The Darlington herald. (Darlington, S.C.) 1890-1895, September 16, 1891, Image 1
DARLINGTON HERALD.
—
“IF FOR THE LIBERTY OF THE WORLD WE CAN DO ANYTHING.”
VOL. II.
DARLINGTON, SOUTH CAROLINA, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 1(5, 1891.
NO.
HI TLKK AM) STOKES.
The (’orrfsiiondencf Belwern the
Senior United States Senator
from South Carolina and
the President of the
Slate Farmers'
Alliance.
Edgefield, S. C'., Aug. 2S, 1801.
Dr. J.W. Stokes, Editor Cotton
Plant, Orangeburg, S. C.—Dear Sir :
On my return to Edgefield yester
day, after an absence of three weeks,
a friend handed me a copy of your
paper, the Colton Plant, of the 8th
instant, in which. I find the follow
ing in yOur editorial column:
“Echoes from Prosperity—Senator
Butler’s Contemptuous Opinion of
the Alliance.”
“At Prosperity Senator Butler
divided all men into three classes.
’Two of these claases are honest, in
cluding himself. The ‘third one,’
he said, ‘who borrows at any price
and never intends to pay it hack,
this last class is the one who wants
to Itorrow money at ‘Z per cent,’
(italics our.—From The News and
Courier report.) This is a remarka
ble statement from the Senator. The
man ‘who borrows at any price and
never intends to pay back’ is a thief
and a scoundrel. According to the
Senator, therefoer, 40,000 Alliance
men in South Carolina, and a good
many Non-Alliance men, who would
like to borrow money at 2 per cent,
are thieves and scoundrels. How
do you like that, farmers of South
Carolina? It is an infamous charge;
but since it comes from a 1 nited
States Senator of course we will keep
our mouths shut—till the next elec
tion.” .
Permit me to refresh your mem
ory as to what I did say in that i>or-
tion of my remarks to which your
editorial refers. 1 spoke as follows:
“There are three classes of people
—one class that neither borrows nor
• lends money, (and they are a pretty
large class,) and another class lends
money out on interest (and it is a
perfectlv legitimate business; he
prefers to live on the interest rather
than put his money ip cotton or
mules, and there is no reason why he
should not. Does that make him an
enemy to the country or make him
any less a patriot because he loans
money at such a rate of interest as
he may be able to get?)*
“Then there is another class,
which, unfortunately, I belong to—
the borrowing class. [Laughter.]
1 don’t think a man because he lends
money at. 10 per cent is a thief.
Sometimes I am very much obliged
to the party for leRing me have it;
it helps mo out of a scrape and I
gladly give him the rate he charges.
I have seen the time that I would
like to have borrowed $5.
“Then you will take my class, and
they are susceptible of division inlo
three. You will find the fellow who
if he had one or two thousand dol
lars would invest and make some
thing by borrowing it at 5, 6, 7, 8,
10 or 15 per cent, and will in due
time return the money he borrowed
and the interest on the same. There
is another fellow just as honest, just
as truthful as the other man, who
borrows money at 8 or 9 per cent,
and misfortune overtakes him, a
cyclone, a sickness or something pre
vents his returning; he is as honest as
the other man, but he cannot return
it just at that time, but if he is hon
est he will keep on hammering until
he does puv it back. Then, the
other class who will borrow money
at 2, 15, 20 or 50 per cent and never
intends to pay it back, and never
docs. [Applause and laughter.] It
is too little; it is like gamblinj. You
get your money too easy, and you
spend your money too easy.”
This is a verbatim stenographic
report of my remarks, and I recog
nise it as correct. I should like to
have your individual recollection of
what I said. I made no special refer
ence to farmers, but included all
classes in every community. There
are many honest men everywhere, in
every class,'some^ dishonest men
in almost every class. To the latter
I applied my remrtVk's in the third
class of the subdivision, and yet in
your editorial you make me include
the 40,000 farmers belonging to the
Alliance. You did not put this con
struction on my speech either direct
ly or by implication in your half
hour’s reply. You could not have
thought it amenable to such a con
struction.
In view of this explanation and
correction I ask a retraction of that
party of your editorial doing me in
justice; and a publication of this
communication in the Cotton Plant,
so that it may reach those who have
read your editorials. .
I nob- that you predicate your
criticism and conclusions on a report
of my speech in The News and Cou
rier. ’l]his report does not purport
to l>e a stenographic report, nor does
it, in its present shape, admit of the
construction you give; jitj'^ut. the
issue is between yourself, and I
would lx- obliged if you would in
form me what construction you
placed upon it at that time in my
presence, and in the presence of that
large assemblage of farmers, and if
you construed, as you appear to have
construed when penning that edito
rial, in the quiet and deliberation of
your sanctum, eight or ten days after
the event, why did you not then and
there reply to and rebuke me for
these “infamous charges against 40,-
000 farmers, whose especial cham
pion you claim to lx-?
The remaining part of your edito
rial is teeming with misrepresenta
tions and perversions of what I said
and of my attitude towards public
questions. Your statement that
I
am not a farmer is untrue, and must
have been made for the purpose of
creating a false impression and pre
judice, but as the one especially
referred to above is the most flagrant
in its injustice I content myself for
the 'present with inviting your at
tention to it with the accompanying
explanation and request.
Yours very respectfully,
M. ('. But leu.
MU. STOKES S J.ETTKK.
What is iny individual recollec
tion of what the Senator said? To
be frank, I understood him'to say
substantially what The News and
Courier, Herald and News, and the
Press and Repoiter represented him
as saying—just what Col. Talliert
and Dr. Pope understood him to say,
as will be seen by their utterance re
produced on another page, and just
what a number of other gentlemen
present understood him to say. I
was amazed, astounded, indignant at
such an utterance from such a source,
and noted it down for reply, us my
notes show.
Why did I not reply to it that
day? It does seem that the Senator
should know the morning meeting
was broken up by rain. It was agreed
that each of us should have an hour
and a half. I was to divide my time
so as to have a reply. 1 used an hour
and four minut -s in opening. The
Senator was allowed to extend his
remarks to about two hours, with |
the understanding that I should have j
a like extension. This would have I
given me near an hour for reply, and
l had ample notes to occupy that
time. The rain stopped me in alxmt
fifteen minutes, and after dinner 1
could not well continue even if my
voice had admitted of it, because
the Senator had disappeared.
The statement that ♦he Senator
was not a farmer was made in good
faith on information. I am glad to
be corrected if my information was
incorrect.
The Senator asks for a retraction
of my editorial comment on the lan
guage attributed to him by The
News and Courier. This is evident
ly an inadvertence on the part of so
astute and logical a mind as the
Senator’s. He should first deny at
least using the language attributed
to him. For, the comments is a
deduction by logical and natural
process from that language: and
none knows better than he that a
logical conclusion can l>e destroyed
only by invalidated only by denial or
retraction. The major promise in
this case is language attributed to
the Senator. Does he deny using the
language or does he wish to attract
it? Since he has set the example, he
will excuse me for using the inter
rogative form.* Does he deny the re
port of The News and Courier, of
the Herald and News, (both his
stanch supporters,) and of the
IVess and lie]wrier, corroborated by
Dr. Po]>c, Col. 'I'aHstt and by a
number of other witnesses?
So far he has not done so, as I ap
prehend.' 'True, he refers to a “ver-
batirrfsjtonographic re]xirt,” which
he recognizes as correct; and yet that
same “verbatim stenographic rejxjrt
(the State’s) so flagrantly misrepre
seated him on two points of his
*l>oech ns to cull forth from him a
card of correction in that paper July
51. f um quite sure that it omitted
several material jioints in my speech,
though it was reasonably accurate in
what I did print.
While not distinctly denying the
correctness of the rcjHirts of these,
papers, as will l>e seen by reference
to his letter, he simply asserts that
even “in its present shape” th: re
port does not “admit of the construc
tion you (I) give it.” Surely the
Senator recognizes that a question of
construction is an exceedingly varia
ble quantity.
I recognize fully the right of any
man to interpret his own language
itti(|iU)’ say,what he meant it to con
vey. I hnN'o no desire to hold him
to a construction he does not desire
it to carry, and hence I ask special
attention to the Senator’s explanation
of his position.
But I must hold that in the ab
sence of limitations uj>on the mean
ing of language, it is legitimate to
construe it according to the ordinary
rules of construction. I submit it,
therefore, to the Senator as. a fair
minded and logical reasouer, whether
the language erodited to him by
these three papers, and allowed to
pass wthout denial—bearing in mind
always that the discussion was upon
the only plan that proposes to bor
row at 2 per cent, and that the Al
liance is the only body in this State
which advocates such a plan—I sub
mit to him; 1 1 say, as a fair minded
man and a logician, whether the con
struction I placed upon it was not
logical and natural.
I submit to him further, whether,
until his correction and explanation
appeared, the public were not justi
fied in interpreting it- in a natural
and rational way with the context;
and whether hr should not at least
give some other construction to the
langauge, if indeed he does not deny
it.
It might be pertinent to ask also,
since the interrogative style is in
vogue, why I am singled out for re
buke in this matter. The applica
tion of his language to 40,000 far
mers of the State was not even origi
nal with the Cotton Riant. Had the
Senator remained to hear Col. Tal
bert, he would have heard thatappli-
cation distinctly made and resented,
as appears in his printed speech in
anot her column. Dr. I ’ope made
virtually the same application and it
was widely printed over his own
signature. Yet in his Asheville inter
view the Senator passes over and al-
inoit apologizes for Dr. Rope; but
reserves his invective for the Cotton
Riant, lie appears studiously to
have avoided Col. TulWt’s charge as
well as his speech. These gentlemen
are certainly more promineiR in the
public life of Soutl^ Carolina than
myself, except possibly in relation to
the 'Alliance. Is that the inspiration
of his choice of me as a target?
Aga : u I ask the attention of the
readers of the Cotton Riant to Sena
tor Butler’s “correction and explana
tion.” J. W. S.
EXroSIAU THE SIB-TREASIRV.
Address of E. W. Dabbs Before the
Privateer Alliance.
The Outlook in Williamsburg.
We eon versed with the farmers
from different parts of the county,
on Monday, in regard to the condi
tion of the cotton crop, and they
were unanimous in the opinion that
the crop of this county had lx*en
greatly reduced and injured by the
rains of the past six or eight weeks.
Some of them estimated the loss at
30 per cent; and none of them under
25 per cent. Besides the open cot
ton, which has sprouted in the bolls
and is partially ruined, a large pro
portion of unopened bolls have, and
are still, rotting, and in some locali
ties'the boll worm is destroying the
young bolls.
The changed condition of the cot
ton crop is not confined to this conn
Rkivatekr, Sept. 4.—Mr. E. W.
Dabbs delivered recently before the
Alliance at this place a long and
able address which made a deep im
pression. Much of the address had
a purely local application, but the
concluding portion treated of the
sub-treasury and some other de
mands of the Ocala platform, and
the argument was concluded in such
plain terms that it, occurred to me
that its publication in The Ne^s
and Courier, where it would reach
many readers, might do some good. I
regret that I could not secure the
copy earlier, but its interest is not
affected by that fact. The following
is what Mr. Dabbs said on the sub
ject referred to: "
We will now turn to the other
plan for relief from financial embar
rassment—by legislation to enact
ourselves rich. This is embodied in
what .is known as the Ocala platform
of the Nufionul Alliance, and the de
mand of that platform upon which
most stress is laid, and which its ad
vocates tell us will surely bring the
much needed relit f, is what is known
as the sub-treasury plan. 'J’his plan
proposes the abolition of national
banks and the substitution therefor
of sub-treasuries of the United
States in the several States, which
shall loan money direct to the people
at a rate of interest not exceeding 2
per cent per annum on non-perisha
ble farm products and on real estate.
This plan provides for Government
ware houses, in certain counties
where these products are to be stored
and where the money is to be issued.
The advocates of this scheme
justify the creation of these ware
houses, estimated to cost fifty mil
lions of dollars, from the funds of
the Government, on the ground that
th.- Government owns and operates
whiskey ware houses, and justify the
loaning of money on produce stored
on the ground that the Government
loans whiskey men ninety cents on
the gallon for three years, while we
only want the money for one year.
They lose sight of the fact that this
ninety cents on whiskey is a tax
which the Government allows three
years for the payment of; that the
creation of these ware houses is to
collect this tax and keep under the
eye of the Government a tariff which,
unregulated, would work incalcula
ble harm to the body politic, (I hold
that this is wrong, and that the tax
should be paid as soon as the whis
key comes from the still, say at the
end of every month,) and that the
advocates of the sub-treasury when
they use the whiskey storage as pre
cedent are laboring under the delu
sion that “two wrongs make aright,”
Do you see the point?
Lt me state it another way. They
say the Government stores whiskey
and loans 90 cents on the gallon for
three years, and they generally con-
...c..,. demu this practice. (1 hoimto see
ty nor to this State, but seems to be ,. , 1 v . 1
J : it ,stop]>ed.) I herefqre, they say, “if
the Government cun thus favor the
; whiskey men, why not me too? I
only want it for one year, I don’t
]see why Jam left out,” Special
general in all the cotton producing
States. There will evidently lx- a
large decrease of the crop, and if the
over producHon is the cause of low
prices for cotton, which is very . .. , , , ,
generally conceded, there can be but fa ' 01 ’ 8 ’ 3>'sfhed on the ground of
Httic doubt that the destruction of | other s^-c.al favors to other classes
, that in the face of the doctrine of
a portion of the present crop will ... ,, . , ,
. , * ,i i “equal rights to all, special favors to
mure to the benefit of the producer,, 1 e ’ 1
by raising the price, which at the I 1
. * u , i fifth plank of this same Ocala
opening of the harvest was verv low.
., , . . , . ‘ form Brethren, if we are goi
Already the price is advancing on a , , . , , , 6
good staple of cotton, and it is the
opinion of those well versed in the
handling of qotton that it w ; ll in-
plat-
going to
dvocate this scheme let us make it
so broad that the machinist may
! store his engine, the contractor his
j building, the manufacturer the out-
and believe' f 1,e t or .Y> the furnaces their
I iron and steel, the merchant his
crease in value, if properly prepared
for market. We hojx-
that the crop vet to be harvested | . . ... .
will aggregate the farmers more * ... ' . , , ■
monev than they would have received | l ,rtuchcr hls R ' r,,, °" 8 ’ tlle doctor 11,8
which seemed to j l’ ilis > ,,,,,, omi l XK,r 8CWln 8 "'°-
mun the shirts she is making for
less than cost. ,
But (hey say by storing the non-
for the large crop,
be assured earlier
County Record.
jn the season.—
The Meanrst illan.
Nye put it exactly
right
Bill
when he said: A man may use a
wart on the back of his neck fora,
collar button, ride in the back coach |
to save interest on his money until i
the conductor gets around, stop his:
watch at night to save the wear mid
' perishable farm products and loaning
' us KO per cent of their value and by
! loaning money on real estate such an
I era of prosperity w ill lx- inaugurated
that these other classes I have
named will not need to store any pf
the products of their labor; money
will lx- so plentiful that a great home
market w ill lx- opened up which will
absorb all of their goods at good
Brethren, that is one of
tear, leaves his i’s and t’s without a
dot and a cross to save ink—but a
. , 111 14 VC 1 . 1^1 Will Vlly I'ilClb iO VM1V XSJ.
man of this sort 18 a L r entIonian and ... . . •
. , , * their strong arguments as showing
a scholar couqiaretl with (lie fellow t., , ,. A- lV
that takes a newspaper two or threi
years and when he is asked to pity
! for it puts it buck in the office and
1 has it marked “refused.” When a
inuii wauls his paper slopjied he
; ought to pay up and inform the
editor that ids paper is no longer
1 wanted,
the philanthropic interest the sub-
tmisiinite takes m all other classes,
Did you ever think how it is to th«
proteetionist argument for a prohibi
tive tariff? Almost their very words.
If you want some idea of how it will
work asl some of the poor dupes of
Carnegie, the protection baron of
lYiiusylvania. These poor I el lows
who have been voting for a protec
tive tariff in the hope of higher
wages and a home market, and in
stead often find themselves for
months out of employment and de
pendent on the charities of the
world for bread for their little ones.
Under the head of the doctrine of
“equal rights” we demand:
First. “That our national legisla
tion shall lx- so framed in future as
not to build up one industry at the
expense of another.” 1 know you
heartily endorse this, but after the
analogy between the tariff and the
sub-treasury w hich 1 have just shown,
how do you reconcile these two de
mands?
.Second. “We further demand a
removal of the existing heavy tariff
tax from the necessities of life that
the poor of our land mu.jt have.” I
heartily concur in that, and make the
same application of it to the sub-
treasury.
Third. “We further demand a
just and equitable system of gradua
ted income tax.” This, brethren, I
believe to lx- the only practical legis
lation in Ihe way of new enactment,
which is promised by the Ocala plat
form. With this placed on a just
basis, and the repeal of all laws re
stricting legitimate trade and com-
merce, or conferring special privi
leges upon any class, and the limit
ing of ail national and State revenues
to the necessary expenses of Govern
ment economically and honestly ad
ministered, which is the fourth de
mand under the “equal rights” sec
tion. 1 believe we have embodied all
the legislative demands which arc
limit d for th'.prosperity of the Ameri
can people. Secure these reforms,
and it remains with the individual,
w hether he be a “hewer of wood and
drawer of water,” or asserts himself
a free citizen, “who owes ne man
anything but love.’.’
One thing more about the sub-
treasury, although there are many
more sides from which it can be dis
cussed and, perhaps, better argu
ments urged against it: The advo
cates of this scheme base itsconstitu-,
tionality upon the general welfare
clause of the Constitution of the
United States. Have you ever
thought what a “multitude of sins”
and how many jobs that clause has
been made to cover? But I must
hurry on, fos^ want to say a few
words about the demand for Govern
ment ownership of railroad and tele
graphs and the election of United
States Senators by direct vote of the
people.
Have you ever thought of the cost
of buying all the railroads in this
big country, and how they would l»j
paid for? Have you ever considered
how many millions of Federal em
ployees it would add to the patronage
of Congress or the White House,
thereby placing it in the power of
the party which first got hold of it
the means to perpetuate itself in
office, and nothing but a bloody revo
lution could ever dislodge it? Have
you ever thought of the deficiency of
the mail service of the country
amounting to several millions of
dollars which has to he made up
every year by appropriation of Con
gress, and that his money is raised
by taxation? If three or four mil
lions of dollars are annually sunk in
carrying the mails, how many hun
dreds of millions will be needed to
make up the deficiency when the
Government undertakes the telegraph
and the transportation of the vast
products of this country?
When we go into this business in
stead of “billon dollar” Congresses,
we will have trillion dollar Con
gresses. Brethren, if you want to
tackle transportation where it will
do you most good, go to work on the
public roads; reform the road law,
and reform the system of not work
ing them) and if you must raid the
treasury for any purpose, strike it
for some millions to expend in build
ing a turnpike- to every homestead.
“We demand the election of United
States Senators by direct vote of the
people of each State.” I can not see
any good in this. If wc elect the
right sort of men to the Legislatures
they w ill elect the right sort of Sena
tors to Congress. Besides, have you
ever considered what kind of govern
ment this is? How its several
branches act as checks iijhiii the
'.w hole? How it- is-4in ‘iiiulissoluble
union of indestructible Stale?”
Brethren, w iser men in stateman-
ship organized the grand fabric of
this Government than sonic who now
sot themselves up for Solons. They
provided for the recognition of the
independence and indestructibility of
tlx- Mates by tins very thing of elect
ing the United States Senators by
the State Legislatures. These Sena
tors represent the States in their
sovereign capacity, and act as a
check against the oppression of
small States by large ones through
their Representatives in the lower
house of Congress. Then there is
another check in the way the 1’resi-
dent is chosen by electors from each
State in proportion to its populatin'.
Thii act as a check in botligwavs—a
check on the Senate and a check on
the House. He is not the Rresident
of the people of the United States
in its capacity of a Union of free
States.
This, orudely and hurriedly out
lined, is Jeffersonian Democracy.
Opposed to this view was the party
under Hamilton who wvnted a su
preme central government with un
limited jxiwers. The natural de
scendant of the old Federalist party
Hamilton is the Republican party of
to-day, which has grown on hate and
bloodshed and malice, and is seeking
to destroy all constitutional govern
ment and establish a despotism in
this fair land of ours, a despotism
not of king and czars, hut far worse,
tlx* despotism of in unbridled ma
jority.
Brethren, I have alluded to this
matter because it is intimately con
nected with the Ocala demands some
of which place the Alliance, to my
mind, in a jiosition which out-cen-
tralizes the Republican party. Yon
are called on to support these de
mands to a unit. Before you do so,
let me beseech you to study them
carefully on their merits or demerits;
study them in the light of history;
study them in the light of the t'on-
stitution of this grand Republic, and
apply to them the test of true Alli
ance principles. If you and the
thousands of honest farmers of this
broad land w ill but do this earnestly,
faithfully, there need he no fear for
the result, and the grand principles
of free instutions will be preserved
to us and our posterity. Remember,
brethren, that “eternal vigilance is
the price of liberty” and evi rything
else worth having in this world and
the next.
Square your course in life by the
eternal principles of truth and right;
tread the path of duty unflinchingly,
and success will surely crown your
efforts.
Rev. Pllnk Plunk's Sayings.
De man dat takes great pride in
his ancestors, deah breddern, an’ ex-
])ccks people to honor him on dat
account makes a great big mistake.
Many a man causes dc greates’
amusement to dr rest oh de worl’ by
de way in which he rattles ‘round in
dc shoes oh a dead father or grand
father w ho w iiz one ol« dc great men
oh his day, but who took all abilities
w if him wen he set sail for de golden
shore.
Contentment is better dan great
riches, deah breddern. De |w>’ man
can only afford to buy one watermel
on, hut when he buys i( he’s able
to eat't and enjoy it, w ile dc rich
man, dat can buy melons by Ihe
cartload, is troubled wid a digesting
apparatus dat won’t allow him to eat
more'll half a slice oh de juicy fruit
wifont gettin’ sick.
De virtue of some men, deah bred-
dern, an’ of a great many women,
too, makes me smile. It seems to
me to lx- like de curl in a pig's tail—
a good deal more for ornament than
use.
The Colored State Fair.
The Colored State Fair is going to
be a hummer. That is if the colored
people have their way, and it looks
as though they would.
For they are thoroughly in earnest
and making every effort to have it
the liest yet held.. Canva-ssers are
working every part of the State, and
large committees arc at work in
every county. Tlic , ’n , sult will be
that the fair will lx- all that coilkl lx-
expected.
Thoy have large committees in
several counties working up a variety
of the best exhibitions in order to
have every department creditably
represented. We again solicit the
press and the intelligent public to
encourage this movement, as it is inio
which will develop the resources of
the w hole State.
Aigreat German .defined the dif
ference between Socialism % and
: Christianity in a very clever epigram
! “Socialism says, ‘What is thine is
j niii.ie;', Christianity says, ‘What- is
mine is (hine.’ ”
C II 0 11 L b E L E C iiOBS'
A Sermon In Rhyme.
If you Imvo u frienit worth loving.
Love him. Yes, anil lei him know
That you love him, ere life’s evening
Tinge his brow with sunset glow.
Why should good words ne’er lie said
Of a friend—lill lie is dead?
If you hear it song that thrills you.
Sung by any child of song.
Praise it. Do not let the singer
Wait deserved praises long.
Why should one who tin ills your heart
Lack the joy yon may impart?
If you lifear a prayer that moves you,
Hy its humble, pleading tone.
Join it. Do not lot the seeker
Dow before Ids God alone.
Why should not your brother share
Tile strength of “two or three” in prayer?
If you see the hot tears falling
From a brother's weeping eyes,
Share them. And hy kindly sharing
Own your kinship with the skies
Why should any one lie glad
When a brother’s heart Is sad?
If a silvering laugh goes rippling
Through the sunshine on Ids face.
Share it. “Tis the wise man's saving—
For both grief and joy a place.
There’s health and goodness In the mirth
In which an honest laugh has birth.
If your work is made more easy
Dy a friendly helping hand,
Say so. Speak out brave and truly.
Ere the darkness veil the land.
Should a brother workman dear
Falter for a word of cheer?
Scatter thus your seeds of kindness,
All enriching ns you go—
Leave them. Trust the Harvest Giver.
He will make each seed to grow.
So, until Its happy end,
Your life shall never lack a friend.
The Li w.nn of Life.
A Cieitlfman.
It is not the easiest thing in the
world to do to furnish a definition of
a gentleman; so many elements enter
inlo the meaning of the term in its
fullest comprehension.
It takes something inside to make
a gentleman, but it takes something
outside also. Along with the es
sential internal qualities, principles,
sentiments and impulses, there must
likewise be numbered a certain pro
priety and refinement of speech and
maiincv. Where the spirit is want
ing, the hollow- outside will seldom
impose for any length of time on a
tolerably acute observer. On the
other hand a man can not have the
true internal spirit without it evinc
ing itself outwardly. A person may
have the true spirit of a gentleman,
and also the manners of one in a
degree to entitle him to the appella
tion and yet lack the delicate defer
ence, nice tact, simple and exquisite
grace and courtesy which stamp
with an inexplicable charm the
thoroughbred and perfect gentle
man.
Nobility of soul, honor, the courage
to do right, respect for God’s image
in every human soul, delicacy, gentle
ness and kindness of spirit are es
sential,in every gentleman’s general
make np.
He is one who never takes credit
when he docs not deserve it.
Neither gold can buy, nor wild
horses drag him from the path of
right. The scorn with which he
re]x‘lsall attempts it]k>u his honor, is
sometimes called pride, but it is very
different from the mere self-esteem
and self-importance, arrogance and
superciliousness which demand hom
age from all, seeking to” humble
others. It is rather a feeling of
disdain and disgn^t at what is base,
and that erectness of spirit which
must accompany the consciousness of
merit. Your real gentleman has
respect for everything respectable
in others, and whilst modest inspeak-
ing of himself, he speaks frankly,
freely, gladly in praise of others’
nobleness.
llesjiecting God’s creatures his im
pulses towards them are delicate and
considerate, prompting him to gentle
thoughts and kind judgment, and
these sentiments are manifested in
speech, tone and main er. Ho many
]>eople are merely civil or polite out
of regard for what is due themselves.
They lack the true ring of geq^ility
which will never deliberately, wanton
ly, needlessly wound the feelings of
others, trample on their self-respect,
or self-love, or in any way diHcoiii]>nse
them, put them out of countenance,
or make them ill at ease. This is
what we call courtesy—the outward
and visible manifestation of a gentle
and kindly spirit, which comes from
and goes to the heart.
True courtesy is the perfect out
ward form of the gentle and kindly
spirit—the flower and aroma that
springs from those twin roots, and is
one of tfie most graceful and
gracious, lovely and winning things
that delights human eyes, and
I chiinns huiuuu henits.—(.Ifeeuville
‘News, '
The lesson we have to learu in
life is the same lesson which we
have to learn in traveling through a
mountainous country. The first
lesson is: to estimate distances. The
traveler sees the mountain-summit
sparkling in the evening sun, ap
parently close above his head: and
he resolves that the next morning
he ascend that mountain, and come
down again before breakfast. But
he finds next day a long three miles
between himself and. the monntain-
foot, and that when he has arrived
there it takes five or six hours to
ascend, and half that time to come
twck again; and it is well if he re
turns before nightfall. It is precise
ly the same with every human un
dertaking. Our first idea is very
different from that which attainment
teaches us. We set out with brilliant
expectations; we find them very slow
'in realizing themselves. We find
that, between our ideal and itsattain-
inent, there is an immense interval.
That which seemed to be the work
of days we find to he the work of
months; that which seemed to lie the
work of years turns out to be the
work of centuries. And so, step by
step, man is disenchanted. I be
lieve that the lesson of all experience
and of all life is this: to expect very
little, for.there is but little of human
expectation to be attained; to sow
abundantly, and to be satisfied with
a very small harvest. Happy is the
man not thoroughly broken by dis-
apixiintnieiit! Happy is the man!
for the object of this training is,
but that he may work more calmly,
with less of fitful enthusiasm—with
steady gaze fixed on the Hereafter!—
Frederick W. Robinson.
If as much attention were paid
to the science of cooking as there
is to the, art qf dancing, marriage
would he more of a success than it is.
You may have a rough voyage
through life, but you have nothing
to fear while yon keep unbelief be
low, faith on deck, and Christ at the
helm of your little bark.
Charity does not require of ns that
we should not see the faults of
others, but that we should avoid all
needless and voluntary observances
of them, and that we should not lie
blind to their good qualities, when
we are so sharp-sighted to their bad
ones.
There are other forms of untruth-
fulness besides the direct lie. There
are those who would not speak an
untrue word, who yet color their
statements so as to make them really
false in the impression they leave;
or they would not speak a lie, hut
they will act one. Their lives are
full of small deceits, concealments,
pretences, insincerities, dissimula
tions, dishonesties. You know how
many of these there are in society.
Oh, lie true in your inmost soul-
true in every word, act, look, tone
and feeling. Never deceive. There
are no white lies in God’s sight; it is
a miserable fiction that thinks there
are.
Lower Darlington Clrcnlt.
The churches of Fvower Darlington
circuit have been visited hy a revival
of unusual power. The Holy Spirit
was present from the first service,
and both preacher and the congrega
tions seemed to he impressed witli
the responsibility of the occasion.
Our Raster, the Rev. J. E. Rushton,
undertook the work alone, and the
grand results show how well he per
formed his duty. The old members
say that the churches of the circuit
have had the best meetings that they
have had in years. There have been
over one hundred conversions, and 1
think over seventy joined thechnrcb.
Besides the conversions the entire
membership was revived, and thoac
w ho have always lieen silent in church
heretofore are now ready and anxious
to testify for Jesus in the experience
meetings.
Several family altars have been
erected, and judging from appear
ances old grievances have been buried,
and there is more brotherly love and
good feeling in the community now
than ever was known.
The Baptists attended the meet
ings at Cypress church and say that
they were most graciously blessed;
some of them have since joined the
Babtist (‘hiireh.
Rev. J. E. Rushton is certainly a
great revivalist and Is the right man
in the right place. The (x-ople love
him and are always glad to have him
to vi-it them in their ho ic s.
Cypress, Ang. 28. J. W. D.