The watchman and southron. (Sumter, S.C.) 1881-1930, May 06, 1914, Image 7
GRACE ATTACKS T1LLMAN
TILLMAN TAKES WATER - AFRAID TO EXPOSE WHALEY
PITCHFORK NOT WORKING.
< continued.)
U. 8 Senate. July 28, 1913
lion John I Oraee. <'hurleston, 8. C.
My iear Mr Oruce: I mi in re?
ceipt of your letter of July Jfith, and
have read I. with care. I note the
Question of an ' old time Tillmunlte"
to the affect that he does not under
stand why T do not Jump Into the
fight against Whaley on the same
grounds that would induce rrs to pro?
test the swearing In of r*leane, should
It develop that his election was
? ought The answer to this h simple.
1 am a member of th? senate
and have a right to spei.k front
t M floor of the senate and to com?
mand attention. I am not a member
( the house of representatives, and
while as a member of the senate, I
? m entitled to the floor of the house,
' have no rights under its rules to ad
ress that body. This you know us
well as I do.
1 kite my state, Its honor, and Its
good name; and I am not willing to
bring either its honor or Its good
name into Question upon hearsay tes?
timony or belief, nor am I willing to
eenfetej the Incapacity of tie people
of South Carolina?keeping In mind
th*lr proud history?to rec.lfy any
wr< ga that may exist among them or
PI *oVern themselves in accordance
with the bei t tradition of civilised
government. For* me to confess iuch
a thought aould be an admission qf
my disbelief In the capacity of my
State, with i s Hplendhl history and Its
great accomplishments In the past, to
govern Itself f do not believe that
\ >u believe South Carolina is in-apa
ble of self-government; and If you
thought so, I am sure you would be
?shamed to oonfess it.
While 1 am not in accord with the
dominant polite ul
Carolina at this tin- . and n hlk ther
Is much to criticise
the affairs of the S
with you that "the puOtgfl is already
scandalised at South Carolina."
But even If your statements were
?rne ? have mad** up my mind, after
s ..*th those who love the
i uch as do you or I, that the
State Itself with the facts before It
t only be given the chance |
tnrougii us legislature and the Dem?
ocratic State Convention to handle the
situation in the interest of pure elec?
tions, but I am equally persuaded that
If given the opportunity, she will see
to it that her elections are clean and
that the Democratic party, in its con?
vention having had the opportuniy to
cleanse Is own stable, will cleanse It.
1 have not changed my opinion
as expressed to you in my letter of
May l?th; "I would rather you fall In
and help me. as you can most effect?
ively to reform State politics through
the State convention next time it
meets, by changing the rules of the
party and fortifying all along the
line against fraud and corruption; and
then go to work when the legislature
meets ikgaln to see that the statutes
are changed ir regard to primary
elections so as to preserve the purity
of the ballot among white men."
You will recall that in a recent in?
terview 1 urged upon Governor Mease
to use his powerful influence with the
legislature for the enactment of such
legislation as would protect the purity
of the white man's ballot in the prim?
ary and ?he general elections. I do
not know what Governor Mease in
going to do, and no one else knows;
nor can 1 nay what the legislature
will do Hut us a lost resort, If the
legislature falls us. we can go to the
Democratic party und by agitation
and making a few speeches. 1 know
that the people will rise In their wrath
and compel a reform of the party1
Constitution, because there Is nothing
more certain In politics than this: We
have bad the last primary In the State
unle*s tlo jMM.pl? become satlhlled
that they can Note it the primary and
have their votes honestly counted.
This has \ . ?-n tli.- . nurse whnh has
appealed to **.?? all the while since you
first brought this Whaley matter to
my attention; sml the more 1 consider
ft.nse?mrri. , * of your suggestion
fur an Immediate < ongresslonal lnves>
tlgatlon. the more < oiiMin ed my Judg
pettst kieejfaeial that my tirst ngdntoft in
the proper ami onlv one. if we are to
have any regard for the good Iwlflir of
the State and for tin future of our
I' ? rt v
I ig not M'lestlon at this lime tin
motive wbh'h prompt : \oo to hSfl| <
upon the 'washing ol the dirty 11 moi
oi South Carolina" here in <h?- capital
of the nation. It has too uiu. h ? t the
appear m *- of malignant v and per?
sonal spite und a ienkre for revenge
on your part, and sou runnot SSOapi
that verdl't throughout the State it
you preso It. Hut your cooperation
with me to have the Demorralc party
of South Carolina ami the legislature
of South Carolina reform the Stttll
tb n In the Stute can be attributed to
no other motive than that of the high?
est patriotism.
If you will permit me to do so, I
will be glad to submit copies of the
affidavit left with Congressman John
won, and such other affidavits as you
may submit to the chairman of the
State Democratic committee, the
Speaker of the House of Representa?
tives, and the President of the State
senate, that both the head of the
Democratic party and the heads of
he State government In the legisla?
ture shall be advised of the situation
in the first congressional district as
you see it. If this course is followed,
I believe that the moral sensibilities
of the people of South Carolina can
be so aroused in the meantime as to
force both the legislature and the
Democratic party to reform the sys?
tem of primary voting In such a man?
ner as to make corruption absolutely
Impossible, and in this kind of an
effort you may depend upon me to
the fullest.
You overlook the responsibility
which your wishes impose on me. You
are asking me to pursue a course
which you admit would cause the
people of South Carolina to hang
their heads in shame, and asking me
to do so without giving to the people
of the State through Its legislature or
its dominant political party of which
you and I are members, the chance
either t o confess theli* lnab'llty to
deal with the situation or their de?
sire that I should be made the ve?
hicle by which the State may be
brought into shameful publicity, In
order perhaps, as many think, that
you may be given the opportunity to
prosecute your political enemy.
v#?rv oincerely yours,
IgS I B. R. Tlllman.
ntlnued.)
Cht C, July II, 191:?.
Hon. B. R. Tlllman, U. S. Senate,
Washington. D. C.
My dear Senator Tillman: In my
letter of July 25th I had told you that
It would be the last time I would ap?
peal to you to assist me in the Whaley
matter; and I am replying now to
your letter of the 28th, not to make
any further appeal, but to keep the
record straight. I see now that I
.should have avoided you from the
start. You are not a free man. I can?
not let the occasion pass, however,
without uterly denying and disclaim?
ing the motives which you attribute
to me. Although It would be false
for me to claim that I anything but
despise Mr. Whuley, or to deny that
It would give me a great deal of satis?
faction and vindication to see him un?
seated; yet for you to intimate that
my conduct is a matter of "malignancy
and personal spite and a desire for
revenge," and to make it appear that
from such motives I am going to the
lengths to which I am going In this
case is simply to wilfully, but un
skillfuhy, prevert the facts. You have
promised to take the very same course
If Blease goes to Washington by cor?
ruption and perjury. There are seven
congressional districts in South Caro?
lina. In order for Blease to be a*
guilty as Whaley, he would not only
have to commit seven times as much
bribery as Whaley, but as much per?
jury. In other words, Just enough of
the one to "elect" and of the other
to "seat" him. Regardless of the feel?
ing which you ha> c against Blease?
in which I join, and which we will say
corresponds to mine against Whaley
?I think the people of the United
States woud gladly relieve you of the
stigma of "revenge and malignancy"
if you would do your duty in the
lileaso case, nor would it argue at
home any luck ot patriotism or love
of Carolina for you to do it. 1 believe
in Home Hole and State rights. It
has been bred In my bones. Bill
South Carolina is I part of the Alfter?
ban Union, She was not only one ot
the thirteen original States (one of
the most gallant of them) but when
the war of the Revolution was over.
it wits a South Carolin Inn who wrote
moot ot the Constitution of the United
state*, it is under that constitution
our government is organised and you
are a senator, ami you have taken an
oath to uphold M Ho has Mr Whaley.
That constitution Uses deAnltely Ihs
bounds of Ihs state and national gov?
ernment There Is lie 'tWlllghl tone."
Th.- lines are only Indistinct If Ihs
\ Iston ot so-called "statesmen" Is In?
d let I net. i ti her Jurisdiction ihs
United States is as supreme ss is
South Carolina In hay's, i am not ask
Ing the United states to Invnds Ihe
proper sovereignty ol our State, i
gm not asking congrsss to Intervent
In local politics I am simply asking,
under the constitution and laws Riad?
in purses ncs thereof, lha( congress
sj(\ whether or no! Mr Whale,
bousbt Mud perjured hit wa| Into con
; grcss. The Democratic party of South
Carolina, with all due respect to it
ami you, has nothing to ilo with this
' issue; nor has the legislature of our
State. |f either one of these bodies
could remedy this matter, there would
bo something sensible in your view.
This matter has passed out of the
cognizance of the State. I'nder the
constitution, congress alone has pow?
er to decide the qualifications of its
members. You recognize this "in the
Rlease case; and at first you recog?
nized it in the Whaley case, because
I have It from you in writing, as well
as by word of mouth, that if my facts
were true, you would ghuy in taking
a hand in the matter. What did you
mean by these words:
"You say you 'are ready to prove
the facts of bribery and corruption In
the recent primary,' and you say,
'you will bo heurd In Washington.'
Come on to Washington, Mr. Grace,
and I will help you in any way I can
to be heard. While I am not a mem?
ber of the house, and therefore, you
cannot appeal to Caesar* In my per?
son, 1 am a senator and have some
Influence ^ith both members of the
house and senate, and will facilitate
to the fullest degree any exposure you
are able to make of corruption and
fraud in the recent primary in our
State. While it would 'bring the name
of South Carolina Into discredit and
disgrace it, and cause every true
South Carolinian to hang his head in
shame, if it is necessary to go to
that length in order to 'cleanse the
augean stable,' I say let us have it
done and quit blustering."
That was what you wrote me nearly
three months ago. The words under?
scored, and particularly the word "1
will." in the) sentence, "Come on to
Washington, Mr. Grace, and I will
help you in any way I can to be
heard," were underscored, not by the
typewritter, but by pen and ink, pre?
sumably by you; clearly manifesting
a then determination upon your part
(after reading over nnd reflecting up?
on what you said) to help me. If my
facts are not true, of course there
would be no "washing of dirty linen In
Washington;" and I would be humil?
iated and discredited. If they are
not true, there should be no one
quicker than Mr. Whaley to demand
an Investigation, even though you are
now backing water In the matter. I
do not recede ono Inch, though, from
what I have said about deplorable con?
ditions within our State. My memory
Is good. I recall that you yourself,
last summer after the Hlease election,
so-called, threw cold water upon even
the Democratic party taking' steps to
Investigate that election. It was sus?
pected, and in the light of this corre?
spondence it can well be believed that
your motive then was fear that your
own election would be upset along
with the whole primary; and that yon
would have to run over again and
that a feeling engendered against you
in the last days of that campaign
might eai.se you to lose?as you did
nearly lose, anyhow. I do not think
that South Carolina would 'hang her
head in shame' if a repetition of the
Whaley matter in either branch of
congress could be prevented by con?
gressional action; and what Is more
to the point, I will not allow you to
put such words in my mouth, as you
do when you say "You are asking me
to purstie a course which you admit i
would cause the people of South
Carolina to hang their heads in j
shame." Point out to me where I said
any such thing. Instead of hanging'
her head In shame, she would be I
proud of the fact that It was she who
helped largely to write the constitu?
tion, and that by it, in the last analy?
sis, her honor had been saved, not
lost. In the face of what I have told
you, and what I am sure you have I
heard both through the press and I
from responsible men In this district, I
do not believe you can be sincere in ]
intimating that the character of my j
proof is doubtful, as you do In these
words:
"I love my State, Its honor and its
good name; and I am not willing to
bring either Its honor or Its good
name into question upon hearsay tes?
timony or belief; nor am 1 willing to
?onfess the Incapacity of the people
Of South Carolina keeping in mind
their proud history to rectify any
wrongs, etc."
YOU nie not afraid, nor is Mr.
Whaley, nor can anybody be afraid
of the quality of my proof; or that
the cas?' rests upon "hearsay testi?
mony or belief." You know that the
proof is clear. II it is not, then the
word that has gone forth throughout
the land that Mr. Whaley sits in s
bought seat, a bought and perjured
seat, Will be shown to have been a
vile Blander ami South Carolins ami
Mr. Whaley w ill be proudly vindicated.
South Carolina should haue, her head
in shame now, because of the condi?
tions' which have existed for a Ion,:
time and gone from bad to worse. In
stead of permitting you tu put me in
the position of bringing any shame
upon South Carolina, I want to tell
you that I am already so ashamed ol
her and so ashamed of what the
world knows of her that I am Willing
to do unything to redeem her; an.I
Shouldering a gun wnuld be the bast
I of Iheae things. 1 have always ad
? -?iwv- *} ?* ? IP '' ? ? * ' I "t * ? ? ,
; mired what Danton stdd on the way
I to the guillotine: "Let France e free
I though my name be accurst." If
South Carolina were free, that is, free
I under the constitution, I would be the
, happiest man in her borders. All
I that I am working for is to bring
about, as an actual living reality, the |
full enjoyment of the institution for
which the founders of this republic
fought on the battlefield; and for
which my own father fought on the
fields of the Confederacy. The last
thing that occurs to me is what the
people think about me; notwithstand?
ing I would wish them to think well
of me. I am genuinely content when
my own conscience is clear, though
all the world might doubt me. Hence
I am not interested in that part of
your letter where you adriotly appeal
to my ambition by suggesting that I
what I should do new In this matter
is only that which hereafter the peo?
ple will applaud. You say:
"I do not question at this time the
motive which prompts you to insist
upon the "washing of the dirty linen
of South Carolina" here in the capi*
tal of the nation. It has too much
of the appearance of malignancy and
personal spite, and a desire for re?
venge on your part, and you cannot
escape that verdict throughout the
State if you press it. But your cooper?
ation with me to have the Democratic
party of South Caorlina and legisla?
ture of South Carolina reform the sit?
uation in the State can be attributed
to no other motive than that of the
highest patriotism."
That might appeal to some of your
friends here who are timeserving poL
iticians only. But my ear is not to
the ground; I hope my eyes are fixed
on the stars. And to such an extent
am I wiling to go that I believe, with
tranquil voice and without a tremor, 1
could say with Danton, 'let South
Carolina be free though my name be
accurst.' I do be? ve that all we need
is an honest, broadminded application
of our already constitutionally guar?
anteed rights. If I had a case to be
tried and I thought the atm6sphere of
the federal courts most suited to its
trial, I would step over into IT. S.
Judge Smith's court and claim that
jurisdiction; and I would do so with?
out the remotest feeling that I was
reflecting upon my native state in '
passing by our county court house on
the way. How much more so then
should I seek relief in Congress in the
Whaley case, when there is no other
Jurisdiction?
There is such a thing as the tltness
of things. Every atom of the universe
moves itv its proper orbit; but always,
nevertheless, governed by two conflict?
ing forces, the centrifugal and the
centripetal. Sometimes the equili?
brium is preserved by one and again
by the other. It was the recognition
of this ' law that gave origin to our
government. These are times when
there Itf'too much Washington and we
fall back upon the states; and again,
when our states are pulling down our
ideals, we fly to the national capitol.
There is no lack of patriotism in
either; but simply a balanced knowl?
edge of our constitutional system.
I cannot follow you in your hair?
splitting distinction between the
Blease and Whaley case. Passing by
your pretended original zeal as ex?
pressed in your letters and In your
conversations to bring Mr. Whaley to
justice, I submit that there is not even
a hair-splitting distinction between
your duty In the matter. You say:
"The answer to this is simple. I
am a member of the senate and have
a right to speak from the floor of the
senate and to command attention. 1
am not a member of the house of rep
resentathes, nad while as a member
of the senate t am entitled to the floor
of the house, I have no rights under
its rules to address that body. This
you know as well as I do."
I certainly do; but I just as cer?
tainly do not think that you should
take steps against Blease in the sen- ;
ate only because accidentally you hap- j
pened to have the 'right to speak
from the flour.' Your rights have
nothing to do with either Blease or
Whaley'S wrong-doings. 1 thought
you had given up speaking from the
Moor of the senate, anyhow. What a
bad lix then, South Carolina would be
In if yon decided not to raise your
eloquent voice in the senate. Would;
Blease go there with a clean bill Of
health simply because your health
was bad? Would your labored dis?
tinction be enough to leave his seat
uncontested? 1 want to tell you that
though I have no voice upon the floor
i of the senate, if you will show your,
{good faith and keep your word by
assisting me as you said in your let?
ter of May IBth, by using your in?
fluence with both members of the
house and senate,' I will do my utmost
when the Blease time comes, If the
facts warrant it, to present as strong
:i rase In Washington against him as
I am now ready to present agalnsi
Whaley. This alleged distinction,
senator, will not do. it will not go
down. The whole procedure that you
SUggesi amounts simply to com?
pounding a felony. In your heart you
Know that Whaley is guilty. In a re?
cent newspaper Interview you al
' most said so. Was your Interview
iutcufll'd to dishonor South Carolina ?
Of course not. Out of the fullness of
your heart, your mouth spoke, which
is always a good thii g. But it would
be dishonoring Sou h Carolina; it
would he striking at the vitals of gov?
ernment for a senator to have daily
official dealings with an alleged con?
gressman, while he knew deep down
in his heart that he was no con?
gressman at all, but that he was a
corruptionist and a perjurer. You
are compelled to speak and to act, or
you will be particeps eriminis. You
will be an accessory after the fact,
regardless of the future of what the
Demorcatic party may do and the
legislature may do. You are now
dealing with the past, and you have
no right to cover it up; and I t ppeal
to you In the name of South Carolina.
Consider the facts: George Legare
died; there was a hasty, pell mell, pre
cipit~*e primary. Half the time be?
fore that primary, because of a con?
flict between the governor and the
State Democratic committee, it was
uncertain whether or not the election
would be held before or after the
primary. As a matter of fact, the
election was fixed for a date before
the primary. That was the ridiculous
extent to which we had come. Then
there had to be a meeting of the
executive committee, and the date of
the primary was pushed forward until
substantially no time remained. The
primary was held only about two
weeks before the election. In the
midst of it all, primary, election and
the swearing In of Mr. Whaley a few
days thereafter, there was the great?
est confusion and debauchery. Ther*
was no time for redress within the
State. There was no time before he
took his oath of office. You know it.
You know that while I was in Wash?
ington, and you were pretending to
help me, Mr. Whaley was rushing his
certificate of election so that he might
take his false oath and he seated be?
fore the machinery of justice could be
stirred. But great rights and great
principles certainly cannot depend up?
on the haste of action. The only ques?
tion is: Is Mr. Whaley rightfully en?
titled to his seat?
But you are also" equally muddled
about fixing the law so as to prevent
such a thing in future. You talk as if
no laws existed. Turn to the Criminal
Code of South Carolina. There is a
whole subchapter devoted to laws
meant to meet the Whaley case, with
this one exception: that they do not
provide for a forfeiture of his seat.
Twenty-one sections define and de?
scribe crimes against elections, cov?
ering every imaginable corrupt
practice, enacted, many of them,
years and years ago; but inefficacious
and as innocuous as a law against the
rise of the tides unless they be supple?
mented by one small law, the law of
restitution, and that is, that the thief
and the perjurer shall restore to the
people the election which he stole. So
far as the law is concerned, thstt is
the only amendment I would suggest
And it would be nothing but what
nearly all other States have passed,
and what from the beginning of time
has been :he basis of all law, that the
injured party shall be placed as
nearly as possible in his original
status. There is a penalty against
larceny. It is also a fact and the
law if the stolen goods can be located,
they will be returned to the owner.
In this case the stolen property has
been located and Mr. Whaley is sit'
ting on it. It does not belong to Mr.
Whaley but to the people of the First
congressional District of South Caro?
lina. It should be handed back to
them so that they and not you, in
your discretion and for your polit?
ical convenience, might say to what
good man they shall for a time en?
trust it. But even with the state law
amended, all future cases like Mr.
Whaley's would have 10 be tried in
Washington. Congress is the sole
tribunal; so that even these conven?
ient theories of yours fall to the
ground. Washington, under the con?
stitution, is still the place, and what
you would call 'washing our linen In
public" would still have to be done,
In the literal menaing of the word, in
the only legal washing town.
1 am enclosing you a copy of the
case of Gill against Catlin, which I
would ask you to return upon reading.
That was a case where the law of
Missouri provided that congressmen j
should be ousted if they exceeded the
legal maximum of expenses. The
ousting was in congress, not in Mis?
souri. The washing of Missouri's
linen was done there; and it was this
law that the Act of Congress was
fashioned alter. Missouri is still a
proud state, and furnishes the Speak?
er of congress.
Just one word in conclusion.
Of your own volition, you lold me
when I was in Washington that no?
body could construe my action as
personal and vindictive. 1 bad celled
to your attention that, in all my de?
feats In Judith s Where I was a candi?
date, 1 never raised my voice; but you
volunteered to tell me that yon agreed
with me that this case was different
1 am not the losing party. But I do
realize that my name was maliciously
bandied about In the campaign; and
the thing that tirst called me to Wash?
ington was that even there 1 had been
lo hi up as the greai corruptionist
N<*w I have shown you who the cor
mptionlstl are. I am not only fight?
ing for the good name of South Caro?
lina, hut my own, and 1 have chal?
lenged my enemies on the very ground
where they have most maligned me;
and it is unfair, cowardl> and a com?
plete evasion of the issue for you and
your corruptionist friends in this com?
munity now t ? resort to the old "catch
thief" tactics by pretending that the
publicity which 1 am giving to this
matter is wrong and unjustifiable;
whereas they filled the newspapers
throughout the campaign and poured
into your ears, among others, after
the election, th it things here were
horribly corrupt, but that 1 and not
they, was the corruptions. You and
they have blackened my name and,
through my name, a people and a
community; and you slink away when
T come before you ready to do some
service to my State.
Yours very sincerely,
(Signed) John P. Grace.
What a Minnesota Town Spends for
Schools.
Wh?n I asked Mr. A. O. Nelson, the
hustling, red-headed, wide-awake
leader of co-operation in Svea, what
was their rural school tax, he almost
struck me dumb when he answered
promptly:
"Seventeen mills or $1.70 on the
$100 of property!"
Of course, this is something un?
usual. It is, in fact, nearly double the
local school tax the Svea folks usual
ly pay. Two or three years ago, how?
ever, they decided they wanted a
handsome new building and industrial
features?agriculture for the boys
and domestic science for the girls?
together with transportation of pupils
living over two miles from the school
(two miles in a blizzardy Minnesota
winter is the equivalent of four miles
in the South.) and so the folks didn't
say, as I fear they would have said
in nine-tenths of our Southern com?
munities, "Well, we have got to the
thirty-cent limit for local school tax
and they ain't nothing more we can
do." The State of Minnesota, realiz?
ing that the education of the people
is the life of a State, imposes no auch
hampering limitation upon the tax Its
people may vote for education; and
the people of Svea set no Ruch miser?
ly limit upon their support of schools
for their boys and girls. One dollar
and seventy cents on each $100 worth
of property was the tax they voted
although they had only one school
organization of keep up. Our South?
ern communities with two separate
school systems to maintain frequently
boast themselves mightily for voting
I 'rty-cent tax on themselves. We
Southerners have simply got to go
down into our jeans for more money
if our farm boys and girls of the new
generation are not to be hopelessly
outdistanced by the thoroughly equip?
ped, practically trained boys and girl??
of other sections.
Eight months term a year with two
teachers?a man who teaches agricul?
ture, a woman who teaches domestic
science; compulsory attendance from
eight to sixteen; free text books for
all pupils; a good school library; re?
productions of noted pictures on the
wall?all these together with a pros?
pective eight-acre school farm. haVe
the farm parents of Svea provided for
their boys and girls; and we of the
South can provide s mll:ir opportuni?
ties for our children whenever we are
willing to make similar sacrifices?or
investments. And twenty years from
now we shall have an incalculably
richer country if we are willing to
make such investment sacrifices than
if we are not.?Clarence Poe, in The
Progressive Farmer.
GeOeH. Hurst,
UNDERTAKER AND EMBADMER.
Prompt attention to day or night
calls,
AT OED J. D. CRAIG STAND, Ml N.
Main Street.
Day Phone SSt. Night Phone
YOUR FACE
YOUR FORTUNE.
Your t****tli an asset.
We study all fact's and one
bad or neglected tooth tells
of carelessness and lack of
courage, (lie (wo mos( noed
?*d characteristics in suce^s
I'ul men.
DR. COURTNEY
is ready to help you. l>on'(
h i (he fear of pain or small
money cost deter >ou.
Sumter Dental
Parlors,
Dr. C. H. Courtney. Prop
Over Shaw & McColtum.