The Union times. [volume] (Union, S.C.) 1894-1918, August 23, 1912, Page PAGE 7, Image 7
(Politica
____________________
BBgp^yr
W^L?'
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L. G. Southard, candid
County, says: "If I am el
the office and attend to yoi
"In going over the Stat
particularly impressed Wi
tombstones erected in eve
crossroads?monuments ei
to battle, to do their duty,
monuments erected to me
public responsibility restir
met their responsibility no
seen anywhere a monumer
some other man to do his c
"Mr. Peake says: 'I h
minute it was necessary fo
"DO YOU THINK S<
LONG ENOUGH?"
GOVERNOR BLEASE
AND THE GENERA
ERAL ASSEMBLE
Columbia, August 18.?One of tl
many elements entering into tl
present fight'on Bleaseism is the fa
that probably 90 per cent of the mer
bers of the last General Assemb
who are standing for re-election a
fighting the Governor on the stump
their own counties and pointing: 01
to the people their reasons for doir
so. Governor Blease says that the
men are liars and has been very bitt
againt them, charging them wii
having opposed measures simply b
cause he advocated them. In vie
of this situation the following r
view of the causes of the conflict b
tween the Governor and the Gener
Assembly is illuminating and presen
the facts as borne out by the record
The review was prepared by "one <
the leaders in the last General A
sembly, one of the most promine
men in South Carolina. The revie
follows:
The Conflict Between the Goverrn
and the Legislature.
"On February 7, 1911, after beir
in ,office twenty-one days, Goverm
Blease having become embroiled wi
the Supreme Court, because it desi;
nated Duncan C. Ray to hold Ric
land Court) when the Governor wan
ed his "friend," J. F- J- Caldwell,
Newberry, appointed ,sent a messa)
to the Legislature (page 508 of tl
Journal,) asking the Legislature
pass on the question (page 508 Hou
Journal.) He uses this languaj
(page 510): "I hope that you will r
fer this matter to the judiciary cor
mlttee of your respective bodies ai
that they will take the matter und
consideration and decide it, not up<
what their political views are towai
the Chief Executive of the State, i
what their personal feelings are t
ward the Supreme Court of the Stat
but upon the law, and give such a d
cision as the Court will sustain." I
to that time there had been no brej
between the Legislature dnd the Go
emor.
"The House immediately follow*
his suggestion and referred it to tl
judiciary committee. It decided a
versely to the Governor's contentio
and its report is found on page 41
of the Journal, and is a, most cou
teous and respectful statement of tl
law and was received by the Hou
and printed in the Journal. It wi
concurred in by every member of tl
-committee, many of whom had be*
supporters of the Governor durii
his campaign. It was also sustain*
fer
I Advertisement)
^.'*r>: "i H
u ALv V-*
ate-for Clerk of Court, Union
ected your Clerk I will sta^ in
lr business for you.
e of South Carolina I have been
th the costly monuments and
ry town, village and country
ected to men who went forth
and who did it and who died;)
n who had a great trust and
ig on their shoulders and who
bly and well, but I have never
it erected to the man who sent
luty for him."
ave stayed in the office every
>r me/
}? HASN'T HE HELD IT
by the Court, State vs. Davis, 88 S. C.,
204. So it conformed to the requirements
of the Governor. It was not
f political or personal, but legal, and
was such that the Courts would sustain.
The report was prepared by
a sub-committee consisting of H. K.
ct Osborne, F. B. Gary and W. F. Sten_
venson. Its conclusion also was adoptly
ed by the Senate committee (page
re 599.) J. R. Earle alone dissenting.
Ip . "On the 12th day of February an
u interview was given out by the Governor
a3 follows: "The judiciary
se committee of the "House violated the
er very section of the Constitution and
statute by having on the sub-corne_
mittee a brother of a Justice of the
;W Supreme Court. The other two members
are known of all men to be
e_ two of my bitterest enemies, and, of
al course, from them I could expect
ts nothing.'
|s> Report was Adopted.
of "The entire committee adopted the
s- report, and its members were: T. B.
nt Fraser, A. Vander Horst, A. G. Brice,
iw L. M. Gasque, A. C. Tobias, Jr., B. H.
Brown, W. L. Daniel, J. S. Bownmn,
or L. G Fultz, W F. Stevenson, F. K
Gary, George S. Mower, L. B. Singlelg
ton, J. F. Williams, T. F. McDow, J.
or B. Wingard, H. K. O: borne, P. T.
th Youmans, J. E. Davis, W. H. Earle,
g- J. M. Daniel and J. J. Evans, many
h- of whom had voted for him, but voted
t- to adopt the right. This was a^reflecof
tion on the integrity of the men on
?e the committee, and on the whole comoe
mittee, to whom he had asked that
to the question be submitted. It was a
se charge that they had allowed personal
?e feeling to decide a legal question, and
e- was an insult to the sub-committee;
n- and the interview was signed by him.
id "Not satisfied with insulting the
er committee that had done as he re>n
quested, decided it according to law,
rd he sent a message to the House (page
or 593) in which the following occurs:
o- 'Gentlemen, the report of your House
;e, judiciary committee on my message,
e- No. 11, is not at all surprising, as
' /uu win nuvtr iir bmiu uica??)(e l stuu.
ik 'I hope that the committee would act
v- upon the matter, not according to
their political views towards the
ed Chief Executive, or their personal
tie feelings toward the Supreme Court.'
d- * * * 'Now, gentlemen, I am serious
n, about this matter; I have asked you
90 to avoid a conflict; it is up to you. I
r- know my duty and 'when thq time
tie comes I am going to do it, as I was
se elected to do. I have no relatives
as in your body, but I hope I have some
tie political friends.' This was an admissn
si on that when he asked that the matlg
ter go before the judiciary commited
tee he was not seeking law, but poli?
**
tical buncombe, and a charge that
the House and cimmittee had acted
wrong from personal and political
motives. Up to that time the majority
of the House were his political
friends. Probably more than half of
them had voted for him and all were
trying to treat him right, but because
he didn't get the decision he wanted
he insulted, first, the committee to
whom it was referred &t his request,
and then the whole House who stood
by the report of the committee.
"Again, on February '15 (page 797
of the Journal) he sent a message to
the House which covers twelve closely
printed pages, and took half an
hour to read, in which he endeavored
to drive the Legislature to his view.
During the reading one of his strong
political friends in the election moved
to print without reading, which motion
was ODnosed bv Mr. Stpv??nsnn ns
discourteous to the Governor, and
withdrawn on that ground, and it
was ordered printed in the Journal
after being read, on motion of Mr.
Osborne, and thus the two members
of the sub-committee who had been
insulted by the interview intvflrvosed
and prevented discourtesy to hia Excellency.
(See-Journal.)
"Then came his veto of many items
in the appropriation bill, including
the salary of the stenographer in the
State Treasurer's office, an absolutely
necessary expense, and the pay for
factory inspection, which he called a
"useless expense." Then he appointed
his press agent, L. M. Green, to make
the factory inspection at $200 a
month, though the regular inspectors
got only $100 and expenses. Green
made his report up from statistics
gotten from the department of agriculture,
and made no effective inspection,
but collected his pay from the
Governor's fund for the enforcement
of. law. All these matters galled the
Legislature, as the fund set aside by
it was not for such purpose. As a I
result he did not have as manv noliti-1
cal friends in the house as formerly,
at the beginning of the session of
1912.
Conduct Toward the Senate.
"In the Senate he had been even
more offensive. The Constitution requires
magistrates to be appointed by
and with the consent and advice of the
Senate. In certain counties where the
magistrates and certain other officers
recommended as usual were men who
had not voted for him, he refused to
appoint them or any one else until the
Senate adjourned and then appointed
his friends instead of the men regularly
recommended. This was, of
course, resented by the Senate and
has caused great confusion and much
litigation.
"Consequently his .message of 1912
was expected to be of a dictatorial
tone, was found so to be, and -was received
with disfavor, apd his cliaSfS^
terization of a report made about the
State loan by R. H. Jennings, State
Treasurer, and a gallant soldier,
whose empty sleeve and spotless
character give him the respect and
esteem of all who knew him, as a "malicious
falsehood." caused a further
feeling between him and the Legislature
and all other State* officers.
Then came on January 10 a message
on the 'Libel Bill,' so-called, which
starts out as follows: 'I return this
Act to you without my signature, because
in my opinion it is the most
iniquitious measure that has ever
passed a Democratc legislative body.'
The message then for seven pages
dealt in language and illustrations
that the House deemed unfit to print
in the permanent Journal, and it was
expunged. The House in self-respect
could do nothing else.
"Then came many other vetoes
among them a bill to give the dispensary
funds to the common schools,
and a bill to investigate the State dispensary
comniission. He had explicititly
asked the Legislature to pass this
-last bill and then vetoed it and did
his -best to kill it. His postion was
arbitrary and his course offensive to
both houses, unless they would accede
to his demands in every respect. For
instance, he sends message No. 20
(page 274, House Journal) to correct
the spelling of 'explanitory.' He
says, 'I presume there will be some
objection to correcting your journal,'
etc. * * * 'I understand who prints
your House Journals, and I am not at
all surprised that errors continue to
occur, while I understand the Senate
Journal is printed by another party
and such errors do not appear therein.'
The reference was due to the
fact that the State Company was
priting the House Journal, but the
incorrect spelling had been done by
a typewriter in the House.
"These are only fair samples. He
started out with a majority favorable
to him in the House, but by hectoring
and scolding them and finally by
sending a message which was not only
unfit to print, but which was an
insult to the House, he alienated the
members until twenty members was
the full measure of his following in
the House and about five in the Senate.
Refused to Make Appointments.
"He again refused to make the appointments
recommended by the Senate,
and in defiance of the Supreme
Court and all law and precedent,
overrode .the recommendations of the
Senate and appointed those called his
1
friends. Now, can a man be right
when he starts out with the power of
the Governor' office and the dignity
going with it ,and with the majority
o fthe legislature favorable to him,
and winds up after a year of domineering,
scolding and hectoring with
80 per cent of both houses against
him, and every member of the State
Administration opposed to him? Is he
right and everybody else wrong?
Does perfection abide in him and
foolishness and knavery with the balance
of the Government?
"Again, he lost the confidence of
the House when he talked so loudly
of economy, actually telling them in
advance that they would need twothirds
vote for large appropriations
and afterwards tried to-help through
the State House job of a million dollars,
giving his friend Todd, of
Charleston, $60,000 architect fees. He
said in his sworn statement before
the committee (page 1,047, House
Journal, 1^12): 'I said that if the
Legislature of South Carolina adopted
Todd's plans and passed a bill to
complete their State House according
to those plans we would have the
finest State Capitol in any State in
the Union, and it would give me
pleasure to sign the bill. I say that
today, sir; and if the Legislature will
go up-stairs and pass it I will take
off my hat to them as having done,
in my opinion, the best thing that
they have done for South Carolina
since they have been members of the
Legislature.' And this was the bill
to spend $1,000,002 on the State
House, $60,000 to go to his friend,
Todd, of Charleston, as architect's
fees. This shook the confidence of the
Legislature in his sincerity in his professions
of economy.
"Again, when the Legislature was
ready to adjourn he sent word by his
friend Appelt that he had sent all
bills to the Secretary of State's office
to become law except one or two,
which he would dispose of in a certain
manner. The Legislature was
about to adjourn when a member
called attention to the fact that if it
did so not one of the bills would
be a law until the second day of the
term next January. That the county
supply bills would be no good, and
many other important measures
would be hung up until next year.
Did he know this and set a trap for
the General Assembly? They thought
so and were forced to stay in session
three more days to insure all bills becoming
law. It developed that the
Kill ohnli cllin cr /licnrlnooMr oAm
mission and separating it from $28,000
which it was spending, doing
nothing, was not even sent to the
Secretary of State's office, and as it
was known that he had tried every
means to kill this bill, search was instituted
for it. He couldn't Droduce
the receipt from the Secretary of
State for it, and the clerk of the Senate
produced his receipt for it, showing
that Blease had it. Search or it in
his office resulted in finding it in the
desk of his clerk under other papers.
How did it get there? The Assembly
generally concluded that it was
designed to be lost and thereby killed.
Maybe this was not correct. It was
lost, and if it had not been found it
would have been dead. Is it surprising
that the Legislature lost confidence,
and therefore respect for him.
W. F. Caldwel.l
Robert W. Herter, Lawrenceville,
Mo., who had been bothered with kidney,
trouble for two years, says: "I
tried three different kinds of kidney
pilb but with no relief. My neigh
1 *?!.] ?? ? rr: j
WUI tuiu I lie: LU UftC X" Uicy XVIUI ley
Pills. I took three bottles of them,
and (jot a permanent cure. I recommend
them to everybody."
The Rice Drup Company.
Mother may I po out to vote?
"Yes, my darlinp dauphter,
Don't you vote for a dollar note?
Charpe 'em two and a quarter."
Milwaukee Sentinel.
** - ' j^bP^ *
J. HAY FANT
FOR
Sheriff Union County
Aged *33 years. Reared on Farm
Until 21 Years of Age. Since Then
Has Worked in Monarch Cotton Mills.
Your Vote Will Be Appreciated
^ ?
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