The Union times. [volume] (Union, S.C.) 1894-1918, September 16, 1904, Image 1
tcu, of Union and Suburbs j qp || 11 T T \T T JHk ^ T Ail TP
Five Large Cotton Mills, One Knitting 1 j?? I ? ' 4/\m '^1 i I W I ? J M, K\rtr\c Kailw*y. reputation 7,000.
end Spinning Mill with Dye Plant, v I W\ , ? ' ivlf I 4S 1 I II JL~^ *'leC" "
S^^W^-YOUI
? U/E^nrtke .
? ' '* aecommoc
aim is to ma
.... spect YOUR
. all may feel
t-r iVfiere those ,
~ may expect tl
as those more
Wtfi. NICHOLS
i<LRO RULE is MISRUL
Ex-Governor pGombe
^ loin Declares liisAdmi
fp -wp. (Oil uiiuii proved th
^ and in Pact Remains tli
K- Same Today- " To
the Editor of the HSralflT
|?? wish to offer a few observations t
way of reply to your several ed
tonal articles on my "Open Le
ter" to Mr. James Bryce, pul
lished in the Charleston (S. G.
News and Courier of the 1st insi
As my remarks must take mor
than a little space, if I do bu
: scant justice to your nearly fiv
full columns of editorial commen
? and criticism, perhaps I can a
-i the outset conciliate your favoi
a little by saying that with th<
present letter to the Herald wil
absolutely close my discussion oi
the negro question for a long period,
unless in the quite unlikely
event of there being a loud call
upon me for further writing. I
must stop here for two reasons:
First, because my health, so poor
at best, has been appreciably injured
by the apparent necessity
of reading and in some cases jjk
replying to, commenta on mvlSBB
? --r-j ~? ?
wsr or uilHCKB On'me JOl? wTfl.lHy
it; second, because the subject,
so far as it is connected with my
Bryce letter, seeqtis to me to have
had sufficient discussion, certainly
for the present. I think it is
time the piece were withdrawn
from the stage.
I felicitate myself much that
on a theme so worn and fretted
by discussion in all moods and by
many hands, some or a few competent,
but most of them clearly
incompetent, I have been able to
stir up a really serious and somewhat
fresh discussion of some
salient points of present pressing
importance. Though of course
newspapers have acted for their |
own interest, not mine, the result
has been rather striking, I think,
and I have noted a few facts
which have marked the discussion
precipitated by my Bryce letter
and which have come to my
knowledge. Five leading newspapers
in Philadelphia, Cincinnati,
New" Orleans, Vicksburg
j?L* and Milwaukee have reprinted
pfe tine letter in full; thirteen more
jp? ' .- lteve printed verbatim all the
s' principle parts of it; forty-eix
. others have published leading edfl
itoriaj articles exclusively given
to its discussion, while over 150
more nve noticed and commented
onjftfiore or less fully. If,
, there?# there is virtue or safehm
4,y in d)|cus8ion, some good Way
have come, or may come, in this
case. Of course I have not seen
all, perhaps not nearly all, the
articles, and I am told that the
discussion is still going* on in
newspapers of less circulation
warn yon, if
warning it may be called,- that I
% * must speak, if 1 speak at all, of
gj# your editorial articles with entire,
though always with respectful
freedom, ana perfect candor.
You have used a free pen; 05
shall I.
' v The News and Courier having
, charged you with discussing the
negro, question with a'Jfatal narnowne8s
of spirit ana. plentiful I
lack df real knowledge,M I as.'
.sitme that by this was meant nar
rowness fatal to wise or fair and,
Jp<, ' valuable discussion. This charge
ff you resent with warifcth, and on
the pdint of lack of knowledge
/ you liken the negro question to
the tariff, in that the latter is "a
more intimate and poignant issue
K in dome States than others." Do
you mean that the tariff changes
with change of locality, that the
s
an earnest effort to "
late alrctasses. Our *
ike this In every rebank;
a bank where .
at home*' a place
^f moderate means }
, understood bj
e thoawyKaj5n the spot have seer
t i^lHRpfown its workings anc
e ene?BnS? .actual observation,
ti Yoii^cJte your familiarity with
11 newi^wtpers, addresses of Southrlcrii^rtifti,
and debates in Con;
j grew^ All this is well as far as
I it mte; but the negro is a human
f be^y who can be but very im
pe?ctly known except by actual
coiHttlct. Almost the only valuable
ItApvjledge of him must come
frojia one's own contact or the
testimony of other actual observers.
The former I assume you
httte not had, as you do not menti|Rit.
Your discussion will,
jBHtf^re, he, as c' "fA'd cmt,rp
V~V I. rccpntUM.v -r t.0
gay, of litgue
a'fcout the negro uW ?uat
ought to be done with him and
for him far better than I can,
but whefi you come to practically
handling him, so to speak, you
have what The News and Courier
correctly describes as "plentiful
lack of real knowledge of your
subject."
a ~~ "
.n-kcuu u? iaj narrowness ot
spirit." You show it, probably
unconsciously, in talking about
the negro being "human," that
they should have "citizens'
rights, privileges and opportunities
equally with other citizens
upon conditions that do not unfairly
discriminate against them
because they were not white
men." As if anybody anywhere,
who is of any consequence, at
the South denied all or any part
of t^ia! Who denies that the negro
i| human, or that he is entitled
Vifejf and equal treatment
with men *n ricrhts.
privilflB^ and opiy rtunities
whichMft the gifts or subjects of
the lai^ROo you know, or can
you ik>Ih^o, any instances of
practieawfttjleoretic denial of all
this? Nadfcou coolly assume that
such denSBBferthe condition in the
South. ?f^on this unwarranted
anojfalse assumption you
proceed to tondemn the Southern
whites and bemoan the cruel fate
of the "Southern negro. First,
give yourself a basis of fact, and
then construct your argument according
to the fact. Not to do!
this, as you do not, I call "fatal
narrowness of spirit." Again,
you talk pf "disfranchisement in
order to secure white supremacy."
Cite your cases. Tell us
where this is done or attempted.
You are wiser than I?no violent
supposition, I admit?if you can
do it. You probably refer to or
jiave in iiiuiuacerr^in provisions 1
jiaced in the Constitutions of i
of the' Southern States !
oeanhfipon the suffrage. Every !
one owl these, provisions bears;
equally en whites and blacks. 1
Cases tb toft these provisions as
to illegal $#crimination have been
before the;Supreme Court of the
United States. Has any one of
these ifrgivfsicms been set aside?
Not one, | say, therefore, that so I
long as the South acts within its
legal rights in regard to the suffrage
it is not censurable. The
faot that you do continue to cen- ,
sure the South for this is another ;
evidence of "fatal narrowness of
spirit*" 4
L;
?"? 1 **
Hi j You say you try to "eneour
I aUfrvliberal Southerners." V
I OT they? And how do you
I courage them? So far as I K
see, you do it only by stimul
ing, if you have any infhiei
there, a desire or effort to lov
turn laws which the Suprei
Court will not overturn or i
aside. This, too, I call "fa
narrowness of spirit."
You ask if the Alabama page
age cases were "fakes." I a
mad you alluded to those ca?
for they will <ee&? excellent
,:j pieonage c^ses were not "fakes;
m and they were ^ried in a court
Vw which tne judge Art'd district a
hu torney were both Democrat:
58? They were quickly and effectiv<
118 ly tried and peonage was kille
*e in Alabama at one blow. Th
he Judge and district attorney ar
^ among the very few, almost th
only, Democrats appointed b;
iJ} Roosevelt to any hign office ii
al the South. This is a pat illustra
ie tion, not only- of what can tx
? done, oug^t to be done, and wil
e be done by the best men of tlu
d South whenever they have the
n power to act. It also illustrates
e the extreme folly of your outcry
" about the negro because he is not
in nolitir?ol ** mm
?j^wer at tne South.
| You make what I may call
1 an ad hominera argument when
you allude to any administration
1 in South Carolina as showing
that a "Republican Government
in the Southern States was not a
chronic or incurable evil, even
with colored men as voters and
officeholders." Sir, I wish to
tell you that my administration
showeafho such thing. It showed
p^cisely the opposite^ and
perhaps I had better repeat here,
if the matter is of any importance,
what I have so often said,
that the lesson of my admistratfrr&SSt
witha eredonderafcL;
ing electorate oYnegroe^rTtn^]
^^?Lthin4he_houn<b_of po*g
more possible now; Giving me
credit for qualities and abilities
for rrcmagement, tact and what ^
not?qualities I never possessed_what
could I do from 1874 to 1877?
Merely retard a little the crevasse '
of corruption and misrule ev?r
gathering force behind me and
sure shortly to overwhelm melt
is ungracious in appearance to
reject intended compliments, but
I am trying especially to tell the
truth on this Southern negro
question to ears long innred to
untruth on this theme. i
As to social equality, to which
you allude in a manner which I
greatly regret, let me say that if
you regard it as a mere bogey of I
the whites of the South, I do not.
It is a real danger, or a reality, ;
if you like the word better. I ;
have seen two Republican Gov- i
ernors entertaining negroes, male ]
and female, at their houses, in ;
drawing rooms a<ffl at tables. \
That is what I call social equal- <
ity. What do you call it? It ]
will happen again, too, if the ne
groes ever return to power. I ^
say nothing now of the right or {
wrong of it, but since you treat (
it as a mere chimera, I take leave \
txyinforra you that it is a very ,
hard fact. ]
To my views on lynching you j
five an entire editorial article. s
ou call my attitude "apologet- \
ic," a gross injustice to me for ^
which you have no excuse. I 2
wrote the Bryce letter principally j
to say what I did about lynching. (
I will not traverse in detail what T
you say in reply, further than to t
reiterate all I there said, and to j
add, in no disrespectful spirit, j
that the trOllhl#> with vnn oanofl. x
...... J .U|/vv- J
ially on this point, is that you t
have only, in the words of The T
News and Courier, "a plentiful s
lack of knowledge" of the sub- c
ject on which you preach and
dogmatize. t
Now will you allow me to say 8
a word here in response tee the y
note of Mr. Moorfield Story in j
your issue of the 10th inst? Mr, 4
Storey knows already, I hope, f
that I hold him in the highest re- y
gard. For his character, his r
opinions and his conduct I have aa fj
much respect as for those of any y
man I know anywhere. f
Mr. Storey puts to me what I y
am bound to suppose he regards | t
as a pertinent question?why, if j t
the negro is hopelessly inferior,' e
do the whites fear the effect of I v
,
^ hi-s ifff
en-i upwM cr 18 a f?u h
at* ^ufW'riihC^Kr,(> to hinder
ice the JWfe &ress upward;
er- thrr t*PP?site; second ?e
the-South believe
Jet as moK^ Storey, or
Hal as f?r the
not believe^nor
s* ei!^^W?*seen uotably at
^W^ Hton Head, S. C.,
non-progressive
^^Wr^?uth. so far as the
" "^qT fryPconcerned, but the
in spofwh fca~ educatipn of the
t- kinfhicjif l suppose Mr. Storey
% belflB in ihas been* uwatenraptfedl&li|d.by
Northern teach6
hinfthl^ with me and I will
e shdnWKjw lye he knows of
e thdhnt'bn which he calls me
y andie S<WPiJK> account. Man
1 of ju* I ao ffct see how we of
- thjfojrth, gr particularly of New
2 Ei^cR-puch men as you and
1 Mr| Storey and I?are better
J tni the people of South Carolina
i or labsuna. They worship the
i sar Got, read the same Bible,
rep tt the same prayers, keep
theJommandrnpnts as woll oa ?r?
do# these be your tests. They
hain fact, one great quality,
wl jh I think puts them higher
tha most of us. I mean the
hi| i, almost highest, great quality-fortitude?the
quality which
Bu ce had in mind when he
vvr<? this memorable sentence:
|"Tey only can aspire to act
gr? itly who are of force greatly
to suffer." Of this force the
Soiihern people have given the
last full proofs. With our slight,
per iaps/io, knowledge of the peculikiTv*
*blem put upon such a
?eo?)leJ lust we go on forever
istrua vg, denouncing, criticisjag
Uii idly, if not cruelly, such
xh<?y have their faults,
them
anyf problem they may meet.
An<p when X say let them alone, I
do iiotmean let them alone to do
vs ikng or cruelty to the negro,
I - ti let tnem alone to do the best
tliajt, in their better judgment,
can) be done for him?far more
anqi better than we can do, a
thousand or two miles off.
This, I suppose, will entitle me
to be again called "extraordinary,"
at least by Mr. Storey
o?.*?i-u
me opnngiieiu nepuoncan.
I endorse every word of Mr.
Storey when he asserts that "it
is clear that the South should
give the negro the best education
possible." Up to the full limit
of its ability, the South is doing
it to-day. Mr. Storey, give us
your bill of particulars; make
your implied and express charges
more definite and certain, in the
phrase of our profession. Till
you do so, I can only put in my
general denial and ask judgment
on the insufficiency of your complaint.
When Mr. Storey allies me
with men of the' South who "iniist
that the negro is incapable
>f being raised by 'any education
x> an equality with the white
man," he does me an injustice.
[ hope the negro can be raised to
i respectable degree of good
jense, good capacity for work
md service for the white man as
w$ll as for himself. His lot is
ind will be to serve, in do degraded
conditions, but for full
J - " "
>uxitpc:iiaaLiuii itnu wnn iair treatnfent,
the superior race, I expect
16 more. Tnis assertion will, I
fear, give new appropriateneess
n Mr. Stbrev's mind as well as
he minds or others, to the epihet
"extraordinary," applied to
nyBryce letter?an epithet which
Kerns a favorite one with many
>f my critics, but one of which I
lo not complain. Once I did not
,hink so; make the most of that
is you are sure to do. But do
rou and Mr. Storey imagine that
am gbmg to continue to live in
'a fool's paradise" after I have
ound it out? You may do so; if
ou like; I shall not. That a i
nan at 60 or 70 holds opinions he j
lid not hold or contrary to those i
le held at 30, I think, raises two j
avorable presumptions; first, :
hat he is honest; second,
hat he is more likely to be right j
han the man who has not chang- '
d. For example, how often do j
ve hear an old man boasting that;
F. M. FARR, President.
f ***
j t ?p MeroMlwiiid
Pla
Successfully uolft^8S
in the OLDEST Hauk i
C B has n capital and surpl
is the only NATION A
j 9 has paid dividends ai
i 9 I pays FOUIt per cent.
3 is the only Hank in Ud
H fij has Uurftlar-Proof vat
pays more taxes thau .
^ WE EARNESTLY SOL
*?????_?^ ^
. he never voted any ticket but the
Democratic or Republican, as the
case may be. Such a boast is a
perilous confession. Presumably
it means' that the man has done
little or no political thinking,
made no progress in that great
science or study.
Now, my dear sir, I reach the
end of what I have strength or
disposition to write, perhaps ot
more than you can easily find
room for. You have on many
occasions in times past said words
of respect and compliment of me
far beyond my deserts; sometimes,
too when compliments for
me were not too frequent. Every
such word I hold and shall ever
hold in grateful recollection, come
what may come. But in controversy
we do not deal in compliments.
We take off the buttons
and thrust at vital points. At
any rate, that is what I try to do.
Having published this reply you
can hammer me every day as
you have the machinery for doing,
but however, that may be,
I shall remain,
Faithfully yours,
D. H. Chamberlain,
University Station, Charlottesville,
Va., August 29, 1904.
P. S.?Since concluding this letter
a copy of the Indianapolis
i xAiyrust 20 has come
alone, I judge xhm u.r*
or to be very polite, an Afro
American paper. Its specia
grievance is what I said in the
Bryce letter about the negroes o1
the South during the war; and j
recall your complaint of me or
the same score. I am sorry yoi
do not look and see what is saic
before you rush into criticism o1
it. I said nothing of the negroes
in this regard, except of those
who remained at the South. J
said, "The negro race of the
United States, which was in
Cll O ITAVtr ? *? ?' - 1 1 * '
ijic* v ci y , mi utiv I1U Bingie DlOW, *
etc. This is strictly true, is it
not? I agree with you that the
fact is to the credit, greatly to
the credit, of the negroes who
were in slavery; but it is also significant
of low manhood and an
unenterprising spirit. It is impossible
to conceive of white men,
especially Anglo-Saxons, meekly
accepting slavery, when there
was a chance to be free at any
cost to their masters. D. H. C:?|:
The Southern Mills. S
The report issued by the Uni|fcd
States Department of '-AjSpiMture
a few weeks ago said f
"The rapid growth of ctjfton
spinning in the cotton-gtfbt&jng
states within the past few ^ears
is one of the most remarKable
events in the industrial history
of the times. It is of more than
local, or even national, significance.
Ten years ago the 321
mills in those states operated 2,I
167,242 spindles and consumed
only 723,329 bales of cotton* In
1902-03 there were 640 mills opJ
erating 7,100,292 spindles and
i consuming 1,925,954 bales, an increase
of 228 per cent, in the
! number of spindles and 166 per
| cent, in the number of bales con;
sumed. In 10 years, therefore,
! practically 1,200,000 bales of
American cotton have been withi
drawn from the world's suppljl&
j in order to meet the increased*
demand of southern mills;" iy'
The past year has not "been
[ what it woula have been to the
mills of the South had there been
plenty of cotton to spin, but at
the same time they have imore
than held their own witlu their
rivals in other parts of th# world,
and the time when the south will
be pre-eminent in the manufacture
of cotton goods is just one
year nearer.
The gross takings of the south
W V AA A JJA&AV*
.m.h'l I
' 11 ~ l?iV M > t 7T
' JvbkARTHUR, Cashier.
nters fifeional Bank,
itieM rtithe "Old Stand."
n Union.
U8 of S100.000,
L Hank In Union,
nountlng to ?200,400.
interest on dopoelts,
ilon inspected by an ollloor,
lit, and Safe with Time-Lock,
ILL tho Hanks In Union combined.
ACiT YOUR BUSINESS.
i ern mills for the year were 1,;
889,032 bales, as compared with ***
l 1,958,415 bales in 1902-03, and 2,r
016,582 bales in 1901,-02.
The great cause of this was the
small crop; the secondary cause
; was high prices. With even a
moderate crop the takings of the
i South, which ten years ago con
sumed less than 700,000 bales,
? would have been much greater
I than ever before.?New York
' Commercial.
"Beforeday" Club.
Macon, Ga.?Specials to The
, Telegraph from Athens say there
is some excitement and much
talk over the securing of what is
said to be positive evidence of a
"Beforeidav" plnK ?i
? ?viuw in vjicirivc
' county, and Sheriff Weir is in '
readiness to serve warrants against
the negroes implicated.
1 The names of six alleged mem*
bers of the club are already
known. They are all farm hands
and live on the plantations of six
well-to-do farmers who are marked
for slaughter. The aim of
the negroes is said to have been
to wait until some cotton had
been sold by the farmers and
then kill the men, rob them and
| burn their houses.
! Peace warrants will probably
IT for the negroes impli!
f ecution. ?The State.
\ Damage to Texas Cotton.
i
| An Austin Telegram of last
' Monday says that Jefferson John5
son, chairman of the State Boll
* Weevil Commission, has just com^
pleted a trip through most of the
! cotton-trrowinir rmmfi'oc. XT?*i
w _ .. .vU..vivc Ui XX UI LI1
jj Texas, incidentally visiting Dallas,
Franklin, Hunt, Delta, Collin,
Lamar and immediate coun1
ties. He says that the crop is
1 rapidly deteriorating even in
' counties where there are no boll
weevills, which is due to the extremely
dry weather and the
presence of boll worms. He
states that those counties are
suffering almost as much as are
the boll weevil districts. Mr.
Johnson asserted that the Gov;
ernment estimate, made in July,
must be considerably changed, as
\ the September conditions are far
u.iL?iciib Hum tne prospects
promised in July. He said the
crop is almost identical with that
of last year.
This view coincides with reports
from other sources, and is
certainly a fair statement of the
situation in McLenan County.?
The Waco (Texas) Tribune.
To Rob and Burn.
Norfolk, Va., Special.?Southern
railway detectives have captured
in Sussex county, at a station
called Homeville, a band of
12 negroes somewhat similar in
purpose to the "Beforeday" clubs
being rounded up further south.
This band styled themselves the
"Rough Riders" and their object
was to rob and bum houses and "*j
tnes in the vicinity of Homee,
the detectives allege. The
captives are charged with fobbing
anaJaurning the Southern
railway station at Homeville and
with plotting to rob and burn the
general store of Bert & Chapel
at the same place. The leader of
the band is Bud Tucker.
*The crowd is confined in the
Sussex jail, a wooden structure,
and the detectives fear they will
make their escape. An effort
will be made to have the gang
removed to Petersburg /for safeIty.?1The
State.