Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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tcu, of Union and Suburbs j qp || 11 T T \T T JHk ^ T Ail TP Five Large Cotton Mills, One Knitting 1 j?? I ? ' 4/\m '^1 i I W I ? J M, K\rtr\c Kailw*y. reputation 7,000. end Spinning Mill with Dye Plant, v I W\ , ? ' ivlf I 4S 1 I II JL~^ *'leC" " S^^W^-YOUI ? U/E^nrtke . ? ' '* aecommoc aim is to ma .... spect YOUR . all may feel t-r iVfiere those , ~ may expect tl as those more Wtfi. NICHOLS i<LRO RULE is MISRUL Ex-Governor pGombe ^ loin Declares liisAdmi fp -wp. (Oil uiiuii proved th ^ and in Pact Remains tli K- Same Today- " To the Editor of the HSralflT |?? wish to offer a few observations t way of reply to your several ed tonal articles on my "Open Le ter" to Mr. James Bryce, pul lished in the Charleston (S. G. News and Courier of the 1st insi As my remarks must take mor than a little space, if I do bu : scant justice to your nearly fiv full columns of editorial commen ? and criticism, perhaps I can a -i the outset conciliate your favoi a little by saying that with th< present letter to the Herald wil absolutely close my discussion oi the negro question for a long period, unless in the quite unlikely event of there being a loud call upon me for further writing. I must stop here for two reasons: First, because my health, so poor at best, has been appreciably injured by the apparent necessity of reading and in some cases jjk replying to, commenta on mvlSBB ? --r-j ~? ? wsr or uilHCKB On'me JOl? wTfl.lHy it; second, because the subject, so far as it is connected with my Bryce letter, seeqtis to me to have had sufficient discussion, certainly for the present. I think it is time the piece were withdrawn from the stage. I felicitate myself much that on a theme so worn and fretted by discussion in all moods and by many hands, some or a few competent, but most of them clearly incompetent, I have been able to stir up a really serious and somewhat fresh discussion of some salient points of present pressing importance. Though of course newspapers have acted for their | own interest, not mine, the result has been rather striking, I think, and I have noted a few facts which have marked the discussion precipitated by my Bryce letter and which have come to my knowledge. Five leading newspapers in Philadelphia, Cincinnati, New" Orleans, Vicksburg j?L* and Milwaukee have reprinted pfe tine letter in full; thirteen more jp? ' .- lteve printed verbatim all the s' principle parts of it; forty-eix . others have published leading edfl itoriaj articles exclusively given to its discussion, while over 150 more nve noticed and commented onjftfiore or less fully. If, , there?# there is virtue or safehm 4,y in d)|cus8ion, some good Way have come, or may come, in this case. Of course I have not seen all, perhaps not nearly all, the articles, and I am told that the discussion is still going* on in newspapers of less circulation warn yon, if warning it may be called,- that I % * must speak, if 1 speak at all, of gj# your editorial articles with entire, though always with respectful freedom, ana perfect candor. You have used a free pen; 05 shall I. ' v The News and Courier having , charged you with discussing the negro, question with a'Jfatal narnowne8s of spirit ana. plentiful I lack df real knowledge,M I as.' .sitme that by this was meant nar rowness fatal to wise or fair and, Jp<, ' valuable discussion. This charge ff you resent with warifcth, and on the pdint of lack of knowledge / you liken the negro question to the tariff, in that the latter is "a more intimate and poignant issue K in dome States than others." Do you mean that the tariff changes with change of locality, that the s an earnest effort to " late alrctasses. Our * ike this In every rebank; a bank where . at home*' a place ^f moderate means } , understood bj e thoawyKaj5n the spot have seer t i^lHRpfown its workings anc e ene?BnS? .actual observation, ti Yoii^cJte your familiarity with 11 newi^wtpers, addresses of Southrlcrii^rtifti, and debates in Con; j grew^ All this is well as far as I it mte; but the negro is a human f be^y who can be but very im pe?ctly known except by actual coiHttlct. Almost the only valuable ItApvjledge of him must come frojia one's own contact or the testimony of other actual observers. The former I assume you httte not had, as you do not menti|Rit. Your discussion will, jBHtf^re, he, as c' "fA'd cmt,rp V~V I. rccpntUM.v -r t.0 gay, of litgue a'fcout the negro uW ?uat ought to be done with him and for him far better than I can, but whefi you come to practically handling him, so to speak, you have what The News and Courier correctly describes as "plentiful lack of real knowledge of your subject." a ~~ " .n-kcuu u? iaj narrowness ot spirit." You show it, probably unconsciously, in talking about the negro being "human," that they should have "citizens' rights, privileges and opportunities equally with other citizens upon conditions that do not unfairly discriminate against them because they were not white men." As if anybody anywhere, who is of any consequence, at the South denied all or any part of t^ia! Who denies that the negro i| human, or that he is entitled Vifejf and equal treatment with men *n ricrhts. privilflB^ and opiy rtunities whichMft the gifts or subjects of the lai^ROo you know, or can you ik>Ih^o, any instances of practieawfttjleoretic denial of all this? Nadfcou coolly assume that such denSBBferthe condition in the South. ?f^on this unwarranted anojfalse assumption you proceed to tondemn the Southern whites and bemoan the cruel fate of the "Southern negro. First, give yourself a basis of fact, and then construct your argument according to the fact. Not to do! this, as you do not, I call "fatal narrowness of spirit." Again, you talk pf "disfranchisement in order to secure white supremacy." Cite your cases. Tell us where this is done or attempted. You are wiser than I?no violent supposition, I admit?if you can do it. You probably refer to or jiave in iiiuiuacerr^in provisions 1 jiaced in the Constitutions of i of the' Southern States ! oeanhfipon the suffrage. Every ! one owl these, provisions bears; equally en whites and blacks. 1 Cases tb toft these provisions as to illegal $#crimination have been before the;Supreme Court of the United States. Has any one of these ifrgivfsicms been set aside? Not one, | say, therefore, that so I long as the South acts within its legal rights in regard to the suffrage it is not censurable. The faot that you do continue to cen- , sure the South for this is another ; evidence of "fatal narrowness of spirit*" 4 L; ?"? 1 ** Hi j You say you try to "eneour I aUfrvliberal Southerners." V I OT they? And how do you I courage them? So far as I K see, you do it only by stimul ing, if you have any infhiei there, a desire or effort to lov turn laws which the Suprei Court will not overturn or i aside. This, too, I call "fa narrowness of spirit." You ask if the Alabama page age cases were "fakes." I a mad you alluded to those ca? for they will <ee&? excellent ,:j pieonage c^ses were not "fakes; m and they were ^ried in a court Vw which tne judge Art'd district a hu torney were both Democrat: 58? They were quickly and effectiv< 118 ly tried and peonage was kille *e in Alabama at one blow. Th he Judge and district attorney ar ^ among the very few, almost th only, Democrats appointed b; iJ} Roosevelt to any hign office ii al the South. This is a pat illustra ie tion, not only- of what can tx ? done, oug^t to be done, and wil e be done by the best men of tlu d South whenever they have the n power to act. It also illustrates e the extreme folly of your outcry " about the negro because he is not in nolitir?ol ** mm ?j^wer at tne South. | You make what I may call 1 an ad hominera argument when you allude to any administration 1 in South Carolina as showing that a "Republican Government in the Southern States was not a chronic or incurable evil, even with colored men as voters and officeholders." Sir, I wish to tell you that my administration showeafho such thing. It showed p^cisely the opposite^ and perhaps I had better repeat here, if the matter is of any importance, what I have so often said, that the lesson of my admistratfrr&SSt witha eredonderafcL; ing electorate oYnegroe^rTtn^] ^^?Lthin4he_houn<b_of po*g more possible now; Giving me credit for qualities and abilities for rrcmagement, tact and what ^ not?qualities I never possessed_what could I do from 1874 to 1877? Merely retard a little the crevasse ' of corruption and misrule ev?r gathering force behind me and sure shortly to overwhelm melt is ungracious in appearance to reject intended compliments, but I am trying especially to tell the truth on this Southern negro question to ears long innred to untruth on this theme. i As to social equality, to which you allude in a manner which I greatly regret, let me say that if you regard it as a mere bogey of I the whites of the South, I do not. It is a real danger, or a reality, ; if you like the word better. I ; have seen two Republican Gov- i ernors entertaining negroes, male ] and female, at their houses, in ; drawing rooms a<ffl at tables. \ That is what I call social equal- < ity. What do you call it? It ] will happen again, too, if the ne groes ever return to power. I ^ say nothing now of the right or { wrong of it, but since you treat ( it as a mere chimera, I take leave \ txyinforra you that it is a very , hard fact. ] To my views on lynching you j five an entire editorial article. s ou call my attitude "apologet- \ ic," a gross injustice to me for ^ which you have no excuse. I 2 wrote the Bryce letter principally j to say what I did about lynching. ( I will not traverse in detail what T you say in reply, further than to t reiterate all I there said, and to j add, in no disrespectful spirit, j that the trOllhl#> with vnn oanofl. x ...... J .U|/vv- J ially on this point, is that you t have only, in the words of The T News and Courier, "a plentiful s lack of knowledge" of the sub- c ject on which you preach and dogmatize. t Now will you allow me to say 8 a word here in response tee the y note of Mr. Moorfield Story in j your issue of the 10th inst? Mr, 4 Storey knows already, I hope, f that I hold him in the highest re- y gard. For his character, his r opinions and his conduct I have aa fj much respect as for those of any y man I know anywhere. f Mr. Storey puts to me what I y am bound to suppose he regards | t as a pertinent question?why, if j t the negro is hopelessly inferior,' e do the whites fear the effect of I v , ^ hi-s ifff en-i upwM cr 18 a f?u h at* ^ufW'riihC^Kr,(> to hinder ice the JWfe &ress upward; er- thrr t*PP?site; second ?e the-South believe Jet as moK^ Storey, or Hal as f?r the not believe^nor s* ei!^^W?*seen uotably at ^W^ Hton Head, S. C., non-progressive ^^Wr^?uth. so far as the " "^qT fryPconcerned, but the in spofwh fca~ educatipn of the t- kinfhicjif l suppose Mr. Storey % belflB in ihas been* uwatenraptfedl&li|d.by Northern teach6 hinfthl^ with me and I will e shdnWKjw lye he knows of e thdhnt'bn which he calls me y andie S<WPiJK> account. Man 1 of ju* I ao ffct see how we of - thjfojrth, gr particularly of New 2 Ei^cR-puch men as you and 1 Mr| Storey and I?are better J tni the people of South Carolina i or labsuna. They worship the i sar Got, read the same Bible, rep tt the same prayers, keep theJommandrnpnts as woll oa ?r? do# these be your tests. They hain fact, one great quality, wl jh I think puts them higher tha most of us. I mean the hi| i, almost highest, great quality-fortitude?the quality which Bu ce had in mind when he vvr<? this memorable sentence: |"Tey only can aspire to act gr? itly who are of force greatly to suffer." Of this force the Soiihern people have given the last full proofs. With our slight, per iaps/io, knowledge of the peculikiTv* *blem put upon such a ?eo?)leJ lust we go on forever istrua vg, denouncing, criticisjag Uii idly, if not cruelly, such xh<?y have their faults, them anyf problem they may meet. An<p when X say let them alone, I do iiotmean let them alone to do vs ikng or cruelty to the negro, I - ti let tnem alone to do the best tliajt, in their better judgment, can) be done for him?far more anqi better than we can do, a thousand or two miles off. This, I suppose, will entitle me to be again called "extraordinary," at least by Mr. Storey o?.*?i-u me opnngiieiu nepuoncan. I endorse every word of Mr. Storey when he asserts that "it is clear that the South should give the negro the best education possible." Up to the full limit of its ability, the South is doing it to-day. Mr. Storey, give us your bill of particulars; make your implied and express charges more definite and certain, in the phrase of our profession. Till you do so, I can only put in my general denial and ask judgment on the insufficiency of your complaint. When Mr. Storey allies me with men of the' South who "iniist that the negro is incapable >f being raised by 'any education x> an equality with the white man," he does me an injustice. [ hope the negro can be raised to i respectable degree of good jense, good capacity for work md service for the white man as w$ll as for himself. His lot is ind will be to serve, in do degraded conditions, but for full J - " " >uxitpc:iiaaLiuii itnu wnn iair treatnfent, the superior race, I expect 16 more. Tnis assertion will, I fear, give new appropriateneess n Mr. Stbrev's mind as well as he minds or others, to the epihet "extraordinary," applied to nyBryce letter?an epithet which Kerns a favorite one with many >f my critics, but one of which I lo not complain. Once I did not ,hink so; make the most of that is you are sure to do. But do rou and Mr. Storey imagine that am gbmg to continue to live in 'a fool's paradise" after I have ound it out? You may do so; if ou like; I shall not. That a i nan at 60 or 70 holds opinions he j lid not hold or contrary to those i le held at 30, I think, raises two j avorable presumptions; first, : hat he is honest; second, hat he is more likely to be right j han the man who has not chang- ' d. For example, how often do j ve hear an old man boasting that; F. M. FARR, President. f *** j t ?p MeroMlwiiid Pla Successfully uolft^8S in the OLDEST Hauk i C B has n capital and surpl is the only NATION A j 9 has paid dividends ai i 9 I pays FOUIt per cent. 3 is the only Hank in Ud H fij has Uurftlar-Proof vat pays more taxes thau . ^ WE EARNESTLY SOL *?????_?^ ^ . he never voted any ticket but the Democratic or Republican, as the case may be. Such a boast is a perilous confession. Presumably it means' that the man has done little or no political thinking, made no progress in that great science or study. Now, my dear sir, I reach the end of what I have strength or disposition to write, perhaps ot more than you can easily find room for. You have on many occasions in times past said words of respect and compliment of me far beyond my deserts; sometimes, too when compliments for me were not too frequent. Every such word I hold and shall ever hold in grateful recollection, come what may come. But in controversy we do not deal in compliments. We take off the buttons and thrust at vital points. At any rate, that is what I try to do. Having published this reply you can hammer me every day as you have the machinery for doing, but however, that may be, I shall remain, Faithfully yours, D. H. Chamberlain, University Station, Charlottesville, Va., August 29, 1904. P. S.?Since concluding this letter a copy of the Indianapolis i xAiyrust 20 has come alone, I judge xhm u.r* or to be very polite, an Afro American paper. Its specia grievance is what I said in the Bryce letter about the negroes o1 the South during the war; and j recall your complaint of me or the same score. I am sorry yoi do not look and see what is saic before you rush into criticism o1 it. I said nothing of the negroes in this regard, except of those who remained at the South. J said, "The negro race of the United States, which was in Cll O ITAVtr ? *? ?' - 1 1 * ' ijic* v ci y , mi utiv I1U Bingie DlOW, * etc. This is strictly true, is it not? I agree with you that the fact is to the credit, greatly to the credit, of the negroes who were in slavery; but it is also significant of low manhood and an unenterprising spirit. It is impossible to conceive of white men, especially Anglo-Saxons, meekly accepting slavery, when there was a chance to be free at any cost to their masters. D. H. C:?|: The Southern Mills. S The report issued by the Uni|fcd States Department of '-AjSpiMture a few weeks ago said f "The rapid growth of ctjfton spinning in the cotton-gtfbt&jng states within the past few ^ears is one of the most remarKable events in the industrial history of the times. It is of more than local, or even national, significance. Ten years ago the 321 mills in those states operated 2,I 167,242 spindles and consumed only 723,329 bales of cotton* In 1902-03 there were 640 mills opJ erating 7,100,292 spindles and i consuming 1,925,954 bales, an increase of 228 per cent, in the ! number of spindles and 166 per | cent, in the number of bales con; sumed. In 10 years, therefore, ! practically 1,200,000 bales of American cotton have been withi drawn from the world's suppljl& j in order to meet the increased* demand of southern mills;" iy' The past year has not "been [ what it woula have been to the mills of the South had there been plenty of cotton to spin, but at the same time they have imore than held their own witlu their rivals in other parts of th# world, and the time when the south will be pre-eminent in the manufacture of cotton goods is just one year nearer. The gross takings of the south W V AA A JJA&AV* .m.h'l I ' 11 ~ l?iV M > t 7T ' JvbkARTHUR, Cashier. nters fifeional Bank, itieM rtithe "Old Stand." n Union. U8 of S100.000, L Hank In Union, nountlng to ?200,400. interest on dopoelts, ilon inspected by an ollloor, lit, and Safe with Time-Lock, ILL tho Hanks In Union combined. ACiT YOUR BUSINESS. i ern mills for the year were 1,; 889,032 bales, as compared with *** l 1,958,415 bales in 1902-03, and 2,r 016,582 bales in 1901,-02. The great cause of this was the small crop; the secondary cause ; was high prices. With even a moderate crop the takings of the i South, which ten years ago con sumed less than 700,000 bales, ? would have been much greater I than ever before.?New York ' Commercial. "Beforeday" Club. Macon, Ga.?Specials to The , Telegraph from Athens say there is some excitement and much talk over the securing of what is said to be positive evidence of a "Beforeidav" plnK ?i ? ?viuw in vjicirivc ' county, and Sheriff Weir is in ' readiness to serve warrants against the negroes implicated. 1 The names of six alleged mem* bers of the club are already known. They are all farm hands and live on the plantations of six well-to-do farmers who are marked for slaughter. The aim of the negroes is said to have been to wait until some cotton had been sold by the farmers and then kill the men, rob them and | burn their houses. ! Peace warrants will probably IT for the negroes impli! f ecution. ?The State. \ Damage to Texas Cotton. i | An Austin Telegram of last ' Monday says that Jefferson John5 son, chairman of the State Boll * Weevil Commission, has just com^ pleted a trip through most of the ! cotton-trrowinir rmmfi'oc. XT?*i w _ .. .vU..vivc Ui XX UI LI1 jj Texas, incidentally visiting Dallas, Franklin, Hunt, Delta, Collin, Lamar and immediate coun1 ties. He says that the crop is 1 rapidly deteriorating even in ' counties where there are no boll weevills, which is due to the extremely dry weather and the presence of boll worms. He states that those counties are suffering almost as much as are the boll weevil districts. Mr. Johnson asserted that the Gov; ernment estimate, made in July, must be considerably changed, as \ the September conditions are far u.iL?iciib Hum tne prospects promised in July. He said the crop is almost identical with that of last year. This view coincides with reports from other sources, and is certainly a fair statement of the situation in McLenan County.? The Waco (Texas) Tribune. To Rob and Burn. Norfolk, Va., Special.?Southern railway detectives have captured in Sussex county, at a station called Homeville, a band of 12 negroes somewhat similar in purpose to the "Beforeday" clubs being rounded up further south. This band styled themselves the "Rough Riders" and their object was to rob and bum houses and "*j tnes in the vicinity of Homee, the detectives allege. The captives are charged with fobbing anaJaurning the Southern railway station at Homeville and with plotting to rob and burn the general store of Bert & Chapel at the same place. The leader of the band is Bud Tucker. *The crowd is confined in the Sussex jail, a wooden structure, and the detectives fear they will make their escape. An effort will be made to have the gang removed to Petersburg /for safeIty.?1The State.