Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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The writer of the following letter was one of the original and most uctive and earnest “Keformere” in Union county and represented it in the Legis lature as a “Reformer.” He is still a member of that party in good standing, and in a private note, accompanying his letter, says Uniou county will vote down the convention scheme three to one, and that he knows of but one “Reformers” at his box who will vote for it: Jonesville, Union County, 8. C., Oct. IGlh, 1894. To the Editor of the Greenville News: I am glad to see you standing so firmly and supporting and defending the poor white voter. I am glad to see the light held up that the people may see that iniquitous move that is being made on the political board of our State. We need not say that we will oppose it unless it is sent back to the people for ratification. That proposition was urged when the resolution calling for a convention was passed, which puts the matter beyond a rea sonable doubt at rest. Besides, the campaign committee of the State Democratic committee set tled it further. Now who has the authority to send it back for ratification? The responsibility of those who can read the handwriting on the wall increases every fly ing hour. The first tap of despotism is sonnding now at the very door of the temples of Justice and Liberty. The campaign committee has thrown off the disguise and says it must not come back to the people for them to accept or reject. They come in pleading tones to the people and ask them to vote for a convention that the all-important question of suf frage may be regulated. Regulated for what? Is it because the white peeple (the voters] have been unfaith ful? Is it because after they have followed for the last four years the campaign of political education they are able to see the quirks of political tricksters? Reason answers in her loudest voice the classes and not the masses shall have a vote in the structure of our government. What bosom does not heave at the very 'bought of such a centralisation of power? It has no parallel in the his tory of our State and only has its equal in those countries where there is a thirst for abso lute power and control by tte few over the many. One argument that is used to further the scheme is the colored voter. They say this vote must be silenced, and it is better to disfranchise some white voters in order to get rid of the negro voter. That would not look al together so ungrateful if thev had not used them and his bal lot for their own elevation to power. It is an insult and bears one construction only. It is better to reduce some poor uned ucated white men, their wives and their children down to an equality with the colored peo ple than to hold the ballot in the negro’s Jiands. It is simply ungrateful to propose such a measure. It is an effort to snap the shackles of slavery on some of as good white men as ever defended our flag, and put them in brace with the negro. I know this is plain language, but the occasion requires the truth in its fullest. So if the qualification vote that is contemplated is put into the constitution it will not only de prive the poor white man of the ballot. It will let the rich, ed ucated negro vote and stand the poor uneducated white man off. They want to let themselves off easy by saying that some way can be fixed to let the white man vote. They certainly know better. Hear what the fifteenth amendment to the constitution of the United States says. It reads: “The rights of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color or pre vious condition of servitude.” In the face of that amend ment they tell vou to vote to disfranchise the negro—that you will be doing good for your children. Voters, the destiny of this re public is in your hands. Onthat little strip of paper that passes through your fingers on election days hangs your liberty and the liberty of your children. You are asked to surrender it. In our great reform movement in which our ballot has been the sole factor have we only accom plished a change of masters? Is the reform movement to end in the destruction of our ballots, the greatest heritage that any people can possess? Justice and humanity cry out and say: By all you ever hope to be, resist every advance on your liberties and every attempt to smother your public schools or extinguish your system of public instruction. In conclusion, let me say: The jmain object has come to view. It lies, fortunately, I hope, above I the line and is touched by pub- i he thought. It is useless to de pend upon the colored voter, if such should be thought of. The colored man. to a great extent, 1 don t believe, would care the snap of his finger if the white men vote away their ballots and become his equals in ignorance and standing. The question of equal rights and liberty is now in the hands of the voters. The question of whether a white man shall vote or not has never been raised in South Carolina before. Your right to the ballot has never been challenged before. It appears now that this in stead of being the land of the free and the home of the brave is destined to be the land of the rich and the home of the slave. I hope that every voter may realize that this is the turning point with the poor uneducated white people and it is for you to say by your ballot next Novem ber whether or not you shall be free men. 'Unless a wise and intelligent use of the ballot is made a des potism will g ow on the grave of American liberty. Godprky B. Fowler. The Ballot of the Poor Man. [Piedmont Headlight.] The editor of this paper wishes to state his position on the Con stitutional Convention question so that it cannot be misunder stood or misinterpreted. In the first place, we are not opposed to the calling of a Constitution al Convention, if convinced that the people really desire to incur this expense; and we also be lieve that it is necessary and important to either amend our present Constitution or make a new one. But just at this time, with cotton at less than six cents a pound, and our farmers pressed to pay debts, we very much doubt the wisdom of ex- ? the large sum neces- We have lived under the old Constitution for about thirty years, and can afford to do so for awhile longer and see if times will not get better. In answer to this the advocates of a Convention argue that a Constitution will save many times its own cost by taking from the blacks a great portion of their school appropriation and give it to the white children. Now, no one more earnestly fa vors than the editor of this pa per a more equitable division of our school fund, and we further believe that, after nearly a third of a century of emancipation, if the colored race cannot “tote their own skillet,” that they should not require the whites to educate them longer. But we must rememoer that our upper counties, where the whites large ly predominate, do not so keen ly feel this injustice as the low er black belt; yet, at the same time, it is our duty to protect all sections alike. But the ne gro under our registration laws, is practicaly disfranchised and plays but an insignificant part in politics. Should such an amendment be proposed, or a new Constitution submitted, to the people containing this pro vision, it would be carried over whelmingly by a populai vote. It will take two years at least for the United States Supreme Court to settle the constitution ality of our registration laws, and which will give us ample time to regulate this school bus- ness. Another argument is that the Constitutional Convention is a Reform measure and was advo cated in our first demands. This is true; but we must also bear in mind that the rule of the peo ple and the will of the people are the mud-sills of the Reform party, and we do not believe that it was ever intended that the organic law of our State should be overhauled without giving the voters an opportunity to say whether or not they sanc tioned the proposed changes. When we delegate to me hun dred and sixty-nine men a pow er belonging to the whole peo pie we trample a sacred coven ant with the voters under foot, and give to the world an ex ample of concentrated power such as no State in our Union has ever dared to assume. It is said that it is optional with the Convention whether or not the new Constitutional be submitted to the people for rati fication or rejection. And this is our most serious objection to the same. We insist that it be made obligatory on the part of the members of the Convention to submit their work to the vo ters. We well know that it will never be done otherwise. This new Constitution will not be framed for the especial benefit and behoof of one hundred and sixty men, but for the whole people of our State, and every legalized voter should have a voice in saying whether or not he will accept it. But the principal argument in favor of a Constitutional Con vention is that we must disfran chise the negro vote 90 M to •revent the Antis from using .dm in 1896. Since the adoption of a general primary, where every white man has been given the right to cast his ballot direct for the candidates of his choice, the danger has passed, for the color lines were never so strong ly drawn in a Southern State. No party, and no faction, will dare appeal from such a decis ion, for it would mean a direct and open bid for the negro vote, and you could not carry 3,000 white men in the entire State. Such a bugbear is nonsense, and will not deceive any intelligent voter. Now, let us argue this a little and see if we cannot convince our Constitution-supporting friends that while disfranchis ing the black man they are also imperiling the suffrage of a cer tain class of our white popula tion. There are but two ways in which we can possibly de prive the negro of his right to vote: Through an educational or property qualification. You cannot discriminate in law, and a statute that applies to the poor and ignorant negro must apply with equal force to the poor and unlettered white man. Let us suppose that the first proposition is acted on, and a property qualification for suff rage is adopted by that Consti tutional Convention! Do you know that fully one-third of the white population of South Caro lina do not own $100 worth of property? Yet such is truly the case, and we would build up in South Carolina a money olig archy, just such as the people overturned in 1890. Yet such would be the case. And when you once restrict suffrage it will never be restored, for experi ence has taught the people of this State the tenacity with which a deposed faction will work to recover what they have lost Disfranchise the poor white man and those in whom his power has been invested will never again relinquish it with out a struggle. The second proposition is to have an educational qualifica tion, like in Mississippi, where, before a man can vote, he must read a certain clause in the Con stitution of his State under- standingly. Now,-in the middle and lower sections of South Car olina, nearly every white man is educated, for they owned their slaves before the war and schools are numerous. But with regret we say that it is not the case in our uppercounties. Take Spartanburg, for instance, and there are many poor and unedu cated white men among us. And it is not their fault either, for they h“d to work hard for a living, and wore not born with a silver spoon in their mouth, as were their more fortunate neighbors. In one precinct above the Air Line Road there are eighty odd white voters who do not know a letter in the book, while Dr. Miles, of Hobby’s, tells us that he recently had oc casion to get a paper witnessed and to his surprise found thir teen white men who could not sign their names. And among these unlettered voters you will find many of our best citizens. Now, when we place an edu cational clause in our Constitu tion, you take from these people the dearest right they have; the suffrage given them by the land of their birth, and their richest inheritance. Take from the poor man his vote, and by that act you strip him of the only safe-guard that he has—t h e armor which protects hit rights and liberty—and you make of him a serf to his more fortunate neighbor. It would be like de priving a soldier of his gun upon the field of battle, and requiring him to face steel and bullits armed only with the weapons that nature gave him, brawn and blood. And just here let us say that when an attempt is made to take from the poor white men of South Carolina theif ballot you by that act fan into a blaze the flame of anar chy. But even admitting that the party row in power will so dis tort the law as to disfranchise the negro and let the white man vote, when both are laboring under the same political disabil ities! But what guarantee has the poor and uneducated white man that this “kindness” will continue? Suppose that a party gets into power whose interest it is to disfranchise the poor man so as to increase the politi cal strength ot the educated or rich man? Under the proposed change in our Constitution this can be done, and that voter can’t help himself. Who knows when some political revolution may take place in South Caro lina by which the wealthy class may rega n power and the Re form party be overthrown? When this is done you will quickly see the lines drawn «p- on the ignorant and poor white as well as<black man, and he will be made a political serf. But so long as that voter is arm ed with the ballot he has a wea pon with which to fight his bat tles, and he won’t nave to de pend on the caprice or manipu lations of any faction that be Our advice to the poor and un lettered voters of South Caro lina is to hold on to your ballot like grim death to a dead negro, and don’t let any body of men take this right from you. With a free and untrammelled ballot you can fight your own battles; but draw the suffrage line against the poor or uneducated classes, and you are no better than a stave. It matters not what our Reform leaders may advise, the Headlight intends to stand by the poor white voters of South Carolina in this fight, if it ruins our business; and we do not believe that any true friend to the common people will advocate a Constitutional Convention, and that certainly imperils the suffrage of the poor man, and without giving him an opportunity to vote in the matter. But the advocates of the Con stitutional Convention say that this sacrifice of a few must be made for “the good of our move ment.” It was the votes of these same poor and uneducated white men that gave birth and success to our Reform party, and they are as true to its prin ciples as the needle to the pole. If it be necessary for the success of this great movement to strip the coat from the back of that poor voter and make him face the cold of winter in his shirt sleeves, why take off that coat and he will not complain. If you must tear his shoes off do so, and he will uncomplainingly follow the plough with his bare feet. Rut, for God’s sake, leave him bis ballot! When you take this from him you take his all and place honest and true white men in the same boat with the sea island negro, and thus de grade and humiliate him. Any change in our Constitution that must deprive the poor white man of his vote should be en titled “An Act to make political serfs of poor white folks and niggers.” We have been threatened with the loss of 2,500 subscribers if the Headlight did not support a Constitutional Convention, as our “leaders favored it.” We do not know how our “leaders” stand on this issue, but no man is our keeper, for we act on our own honest convictions. If it costa us the last patron on our books, we shall tell the people the truth, and advise them con scientiously. We went into the Reform Movement not to further the political ambition of leaders, but to promote the happiness andwellfareofthe whole people; anil also to preserve unto the majority the right to rule their State. It is the poor and hum ble that need friends and advis ers, and we shall stand by them if it ruins us. The poor people of Spartanburg county have kept the Headlight alive with their quarters, and we would be a recreant indeed did we give our aid and countenance to any scheme that will deprive them of their right to vote. It is an insult to the Anglo- Saxon race to assert that South Carolina will ever again submit to the rule of the African. We wrested our Government from the hands of the negro when he was backed by Federal bay onets; and now that we have the ballot boxes in hand, and all the power of Government at our back, it is the height of folly to argue that unless we take the vote from the poor ighorant white man the negro will knock us down and capture the Government. The negro race is out of politics, and since the adoption of our direct pri mary no faction will dare ap peal to him. We are told by those Conven tion advocates that they will ar range to protect the vote of the uneducated or poor white mai , in the event that he is disfran chised by the new Constitution. We are unwilling that free-born white American citizens shall become dependant upon any man or political faction of men to be allowed to vote. The Constitution of the United States gives him the ballot, and he should be permitted to exer- cise this right and power with out being beholden to any man, or the violator of the law. It is an honor and a proud privilege to castsjour ballot as the law directs; nut it is a degradation to an honest man to have to evade the laws of his State, or secure the connivance of some one else, before he can vote. And R is argued that only a few white men will be deprived of their suffrage under an edu cational qualification. While this is not true, for it will affect thousands of voters in South Carolina, and every man of them a true Reformer, even ad mitting that there is only one white man in our State but can read and write! Now, is not this one man’s ballot as dear to him as the vote of a Governor or Congressman is to that Gov ernor or Congressman? And is it not robbery to deprive him of that ballot and witnout permit ting him to say whether or not he Is willing to make the sacri fice? If our Reform Movement is to be perpetuated by such acts of injustice then it should go And another reason that we oppose any educational or prop erty qualification to suffrage: The upper counties of South Carolina are the white belt, and in this section do you find many poor and unlettered men. Under the new Democratic Constitu tion of our State every white voter will be given an opportun ity to cast his ballot for the can didates of his choice. Now when we make these discrimina tions we simply weaken ourown political strength to enchance the power of the middle and lower tiers of counties. Under this proposed provision in the new Constitution ten white men will be deprived of their vote in upper Carolina where it is taken from one in the blaok belt. The farmers of Spartanburg county do not want any new Constitution unless it is submit ted to them for ratification or rejection, as they will show by their votes on the 6ih. day of November next. Thiy are not willing to place their own politi cal liberty and their future, as well as the rights of their child ren, in the keeping of six men without the right of appeal, it matters not who they be. They demand to first see the new Con stitution, so that they can tell whether or not they like it. And just here we will state that our Reform party, now in complete control of the Government, can not afford to endorse such a con centration of power and trample under foot the fundamental principles of our organization as to create a now Constitution for South Carolina, and force the people to accept it whether they want to or not. It will dis rupt and destroy our great movement to attempt such a thing, for it would belie every pledge and pretentiou we have made. The Reform party is the party of the poor and uneducat ed, and to preserve unto them their ballot sacred and intact should be our greatest care. We v.ould like for the advo cates of a Constitutional Con vention to use our columns to give their reasons and refute the arguments we have made. If they can do this we are ready to change tomorrow. We want for our people all the light they can get on this subject, for it is the most important issue that has ever confronted South Carolina. Why not, as a compromise, let the Legislature that meets in December frame a new bill calling a Constitutional Conven tion, and requiring that it be submitted to the people for rati fication or rejection? Within sixty or ninety days’ time a vote can be had on it and the Head light will agree to support it. But we are not willing to trust the suffrage of our people to a few men; nut shall insist that every voter read that Constitu tion for himself, and then cast his ballot for acceptance or re jection. There are about three white men registered in our State to one negro, and there is no danger of the blacks defeat ing the Convention. Even if the Antis want the Constitution changed, so their papers say, and if an acceptable instrument is framed they will support it. We are not opposed to a Con stitutional Convention, but we are too true a Reformer, and love our people too well, to see the fundamental laws of our States changed, and the suffrage of honest white men imperilled, without raising our voice in protest. It May Do as Much for You Mr. Fred Miller, of Irving, III. writes that he had a Severe Kid ney trouble for many years, with severe pains in his back and also that his bladder was affected. He tried many so call ed Kidney cures but without any good result. About a year ago he began use of Electric Ritters and found relief at once. Electric Bitters is especially adapted to cure of all Kidney and Liver troubles and often gives almost instant relief. One trial will prove our statement. Price only 50c. for large bottle. At Willcox & Co’s., Drugstore. Lft-fti-Mut-Cimlt;! FIRE INSURAHCE A SPECIALTY. ' Representing only the strong est and most reliable Compan ies, we offer special induce ments. Promptness and accuracy shall mark all the dealings of our office. J.EJ0RMENT&C0. J. K. VOMfBVT. MRS. LUCY M. SORMSMT. Offlcs yvw Wflling A Bonnoitt’s Store AT IE BEAD of the Procession! Although but a short time in the city of Darlington, we are today the ACKNOWLEDGED LEADERS in our line. The day has come when, to successfully cater to an intelligent people, it takes both BRAINS and CAPI TAL, as well as a thorough knowledge of your business. This we claim to have. WE DO NOT COME TO YOU WITH Job Lots ul Auction GooJs, But with as FINE A LINE OF DRY GOODS AND CLOTHING AS COULD BE BOUGHT FROM THE EASTERN MARKETS Bought late in the season, thus giving advantage of the low pric« s that SPOT CASH can always command at the end of season. The verdict of the purchasing public has been extremely gratifying to us and oursales show that an intelligent people always appreciate High grade goods at low prices, We carry the finest line of Dvy Goods, JlfOtions, Hats and Clothing ever brought to the Pee Dee section, and we respect fully ask an inspection of our stock before buying. We do not quote prices, but will save you at least 25 per cent, on your purchases. Yours for business, unn E/tabli/hed 1868. Re Established 1889. Bowles&Son, Painters,