The Darlington herald. (Darlington, S.C.) 1890-1895, September 16, 1891, Image 1

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DARLINGTON HERALD. — “IF FOR THE LIBERTY OF THE WORLD WE CAN DO ANYTHING.” VOL. II. DARLINGTON, SOUTH CAROLINA, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 1(5, 1891. NO. HI TLKK AM) STOKES. The (’orrfsiiondencf Belwern the Senior United States Senator from South Carolina and the President of the Slate Farmers' Alliance. Edgefield, S. C'., Aug. 2S, 1801. Dr. J.W. Stokes, Editor Cotton Plant, Orangeburg, S. C.—Dear Sir : On my return to Edgefield yester day, after an absence of three weeks, a friend handed me a copy of your paper, the Colton Plant, of the 8th instant, in which. I find the follow ing in yOur editorial column: “Echoes from Prosperity—Senator Butler’s Contemptuous Opinion of the Alliance.” “At Prosperity Senator Butler divided all men into three classes. ’Two of these claases are honest, in cluding himself. The ‘third one,’ he said, ‘who borrows at any price and never intends to pay it hack, this last class is the one who wants to Itorrow money at ‘Z per cent,’ (italics our.—From The News and Courier report.) This is a remarka ble statement from the Senator. The man ‘who borrows at any price and never intends to pay back’ is a thief and a scoundrel. According to the Senator, therefoer, 40,000 Alliance men in South Carolina, and a good many Non-Alliance men, who would like to borrow money at 2 per cent, are thieves and scoundrels. How do you like that, farmers of South Carolina? It is an infamous charge; but since it comes from a 1 nited States Senator of course we will keep our mouths shut—till the next elec tion.” . Permit me to refresh your mem ory as to what I did say in that i>or- tion of my remarks to which your editorial refers. 1 spoke as follows: “There are three classes of people —one class that neither borrows nor • lends money, (and they are a pretty large class,) and another class lends money out on interest (and it is a perfectlv legitimate business; he prefers to live on the interest rather than put his money ip cotton or mules, and there is no reason why he should not. Does that make him an enemy to the country or make him any less a patriot because he loans money at such a rate of interest as he may be able to get?)* “Then there is another class, which, unfortunately, I belong to— the borrowing class. [Laughter.] 1 don’t think a man because he lends money at. 10 per cent is a thief. Sometimes I am very much obliged to the party for leRing me have it; it helps mo out of a scrape and I gladly give him the rate he charges. I have seen the time that I would like to have borrowed $5. “Then you will take my class, and they are susceptible of division inlo three. You will find the fellow who if he had one or two thousand dol lars would invest and make some thing by borrowing it at 5, 6, 7, 8, 10 or 15 per cent, and will in due time return the money he borrowed and the interest on the same. There is another fellow just as honest, just as truthful as the other man, who borrows money at 8 or 9 per cent, and misfortune overtakes him, a cyclone, a sickness or something pre vents his returning; he is as honest as the other man, but he cannot return it just at that time, but if he is hon est he will keep on hammering until he does puv it back. Then, the other class who will borrow money at 2, 15, 20 or 50 per cent and never intends to pay it back, and never docs. [Applause and laughter.] It is too little; it is like gamblinj. You get your money too easy, and you spend your money too easy.” This is a verbatim stenographic report of my remarks, and I recog nise it as correct. I should like to have your individual recollection of what I said. I made no special refer ence to farmers, but included all classes in every community. There are many honest men everywhere, in every class,'some^ dishonest men in almost every class. To the latter I applied my remrtVk's in the third class of the subdivision, and yet in your editorial you make me include the 40,000 farmers belonging to the Alliance. You did not put this con struction on my speech either direct ly or by implication in your half hour’s reply. You could not have thought it amenable to such a con struction. In view of this explanation and correction I ask a retraction of that party of your editorial doing me in justice; and a publication of this communication in the Cotton Plant, so that it may reach those who have read your editorials. . I nob- that you predicate your criticism and conclusions on a report of my speech in The News and Cou rier. ’l]his report does not purport to l>e a stenographic report, nor does it, in its present shape, admit of the construction you give; jitj'^ut. the issue is between yourself, and I would lx- obliged if you would in form me what construction you placed upon it at that time in my presence, and in the presence of that large assemblage of farmers, and if you construed, as you appear to have construed when penning that edito rial, in the quiet and deliberation of your sanctum, eight or ten days after the event, why did you not then and there reply to and rebuke me for these “infamous charges against 40,- 000 farmers, whose especial cham pion you claim to lx-? The remaining part of your edito rial is teeming with misrepresenta tions and perversions of what I said and of my attitude towards public questions. Your statement that I am not a farmer is untrue, and must have been made for the purpose of creating a false impression and pre judice, but as the one especially referred to above is the most flagrant in its injustice I content myself for the 'present with inviting your at tention to it with the accompanying explanation and request. Yours very respectfully, M. ('. But leu. MU. STOKES S J.ETTKK. What is iny individual recollec tion of what the Senator said? To be frank, I understood him'to say substantially what The News and Courier, Herald and News, and the Press and Repoiter represented him as saying—just what Col. Talliert and Dr. Pope understood him to say, as will be seen by their utterance re produced on another page, and just what a number of other gentlemen present understood him to say. I was amazed, astounded, indignant at such an utterance from such a source, and noted it down for reply, us my notes show. Why did I not reply to it that day? It does seem that the Senator should know the morning meeting was broken up by rain. It was agreed that each of us should have an hour and a half. I was to divide my time so as to have a reply. 1 used an hour and four minut -s in opening. The Senator was allowed to extend his remarks to about two hours, with | the understanding that I should have j a like extension. This would have I given me near an hour for reply, and l had ample notes to occupy that time. The rain stopped me in alxmt fifteen minutes, and after dinner 1 could not well continue even if my voice had admitted of it, because the Senator had disappeared. The statement that ♦he Senator was not a farmer was made in good faith on information. I am glad to be corrected if my information was incorrect. The Senator asks for a retraction of my editorial comment on the lan guage attributed to him by The News and Courier. This is evident ly an inadvertence on the part of so astute and logical a mind as the Senator’s. He should first deny at least using the language attributed to him. For, the comments is a deduction by logical and natural process from that language: and none knows better than he that a logical conclusion can l>e destroyed only by invalidated only by denial or retraction. The major promise in this case is language attributed to the Senator. Does he deny using the language or does he wish to attract it? Since he has set the example, he will excuse me for using the inter rogative form.* Does he deny the re port of The News and Courier, of the Herald and News, (both his stanch supporters,) and of the IVess and lie]wrier, corroborated by Dr. Po]>c, Col. 'I'aHstt and by a number of other witnesses? So far he has not done so, as I ap prehend.' 'True, he refers to a “ver- batirrfsjtonographic re]xirt,” which he recognizes as correct; and yet that same “verbatim stenographic rejxjrt (the State’s) so flagrantly misrepre seated him on two points of his *l>oech ns to cull forth from him a card of correction in that paper July 51. f um quite sure that it omitted several material jioints in my speech, though it was reasonably accurate in what I did print. While not distinctly denying the correctness of the rcjHirts of these, papers, as will l>e seen by reference to his letter, he simply asserts that even “in its present shape” th: re port does not “admit of the construc tion you (I) give it.” Surely the Senator recognizes that a question of construction is an exceedingly varia ble quantity. I recognize fully the right of any man to interpret his own language itti(|iU)’ say,what he meant it to con vey. I hnN'o no desire to hold him to a construction he does not desire it to carry, and hence I ask special attention to the Senator’s explanation of his position. But I must hold that in the ab sence of limitations uj>on the mean ing of language, it is legitimate to construe it according to the ordinary rules of construction. I submit it, therefore, to the Senator as. a fair minded and logical reasouer, whether the language erodited to him by these three papers, and allowed to pass wthout denial—bearing in mind always that the discussion was upon the only plan that proposes to bor row at 2 per cent, and that the Al liance is the only body in this State which advocates such a plan—I sub mit to him; 1 1 say, as a fair minded man and a logician, whether the con struction I placed upon it was not logical and natural. I submit to him further, whether, until his correction and explanation appeared, the public were not justi fied in interpreting it- in a natural and rational way with the context; and whether hr should not at least give some other construction to the langauge, if indeed he does not deny it. It might be pertinent to ask also, since the interrogative style is in vogue, why I am singled out for re buke in this matter. The applica tion of his language to 40,000 far mers of the State was not even origi nal with the Cotton Riant. Had the Senator remained to hear Col. Tal bert, he would have heard thatappli- cation distinctly made and resented, as appears in his printed speech in anot her column. Dr. I ’ope made virtually the same application and it was widely printed over his own signature. Yet in his Asheville inter view the Senator passes over and al- inoit apologizes for Dr. Rope; but reserves his invective for the Cotton Riant, lie appears studiously to have avoided Col. TulWt’s charge as well as his speech. These gentlemen are certainly more promineiR in the public life of Soutl^ Carolina than myself, except possibly in relation to the 'Alliance. Is that the inspiration of his choice of me as a target? Aga : u I ask the attention of the readers of the Cotton Riant to Sena tor Butler’s “correction and explana tion.” J. W. S. EXroSIAU THE SIB-TREASIRV. Address of E. W. Dabbs Before the Privateer Alliance. The Outlook in Williamsburg. We eon versed with the farmers from different parts of the county, on Monday, in regard to the condi tion of the cotton crop, and they were unanimous in the opinion that the crop of this county had lx*en greatly reduced and injured by the rains of the past six or eight weeks. Some of them estimated the loss at 30 per cent; and none of them under 25 per cent. Besides the open cot ton, which has sprouted in the bolls and is partially ruined, a large pro portion of unopened bolls have, and are still, rotting, and in some locali ties'the boll worm is destroying the young bolls. The changed condition of the cot ton crop is not confined to this conn Rkivatekr, Sept. 4.—Mr. E. W. Dabbs delivered recently before the Alliance at this place a long and able address which made a deep im pression. Much of the address had a purely local application, but the concluding portion treated of the sub-treasury and some other de mands of the Ocala platform, and the argument was concluded in such plain terms that it, occurred to me that its publication in The Ne^s and Courier, where it would reach many readers, might do some good. I regret that I could not secure the copy earlier, but its interest is not affected by that fact. The following is what Mr. Dabbs said on the sub ject referred to: " We will now turn to the other plan for relief from financial embar rassment—by legislation to enact ourselves rich. This is embodied in what .is known as the Ocala platform of the Nufionul Alliance, and the de mand of that platform upon which most stress is laid, and which its ad vocates tell us will surely bring the much needed relit f, is what is known as the sub-treasury plan. 'J’his plan proposes the abolition of national banks and the substitution therefor of sub-treasuries of the United States in the several States, which shall loan money direct to the people at a rate of interest not exceeding 2 per cent per annum on non-perisha ble farm products and on real estate. This plan provides for Government ware houses, in certain counties where these products are to be stored and where the money is to be issued. The advocates of this scheme justify the creation of these ware houses, estimated to cost fifty mil lions of dollars, from the funds of the Government, on the ground that th.- Government owns and operates whiskey ware houses, and justify the loaning of money on produce stored on the ground that the Government loans whiskey men ninety cents on the gallon for three years, while we only want the money for one year. They lose sight of the fact that this ninety cents on whiskey is a tax which the Government allows three years for the payment of; that the creation of these ware houses is to collect this tax and keep under the eye of the Government a tariff which, unregulated, would work incalcula ble harm to the body politic, (I hold that this is wrong, and that the tax should be paid as soon as the whis key comes from the still, say at the end of every month,) and that the advocates of the sub-treasury when they use the whiskey storage as pre cedent are laboring under the delu sion that “two wrongs make aright,” Do you see the point? Lt me state it another way. They say the Government stores whiskey and loans 90 cents on the gallon for three years, and they generally con- ...c..,. demu this practice. (1 hoimto see ty nor to this State, but seems to be ,. , 1 v . 1 J : it ,stop]>ed.) I herefqre, they say, “if the Government cun thus favor the ; whiskey men, why not me too? I only want it for one year, I don’t ]see why Jam left out,” Special general in all the cotton producing States. There will evidently lx- a large decrease of the crop, and if the over producHon is the cause of low prices for cotton, which is very . .. , , , , generally conceded, there can be but fa ' 01 ’ 8 ’ 3>'sfhed on the ground of Httic doubt that the destruction of | other s^-c.al favors to other classes , that in the face of the doctrine of a portion of the present crop will ... ,, . , , . , * ,i i “equal rights to all, special favors to mure to the benefit of the producer,, 1 e ’ 1 by raising the price, which at the I 1 . * u , i fifth plank of this same Ocala opening of the harvest was verv low. ., , . . , . ‘ form Brethren, if we are goi Already the price is advancing on a , , . , , , 6 good staple of cotton, and it is the opinion of those well versed in the handling of qotton that it w ; ll in- plat- going to dvocate this scheme let us make it so broad that the machinist may ! store his engine, the contractor his j building, the manufacturer the out- and believe' f 1,e t or .Y> the furnaces their I iron and steel, the merchant his crease in value, if properly prepared for market. We hojx- that the crop vet to be harvested | . . ... . will aggregate the farmers more * ... ' . , , ■ monev than they would have received | l ,rtuchcr hls R ' r,,, °" 8 ’ tlle doctor 11,8 which seemed to j l’ ilis > ,,,,,, omi l XK,r 8CWln 8 "'°- mun the shirts she is making for less than cost. , But (hey say by storing the non- for the large crop, be assured earlier County Record. jn the season.— The Meanrst illan. Nye put it exactly right Bill when he said: A man may use a wart on the back of his neck fora, collar button, ride in the back coach | to save interest on his money until i the conductor gets around, stop his: watch at night to save the wear mid ' perishable farm products and loaning ' us KO per cent of their value and by ! loaning money on real estate such an I era of prosperity w ill lx- inaugurated that these other classes I have named will not need to store any pf the products of their labor; money will lx- so plentiful that a great home market w ill lx- opened up which will absorb all of their goods at good Brethren, that is one of tear, leaves his i’s and t’s without a dot and a cross to save ink—but a . , 111 14 VC 1 . 1^1 Will Vlly I'ilClb iO VM1V XSJ. man of this sort 18 a L r entIonian and ... . . • . , , * their strong arguments as showing a scholar couqiaretl with (lie fellow t., , ,. A- lV that takes a newspaper two or threi years and when he is asked to pity ! for it puts it buck in the office and 1 has it marked “refused.” When a inuii wauls his paper slopjied he ; ought to pay up and inform the editor that ids paper is no longer 1 wanted, the philanthropic interest the sub- tmisiinite takes m all other classes, Did you ever think how it is to th« proteetionist argument for a prohibi tive tariff? Almost their very words. If you want some idea of how it will work asl some of the poor dupes of Carnegie, the protection baron of lYiiusylvania. These poor I el lows who have been voting for a protec tive tariff in the hope of higher wages and a home market, and in stead often find themselves for months out of employment and de pendent on the charities of the world for bread for their little ones. Under the head of the doctrine of “equal rights” we demand: First. “That our national legisla tion shall lx- so framed in future as not to build up one industry at the expense of another.” 1 know you heartily endorse this, but after the analogy between the tariff and the sub-treasury w hich 1 have just shown, how do you reconcile these two de mands? .Second. “We further demand a removal of the existing heavy tariff tax from the necessities of life that the poor of our land mu.jt have.” I heartily concur in that, and make the same application of it to the sub- treasury. Third. “We further demand a just and equitable system of gradua ted income tax.” This, brethren, I believe to lx- the only practical legis lation in Ihe way of new enactment, which is promised by the Ocala plat form. With this placed on a just basis, and the repeal of all laws re stricting legitimate trade and com- merce, or conferring special privi leges upon any class, and the limit ing of ail national and State revenues to the necessary expenses of Govern ment economically and honestly ad ministered, which is the fourth de mand under the “equal rights” sec tion. 1 believe we have embodied all the legislative demands which arc limit d for th'.prosperity of the Ameri can people. Secure these reforms, and it remains with the individual, w hether he be a “hewer of wood and drawer of water,” or asserts himself a free citizen, “who owes ne man anything but love.’.’ One thing more about the sub- treasury, although there are many more sides from which it can be dis cussed and, perhaps, better argu ments urged against it: The advo cates of this scheme base itsconstitu-, tionality upon the general welfare clause of the Constitution of the United States. Have you ever thought what a “multitude of sins” and how many jobs that clause has been made to cover? But I must hurry on, fos^ want to say a few words about the demand for Govern ment ownership of railroad and tele graphs and the election of United States Senators by direct vote of the people. Have you ever thought of the cost of buying all the railroads in this big country, and how they would l»j paid for? Have you ever considered how many millions of Federal em ployees it would add to the patronage of Congress or the White House, thereby placing it in the power of the party which first got hold of it the means to perpetuate itself in office, and nothing but a bloody revo lution could ever dislodge it? Have you ever thought of the deficiency of the mail service of the country amounting to several millions of dollars which has to he made up every year by appropriation of Con gress, and that his money is raised by taxation? If three or four mil lions of dollars are annually sunk in carrying the mails, how many hun dreds of millions will be needed to make up the deficiency when the Government undertakes the telegraph and the transportation of the vast products of this country? When we go into this business in stead of “billon dollar” Congresses, we will have trillion dollar Con gresses. Brethren, if you want to tackle transportation where it will do you most good, go to work on the public roads; reform the road law, and reform the system of not work ing them) and if you must raid the treasury for any purpose, strike it for some millions to expend in build ing a turnpike- to every homestead. “We demand the election of United States Senators by direct vote of the people of each State.” I can not see any good in this. If wc elect the right sort of men to the Legislatures they w ill elect the right sort of Sena tors to Congress. Besides, have you ever considered what kind of govern ment this is? How its several branches act as checks iijhiii the '.w hole? How it- is-4in ‘iiiulissoluble union of indestructible Stale?” Brethren, w iser men in stateman- ship organized the grand fabric of this Government than sonic who now sot themselves up for Solons. They provided for the recognition of the independence and indestructibility of tlx- Mates by tins very thing of elect ing the United States Senators by the State Legislatures. These Sena tors represent the States in their sovereign capacity, and act as a check against the oppression of small States by large ones through their Representatives in the lower house of Congress. Then there is another check in the way the 1’resi- dent is chosen by electors from each State in proportion to its populatin'. Thii act as a check in botligwavs—a check on the Senate and a check on the House. He is not the Rresident of the people of the United States in its capacity of a Union of free States. This, orudely and hurriedly out lined, is Jeffersonian Democracy. Opposed to this view was the party under Hamilton who wvnted a su preme central government with un limited jxiwers. The natural de scendant of the old Federalist party Hamilton is the Republican party of to-day, which has grown on hate and bloodshed and malice, and is seeking to destroy all constitutional govern ment and establish a despotism in this fair land of ours, a despotism not of king and czars, hut far worse, tlx* despotism of in unbridled ma jority. Brethren, I have alluded to this matter because it is intimately con nected with the Ocala demands some of which place the Alliance, to my mind, in a jiosition which out-cen- tralizes the Republican party. Yon are called on to support these de mands to a unit. Before you do so, let me beseech you to study them carefully on their merits or demerits; study them in the light of history; study them in the light of the t'on- stitution of this grand Republic, and apply to them the test of true Alli ance principles. If you and the thousands of honest farmers of this broad land w ill but do this earnestly, faithfully, there need he no fear for the result, and the grand principles of free instutions will be preserved to us and our posterity. Remember, brethren, that “eternal vigilance is the price of liberty” and evi rything else worth having in this world and the next. Square your course in life by the eternal principles of truth and right; tread the path of duty unflinchingly, and success will surely crown your efforts. Rev. Pllnk Plunk's Sayings. De man dat takes great pride in his ancestors, deah breddern, an’ ex- ])ccks people to honor him on dat account makes a great big mistake. Many a man causes dc greates’ amusement to dr rest oh de worl’ by de way in which he rattles ‘round in dc shoes oh a dead father or grand father w ho w iiz one ol« dc great men oh his day, but who took all abilities w if him wen he set sail for de golden shore. Contentment is better dan great riches, deah breddern. De |w>’ man can only afford to buy one watermel on, hut when he buys i( he’s able to eat't and enjoy it, w ile dc rich man, dat can buy melons by Ihe cartload, is troubled wid a digesting apparatus dat won’t allow him to eat more'll half a slice oh de juicy fruit wifont gettin’ sick. De virtue of some men, deah bred- dern, an’ of a great many women, too, makes me smile. It seems to me to lx- like de curl in a pig's tail— a good deal more for ornament than use. The Colored State Fair. The Colored State Fair is going to be a hummer. That is if the colored people have their way, and it looks as though they would. For they are thoroughly in earnest and making every effort to have it the liest yet held.. Canva-ssers are working every part of the State, and large committees arc at work in every county. Tlic , ’n , sult will be that the fair will lx- all that coilkl lx- expected. Thoy have large committees in several counties working up a variety of the best exhibitions in order to have every department creditably represented. We again solicit the press and the intelligent public to encourage this movement, as it is inio which will develop the resources of the w hole State. Aigreat German .defined the dif ference between Socialism % and : Christianity in a very clever epigram ! “Socialism says, ‘What is thine is j niii.ie;', Christianity says, ‘What- is mine is (hine.’ ” C II 0 11 L b E L E C iiOBS' A Sermon In Rhyme. If you Imvo u frienit worth loving. Love him. Yes, anil lei him know That you love him, ere life’s evening Tinge his brow with sunset glow. Why should good words ne’er lie said Of a friend—lill lie is dead? If you hear it song that thrills you. Sung by any child of song. Praise it. Do not let the singer Wait deserved praises long. Why should one who tin ills your heart Lack the joy yon may impart? If you lifear a prayer that moves you, Hy its humble, pleading tone. Join it. Do not lot the seeker Dow before Ids God alone. Why should not your brother share Tile strength of “two or three” in prayer? If you see the hot tears falling From a brother's weeping eyes, Share them. And hy kindly sharing Own your kinship with the skies Why should any one lie glad When a brother’s heart Is sad? If a silvering laugh goes rippling Through the sunshine on Ids face. Share it. “Tis the wise man's saving— For both grief and joy a place. There’s health and goodness In the mirth In which an honest laugh has birth. If your work is made more easy Dy a friendly helping hand, Say so. Speak out brave and truly. Ere the darkness veil the land. Should a brother workman dear Falter for a word of cheer? Scatter thus your seeds of kindness, All enriching ns you go— Leave them. Trust the Harvest Giver. He will make each seed to grow. So, until Its happy end, Your life shall never lack a friend. The Li w.nn of Life. A Cieitlfman. It is not the easiest thing in the world to do to furnish a definition of a gentleman; so many elements enter inlo the meaning of the term in its fullest comprehension. It takes something inside to make a gentleman, but it takes something outside also. Along with the es sential internal qualities, principles, sentiments and impulses, there must likewise be numbered a certain pro priety and refinement of speech and maiincv. Where the spirit is want ing, the hollow- outside will seldom impose for any length of time on a tolerably acute observer. On the other hand a man can not have the true internal spirit without it evinc ing itself outwardly. A person may have the true spirit of a gentleman, and also the manners of one in a degree to entitle him to the appella tion and yet lack the delicate defer ence, nice tact, simple and exquisite grace and courtesy which stamp with an inexplicable charm the thoroughbred and perfect gentle man. Nobility of soul, honor, the courage to do right, respect for God’s image in every human soul, delicacy, gentle ness and kindness of spirit are es sential,in every gentleman’s general make np. He is one who never takes credit when he docs not deserve it. Neither gold can buy, nor wild horses drag him from the path of right. The scorn with which he re]x‘lsall attempts it]k>u his honor, is sometimes called pride, but it is very different from the mere self-esteem and self-importance, arrogance and superciliousness which demand hom age from all, seeking to” humble others. It is rather a feeling of disdain and disgn^t at what is base, and that erectness of spirit which must accompany the consciousness of merit. Your real gentleman has respect for everything respectable in others, and whilst modest inspeak- ing of himself, he speaks frankly, freely, gladly in praise of others’ nobleness. llesjiecting God’s creatures his im pulses towards them are delicate and considerate, prompting him to gentle thoughts and kind judgment, and these sentiments are manifested in speech, tone and main er. Ho many ]>eople are merely civil or polite out of regard for what is due themselves. They lack the true ring of geq^ility which will never deliberately, wanton ly, needlessly wound the feelings of others, trample on their self-respect, or self-love, or in any way diHcoiii]>nse them, put them out of countenance, or make them ill at ease. This is what we call courtesy—the outward and visible manifestation of a gentle and kindly spirit, which comes from and goes to the heart. True courtesy is the perfect out ward form of the gentle and kindly spirit—the flower and aroma that springs from those twin roots, and is one of tfie most graceful and gracious, lovely and winning things that delights human eyes, and I chiinns huiuuu henits.—(.Ifeeuville ‘News, ' The lesson we have to learu in life is the same lesson which we have to learn in traveling through a mountainous country. The first lesson is: to estimate distances. The traveler sees the mountain-summit sparkling in the evening sun, ap parently close above his head: and he resolves that the next morning he ascend that mountain, and come down again before breakfast. But he finds next day a long three miles between himself and. the monntain- foot, and that when he has arrived there it takes five or six hours to ascend, and half that time to come twck again; and it is well if he re turns before nightfall. It is precise ly the same with every human un dertaking. Our first idea is very different from that which attainment teaches us. We set out with brilliant expectations; we find them very slow 'in realizing themselves. We find that, between our ideal and itsattain- inent, there is an immense interval. That which seemed to be the work of days we find to he the work of months; that which seemed to lie the work of years turns out to be the work of centuries. And so, step by step, man is disenchanted. I be lieve that the lesson of all experience and of all life is this: to expect very little, for.there is but little of human expectation to be attained; to sow abundantly, and to be satisfied with a very small harvest. Happy is the man not thoroughly broken by dis- apixiintnieiit! Happy is the man! for the object of this training is, but that he may work more calmly, with less of fitful enthusiasm—with steady gaze fixed on the Hereafter!— Frederick W. Robinson. If as much attention were paid to the science of cooking as there is to the, art qf dancing, marriage would he more of a success than it is. You may have a rough voyage through life, but you have nothing to fear while yon keep unbelief be low, faith on deck, and Christ at the helm of your little bark. Charity does not require of ns that we should not see the faults of others, but that we should avoid all needless and voluntary observances of them, and that we should not lie blind to their good qualities, when we are so sharp-sighted to their bad ones. There are other forms of untruth- fulness besides the direct lie. There are those who would not speak an untrue word, who yet color their statements so as to make them really false in the impression they leave; or they would not speak a lie, hut they will act one. Their lives are full of small deceits, concealments, pretences, insincerities, dissimula tions, dishonesties. You know how many of these there are in society. Oh, lie true in your inmost soul- true in every word, act, look, tone and feeling. Never deceive. There are no white lies in God’s sight; it is a miserable fiction that thinks there are. Lower Darlington Clrcnlt. The churches of Fvower Darlington circuit have been visited hy a revival of unusual power. The Holy Spirit was present from the first service, and both preacher and the congrega tions seemed to he impressed witli the responsibility of the occasion. Our Raster, the Rev. J. E. Rushton, undertook the work alone, and the grand results show how well he per formed his duty. The old members say that the churches of the circuit have had the best meetings that they have had in years. There have been over one hundred conversions, and 1 think over seventy joined thechnrcb. Besides the conversions the entire membership was revived, and thoac w ho have always lieen silent in church heretofore are now ready and anxious to testify for Jesus in the experience meetings. Several family altars have been erected, and judging from appear ances old grievances have been buried, and there is more brotherly love and good feeling in the community now than ever was known. The Baptists attended the meet ings at Cypress church and say that they were most graciously blessed; some of them have since joined the Babtist (‘hiireh. Rev. J. E. Rushton is certainly a great revivalist and Is the right man in the right place. The (x-ople love him and are always glad to have him to vi-it them in their ho ic s. Cypress, Ang. 28. J. W. D.