe ,/ight to my slave from the relation legally established in a State, and which |does not change by my passage to ft Territory of my own country, where no law prohibits it. Mr. Orr. I suspect that the "only common law which the gentleman could appeal to would be the common law of the Territory. It certainly would not be the eotnmon law of "Etogl*n4C The Constitution of the United States gives tome, or recogniToo oil tUn T nam nil uic IIK7IU II^IIV VI pru^'ony & uaig vw have in my slaves in * Territory. It recognizes?nd enforce# il. It is not tho right of properly in slaves I speak of as requiring protection; but it is tbe*!ocs1 legislation of the Territory to prevent that property being trespassed upon, tampered or interfered with by others. Bot ! pan on. The gentleman said he ? ?. ? - .m V ? .... -V '< ~ ~ , - - - f told his constituents, as I understood him, | that he would not give the toss of a cop- j per lust ween the Buchanan Democracy of! the Nortli and the Fremont party. Mr. II. Marshall. I want to be understood on this subject. Mr. Orr. And I wish to understand the gentleman; for the comparison he made was to me somewhat, singular. i Mr. II. Marshall. I said I would not! give the toss of a copper for a choice between the Wilmot provisoisui of Mr. Fremont and the squatter-sovereignty doctrine of the northern Democracy. Mr. Orr. Am I to understand that the gentleman, in the last presidential contest, < did not care the toss of a copper whether the Democratic or the Republican party was successful ? Mr. II. Marshall. If the. gentleman is not astute enough to draw a distinction be- | tween a remark in regard to my general poliey and one in reference lo a particular posi- , tion, then I cannot expect him to understand me. I refer the gentleman to the connection in which I made the remark 011 which he comments. I was speaking of the practical consequences of the construction referred to, and said that thev wore the sr.nie [ to us whether we had the Wihnot proviso j or squatter sovereignty. If I was to be ! hung, I would not care whether it was with a rope or grape vine, [daughter.] If both views take away from me my constitutional ri^ht-s, it makes no difference whether the deprivation h * sudden, or slow but certain. Mr. Orr. I )iil the gentleman feel no inteiest in the presidential contest just closed, j ! ? lu>liv?i>n tin- 1 -??.i i:? I .... ,.Vw"vvm tuv jyvmvt. I one (UiU liUjlUUIIU'lII party ? Mr. II. Marshall. I liclievcd that- the Republican party only presented the dis- j tinctive feature of the Wilmot proviso on | the slavery question, and tliat il did not ! present any administrative question. Mr. Stanton. It presented the question ! of the I'arifie railroad. j Mr. II. Marshall, 'l'lie fact is, that I did not examine the platform of the Republican party very closely and fully, I stopped at. the. threshold. Learning their doctrine of Congressional power to prohibit slavery in the Territories, 1 knew that I had nothing to do with thrm ; and in regard to the Cincinnati plaitbrm I found invself. as in days gone bv, wit!i nil my antagonism to | the 1 ><*nn?rratio party. Willi reference to one tiling. I never ili<l know whether there was any platform or not. I allude to the j foreign polit e of the. country. Sometimes it j was said that the resolutions on that subject! were a part of the platform, and at others j that it made little difference how men felt a hot it. them. Mr. Orr. The gentleman replies to my question with a good deal of qualification. 1 have no doubt, that it is my obtuseness which prevents me from clearly seeing what is his answer. Let ine ask him another question. What would have been his position if Mr. Fillmore had been out of the way? Or, if it was evident that Mr. Fillmore could not be elected, by which party, the. Democratic or lb-publican, does lie tiinik (lie liest interest of the country would liu subserved ? Mr. M. Marshall. I never contemplated that proposition, as I always knew he would he in the way and what there is of us, we always keep 111 the way. Mr. Orr. Xot much in the way in November last. The gentleman twitted us for having ho few Democrats of the floor as hardly to be ablo to speak for the party. I had supposed that such a suggestion would hnv* railed up in the gentlemen's mind the mo-t unpleasant reminiscences. It is true that the Democratic members who usually swell this side of tlie House were reduced in nnmhers in 1854-55. Tin-re was then a wave of Americanism, or Know Nothing ism, which swept the country. and which brought my friend from Kentucky into the House, But. he did not ride that wave very far. When the organization of the House demanded the election of Speaker, he foundthat unless he cut himself loose from those with whom ho had acted previously, he would be carried to a position from which there would be no rescue in the future. It is to him and his coadjutors that the country is indebted for the paucity of members of the Democratic party, and he is the last man lh?t should refer to that fact, when he considers the sudden and disastrous termination of hift coalition with the northern Know Nothings. Mr. If. Marshall. With the gentleman's permission, I would state just here that I have had no coalition with anybody outside of the American party?pure and simple. Mr. Orr. I ought 10 have uoed the word affiliation. Mr. II. Marshall. Nor affiliation. During the contest for the Speakership for tlrs Congress, I was voted for four or five times. I afterwards voted for the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Fuller,] but not until after he had defined his position on this very | question, and when that defini'ion lost him the votes of his own colleague^ wlio believed in the power of Congress, to exclude slavery from the Territories. Mr. Orr. I do not find any fault with tho gentleman's action after he came here. My point is thiB : When he and gentlemen of tho opposite side of tho House were elected on the same cry of Americanism, . 1 1. I _ % ?! ?I - - - - men no nnd cigmy or moro n&soc.iates in the North, instead of five. When lie came here, ho found he could not agree with them, nnd severed his connection. He found thnt his conviction* of duty would not allosv him to 6tay with them nny longer. lie refused to vote for the candidate presented by the great bulk of the Know Nothing or American party in' tho North. Mr. H. Mandiall. If I did not vote for any of the eighty men the gentleman refers to, because of their opinion on the slavery question, I would coiUmend my example to his imitation, and advise him to get rid of northern Democrats who are not sound on that question with him. Mr. Orr. There is a fablo, gentemen well recollect, of the fox who lost nit tail. I refer to it without intending offooce. This ? . i.? fox went about saying that it was fashionable* to do without tails, and that all tlx; other foxes had better rut theirs off. But they did not du it. [Laughter.] The gentleman's northern associations were suddenly terminated, and now be tries to persuade the country that all other pnrties at the North are as faithless in upholding the Constitution as the Know Nothing or American party proved itself to be. The gentleman found that his affiliations in that quarter had resulted disastrously. Mr. II. Marshall. I desire to say that, knowing the party of the gentleman as I do. his fable lias no application to them; they ulways run loose ; they will never stop to examine the condition of their tails. [Renewed laughter.] Mr. Orr. Well, sir, the Demoeraey is pretty swift, as I have no doubt, my friend from Kenttirkv. from the exnerienee lie has h;ul in liis own State, during the recent canvass, lias ascertained. Mr. Speaker, perhaps some allowance ought lo be made for my friend's exhibition this morning lie has evidently been suffering from some acerbilv. Well, sir, losers have always the. privilege of being I grumblers ; nml my friend has seen, for the first time in twenty years, the power which has held an iron sway over the State from which he comes broken np. "The scepter hns departed from Judali." Yes. sir, Kentucky, the daughter of Virginia, and naturally of the mother, has at last placed herself in her proper position. She has ranged herself under the Democratic banner. This circumstance, I linve no doubt, has ruffled exceedingly the amiability of mv friend from Kentucky T have no idea that he has any kindlv feeling* towards the Democratic. party, or that he could see any merit 111 nut' * |)|A ma.n<?i?w>n !.*?* is at present a sore spot. But, sir, it is to he hoped that time, which cures all our : 7n car< s and troubles, and which can alone , ^ mire the wounds of the heart, may have a j 111 soothing --tf.-ct upon the feelings of mv j ^ honorable fri?>n?l, and that lie will, in the ! l' course of a few months, 1><> ahlc to command I sufficient philosophy to submit to the destiny which has la-en written for his party in ,r the State of Kentucky. e< Mr. II. Mar-hall. There is no nec.essi- ^ ty for pronouncing any funeral oration up- ^ on me. The 1 >einorracy has no possible . show in my section of the country. Mr. Orr. It is always the dictate of wis- y lorn to erect beacons to mark the place of J w wreck ; and my friend froin Kentucky is I , iar<re enough to make a beautiful heacon to i warn the unwary in the State of Kentucky. ! |( [Laughter.] tl Mr. II. Marshall. That l>eao.on will al- t? ways he kept shining hv those who have 8i lighted it heretofore. [Renewed laughter.] w Mr. Orr. I have said all that I desired t, to say, and close with a single remark. Let 0 my honorable friend from Kentucky now ? understand, and let him tak^it home with _ him and make what use he may see fit b when he comes to make another speech, tj that there is a difference of opinion in the {] Democratic party as to the proper construc- ,j tion of the Nebraska bill upon the doctrine ri of S()iiatter sovereignty. Let him make the j most of it. " rr The Herald's Recipe for a Penuy Paper, h oinee me aoominn ot the stamp dutieson *' news papers in England, many efforts in the way of penny papers 1ihv?* been made, and all, or nearly all, have failed. The Herald takes notice of this fact, and gives a recipe \ for a penny paper, which lie warrants will ? besuccesaful. Those w ho have started, have j, over shot the mark ; they lumber forth grave disquisitions. But the class who would be a glad of a penny paper does not care for any 0 of those heavy matters. It. wants new-*, but | j. light, agreealHe, popular news ; not stnpi.l R political speculations, but accidents and q murder!*, and battles and shipwrecks, and j, runaway matches, and the like. Then it 0 wants editorials, not about the private squab- jj bles of lords, but about the high price of H fish, atid the Sunday music, and the great 0 spread of scarlet fever, and the reasons why (j the maiines haven't got their prize money, w and the consequences of emigrating to America, and the right of everybody who p can read to vote, and so on, through all the 6< range of subjects which from the ordinary a" conversation of the indigent poor. Ii f, should not do violence to these people's minds 0 by attempting to cram down tlieir throats l( thing* they don't like ; but should had j, them, gently, luring them by a promise of w familiar to a knowledge of better things. So tor domestic news. A paragraph is all that (( Parliament deserves. The rest of the do- j, mestic news columns should he devoted to (!| the reports of meetings. The Herald is S| nearly right, and \'cry inanv of papers, even 0 in this country, would In*, the better of his instruction. Men tire of a paper that insists upon packing a moral precept down their throats with ever? paragraph. n t m w Recent Action or the Virotxia Elec- l' tors.?The Virginia Electors, at their moot- <:! ing to cast the vote for President and Vice- c President, of the United States nro under- " Mood U> have concurred in the recommen- 11 dation of certain persons to the favors of js< Mr. lJuohanan. This conduct lias been commented un, nr>d Gov. Wise and Senator " Hunter disapprove of it gravely. A writer in the Richmond Enquirer takes the mat- " ter up, and shows that the Pennsylvania 0 Electors, in 1844, united "in proposing to " Mr. Polk the distinguished .name of James Buchanan for the office of Secretary of Stnt?t The IVsmocratie member* - of the Virginia Legislature united in recoinmen- a ding uHon? John Y. Mason to a seat in the v Cabinet. Tbo Whig members, in 1848, rec- h ommended Wm. U. Preston to General Taylor. The Virginia Electors of 1852 R signed at least ten recommendations for every one signed by the recent college* and so v it is assumed that llio precedent has been too well established.to be t})4 subject of ex- 0 oeption. Though & custom, however, it is ' mofe hooored io the breach than the obser- 1 vance, The Printer's Toil. Blow, ye stormy winds of winter, Drive the chilly, drifting snow, Closely housed, the busy Printer Heeds not how the winds inny blow. Clifk, elick, his types go dropping Here nnd there upon his cuse, As h<> stands for hours popping Every letter in its plaec. Ilenven send the useful Printer Kvery comfort tnortnls need; Fur otir nights nre dull in winter, Hud we not the news to rend. Snd would be the world's condition If no Printer boys were found? Ignorance nnd superstition. Sin nnd suffering, would abound. Yet, it is the busy Printer Hulls tli<> car of knowledge on ; And a gloomy mental winter fcjoon would reign if lie were gone. Money's useful: yet. the winters Fill not linlf as high ? place As the busy, toiling Printers, King'ring type before tlie case. Yet while the typo th'-y'er busy setting Oft some thankless popinjay J.env?-s the country, kindly letting Printers whistle for their pay. Oh! ingratitude! ungracious! Are there on enlightend soil Men with minds so incapacious As to slight the Printer's toil ? See him! how extremely busy, Fing'ring type before the ense, Toiling, till he's almost dizzy, To exalt the human race. The Arrowsmitli Hoax. Tim London Times backs down, and alout acknowledges that it was taken in by [r. Arrowsniitli's account of the duels ami lurdeir, on one of the Railroads in Georgia, he following are extracts from an article in 10 Times of this subject. UuKss Mr. Arrowsmitli, the author ol lis strange story, can support his stateten's by some fresh and overpowering kidiMwe, his case is broken down. Mr. .rrowsmith must feel that it is due to him If, if he has any value for his character ot >r the good opinion of his countrymen, tc :L us know at. unco how it was that Ik as so grossly duped, it" duped he was. Ve can scarcely believe that a person ol hose respectability we have received sucli Hong assurance*, deliberately s;it down ti: ivent and string together a parcel of falseoods which must, of course, be detected in lie brief space oi time necssary for the in ichange of nails. * * * Mr. Arrowuiith's conduct, endeavor to explain it how e will, must still remain quite as unin Eligible to us as his story has sippeared tc ur transatlantic friends. There remains r course, in Lis favor, the bare possibility -in which, we need scarcely say, we do nol clieve?of making out liis case and set ng aside the testimony of the president o: ie line on which, as he stated, the series ol uels occurred. Whatever may be Mr. Ar >wsmiih,s plea, however?whether one ol enial or of confession and avoidance?he jay rest assured that no course he can ilopt will be so seriously prejudicial tc is character as that of maintaining : lameful silence. Bad News to Users of Tobacco. The Scalpel (a Medical, publiahed in N 'ork) for December, closes a long articl< gainst the use of tobacco with the follow '? : "In eating, the tobacco ohewer must loos* 11 delicate appreciation of flavor ; we liavt Iwerved, indeed, that he is very easily sat ilied by the filthy Irish crockery, and grea v and cold meat and vetritables of the bote r boarding house ; lie reasons his food ven ighly, l?eoauso of liis obtuse taste ; man\ f those unfortunates drink raw brandy fo lie same. The tobacco chewer rarley eat raw oj'ster, preferring it fried, and coatei ver with grease and its empyreaina ; if h< ikes it raw, he tortures the poor creatnri ritli popper and vin"gar, and sticks a fori' j it; he fan not elicit it gently from itearly prison with bis lips?they are clum and paralysed. Finally, and worse thai II, he erases to appreciate the chaste saluti om the rosy lip of love, and if the mist res: f bis blunted atl'-ctions should permit bin: > approach her cheek, iL can only bo will ent i?|> breath, ami averted oye directed to'aids bis pocket?the only attraction i eautiful woman, can possibly have for; jbaeco chewer. If I hero be a vice mon rostrating to the body and mind, and mon nu ilying to all tbc sympathies of man' >irituai nature, we have yet to be convince) I' it. Ii? v. Dr. Livingstone, the celebrated Af can traveler, has returned to England, af *r seventeen years' absence. He crossoi te great African'continent almost in tin LMttre, from west to east, has been where n? ivilized being had ever I wen l*eforo, and hai lade many notable discoveries of great val e. He had great difficulty in speaking i entence of English, having disused it s< >ng while traveling in Africa. lie hac ritli him a native from the interior of Africa 'his man, when he got to the Mauritius ras so excited with the steamers and vim us wonders of civilization, tliat lie wen lad, and jumpctl into the sea and wa rowned. j#'* Mr. Brown is very hard of firing; an< few days since, while he w?? conversing rith .several gentlemen in frprit of store lis negro boy Ben came upfeftd said: "Please, massa, give rpO two Wts, to *W ome 'baccer." J*. "Eli fw said Mr. Brojfffi, clapping life han< ip to his enr, to fortj^trampeL "Pl^flse, mnssa. m6 four bite to bu ome'baccer." r ' ^ * "Eli .1 Ben, yfrb're rWu* on - roe 'eh ! night a better UoertJ yon at^rstT [ForUr's Spirit. f-'-r Tom Sheridan out Shooting. Tom Sheridan was staying at Lord Craven's, at llenham (or rather Uampstead,) ami one 'lay proceeded 011 a shooting excussioii, like Hawthorn, with only "his dog and his gun," on foot and unattended by companion or keeper; the sport was bad ?thu birds few and shy?and lie walked and walked in search of gaum, until unconsciously he entered the domain of some neighboring squire. A wry short time after, he preceived advancing towards him at the top of his speed, a jolly, comfortablo gentleman, followed by a servant, armed, ns it appeared, for conflict. Tom took up a position, and waited the approach of the enemy. "Hallo! you sir," said the squire, when within half ear shot; "what are you doing here, sir, eh ' "I'm shooting, sir," said Tom. "Do you know where you are, sir ?" said the squire. "I'm here, sir," said j Tom. "Here, sir," said the squire, growing angry ; "and do you know where here is, sir ??these, sir, are mv manois; what d'yo think of that, sir, eh ?" "Why, sir, as to your manners," said Tom. "I can't say they seem over-agreeable." "I don't want any jokes," said the squire; "I hate jokes. Who are yon, sir?what are you?" "Why, sir," said Tom, "my name is Sheridan?I am staying at Lord Craven's?I have come out for some sport?I have not had any, and I am not aware that I am trespassing." "Sheridan!" said the squire, cooling a little, "oh, from Lord Craven's, eh ? Well, sir, I could not. know that, sir?T?" "No, sir," said Torn, "hut you need not have been in a par.sion." "Not in a passion, Mr. Sheridan!" said the squire; "you don't know, sir, what these preserves have r-ost me, and the pains and trouble I have been at with them ; it's all very well for von to t;ilk ; but if you were iu my place, I should like to know what you would say upon such an occasion ?" "Why, sir," said Tom, "if I were in your place, under all the circumstances, I should , say, I am convinced, Mr. Sheridan, you did not mean to annoy me; and as you look a good deal tired, perhaps you'll come up to ' my house and take some refreshment." The squire was hit hard by this nonchalance, and (as the newspapers say,) it is needless to add, a?:ted upon Sheridan's suggestion. "So far," said poor Tom, "the story tells for me, now you shall hear the senuel." After havinr* t repealed himself at the squire's house, and s having said five hundred more good thigs . than lie swallowed; having delighted his f host, and more than half won the hearts of i his wife and daughters, the sportsman pro> eceded on his return homewards. In the . course of his walk, lie passed through a i farm-yard ; in front of tlie farm-house was green, in I lie center of which was a pond, in the pond were ducks innumerable swimr ming and diving; on its verdant banks a motley group of gallant cocks and pert ) pill ids, were tooiluig; the tarmer was lean, ing over tlie latch of the barn, which stood near two cottages on the side of the green. L Tom hated to go back with an empty bag ; - and, having failed at his attempts at higher f game, it struck him as a i;ood joke to ridiF cule the exploits of the day himself, in or der to prevent any one else from doing it F forhiin; and hc.thmight that to carry home > a certain number of the domestic inhabiti ants of the pond and i?s vicinity would i serve the purpose admirably. l Accordingly, up lie goes to the farmer, and accosts him verv civilly. "My good friend," says Tom, "I'll make you an offer." "Of what sir ? " says the farmer. "Why," replies Tom, I've boon out all day fagging after birds, and I havn't had a shot. Now, both my barrels are loaded?T should like to take homo something ; what shall I give you to lot me have a shot with each barrel ~ at those ducks and fowls?I standing here ?and to have whatever I kill ? " "What sorl of a shot are yon ?" paid the farmer. "Fairish!" said Torn, "fairish!" "And to have all you kill ? " said the farmer, "eh?" "Exactly so," said Tom. "Half ? guinea," said the farmer. "Thai\s too ranch," said 1 Tom. "I'll tell you, what 1*11 do, I'll give J you a seven-shilling piece, which happens to he all the money I have in my pocket." "Well,"said the man, "hand it over." The payment was made. Tom, tme to his bar ' I gain, took Iris post by the. barn-door, and ' let fire with one barrel and tlion with the other, and such quacking and splashing, 1 and screaming and fluttering, had never ~ been seen in"that place before. Away ran s Tom, and, delighted at bis success, picked ' up first a lien, tlion a chicken, then fished out a dying duck or two, and so on, until lie numbered eight head of domestic game, with which his bag was nobly distended. 1 "Those were right good shots, sir," said the j fainter. "Yes," said Tom, "eight ducks and f fowls were more than you bargained for, old j fellow?worth more, I suspect, than scveif J shillings?eh ? " "Why, yes, said the mart, scratching his head, "I think they but what do I caro fcr that ? they are none - of them mine / n t,IIere,1t said Tony1 "I - was for once in iny life beaten, aud^mada 1 oft' ;i? no T onulit fi.r th? - - 1 y??M; er of my game might make hie appearance, > not bui that I could bavo given the fellow * that took mc in seven times much as 1 - di?J, for Ins (.Htnniiifr nnd coolness. F* . . ' I > ' ) "Why, Sambo, how black you nre P I nai?l a gentleman' the other day,'to a oe grQ waiter at an hotel, "how in the name . of wonder did yon get so black. f * Why^?. - look a lie-" massa do reason art dh ' a? t day dis clnid was born, der ewes an eeHppfc r Ebony received a shilling for his sJttWffMflo* ry explanation, and after grinning thanks | continued : "I tell you what it ts, m4jM? ; ] dis nigga may be brack, but be ain't green, t no bow 1*. Beautiful.?One pound of gold njay be 1 I - drawn into a wire that tvonld extend gj round the globe. So one good deed nwjr S i hfl fiplt tlirhnttk all tima ' rl Ita WU1 - ? sequences into-eternity,- Though done ra S y tlie first fiunh of youth, it msy gild the last 9 hours of a long life, and from tbe only biighi B I spot in it X ' Why is a nunery a place for daoofagj H ?Because it's a bawl room. 9j ; I 9 +{ /iv ?sdjAflai