The sun. [volume] (Newberry, S.C.) 1937-1972, July 11, 1963, Image 2
PAGE TWO
THE NEWBERRY SUN, NEWBERRY, SOUTH CAROLINA
THURSDAY, JULY II. 1963
THE “SPECTATOR’S” COLUMN
Southern men and women should
inform themselves about the so-
called Fourteenth Amendment to
the Constitution of the United
States. I have already pointed out
that the so-called Amendment was
never validly adopted and should
be declared null and void.
Assuming that the so-called
Amendment was valid the Courts
have discussed the Amendment in
many cases. Of course I refer to
cases in the Federal courts though
some state court should declare
the so-called Amendment invalid
ab initio and no mere passage of
time or action of any court can
validate an invalid effort to adopt
an amendment.
Let’s .aee'~ what the Federal
Courts fejfve said in the days be
fore we based decisions on Sociol
ogy through ignorance of the law.
It is a rule of law that the
court shall follow its own deci
sions in similar cases so that law
yers may have something to guide
them. A lawyer is supposed to
know the Constitution and the de
cisions of the Court interpreting
and applying the Constitution.
Statutes are laws made by Con
gress (in Federal matters) and
the lawyers read thousands of
pages of decisions and opinions of
courts but the ancient legal doc
trine of stare decisis implies that
that courts will follow judicial de
cisions. Otherwise the lawyers
would be at sea. Even at best a
lawyer can't guarantee that his
advice will be the same as a
judge’s decision. Of course if it
wei-e easy ic ascertain beyond all
peradventure what the law is the
lawyers would starve to death or
be on relief.
Now, as to the so-celled Four
teenth Amendment let us see
what the Supreme Court of the
United States has decided in the
days when law was law and not
the vague and vain imagining of
uninformed lawyers or judges who
dream of decisions based on
Sociology or mumble-peg.
“The Supreme Court rejected
(1873) the contention and said
that the Amendment did not dis
close ‘any purpose to destroy the
main features of the general sys
tem.’ It held that the command
that ‘no State shall . . . abridge
the privileges or immunities of
citizens of the United States’ does
not prevent a State from abridg
ing privileges of State citizenship
as distinguished from privileges
of National citizenship.
The Supreme Court held (1897)
that the State acted, and not the
individual, where the law empow
ered the county judge to select
jurors and he rejected Negroes.
The fundamental rights pro
tected by the first ten Amend
ments against National invasion
were not, the Supreme Court said
(1900), by this clause converted
into or superseded by rights or
immunities which the State can
not touch . . . The relation be
tween employer and employee is
one to be supervised by the po
lice power of the state.
While the right to labor and the
privilege of organizing are funda
mental, under State citizenship,
they are secured by State law and
not by this Amendment.
The privilege of a child to at
tend the public schools is one
springing from the State and not
the nation, and therefore the
child cannot assert a constitu
tional right to admission under
this clause.
Due process of law means, said
the Supreme Court in a late case
(1908), that ‘no change in ancient
procedure can be made which dis
regards those fundamental prin
ciples . . . which . . protect the
citizen in his private right and
guard him against the arbitrary
action of the government’
An Act of Congress fixing pun
ishment for three or more persons
conspiring to deprive another of
the equal protection of the laws
was heM invalid by the Supreme
Court (1883) because the Four
teenth Amendment is a limitation
upon the State and not upon per
sons.
Appropriate legislation by Con
gress means such as is adapted to
the mischief and wrong which the
Amendment was intended to pro
vide against’—that is, to prevent
oppressive action, not by individ
uals but by State governments.
Therefore the Civil Rights Act of
March 1, 1875, which declared that
all persons (meaning the emanci
pated Negroes) should be ‘entitled
to the full and equal enjoyment of
the accommodations, advantages,
facilities and privileges of inns,
public conveyances on land, or
water, theatres, and other places
of public amusement’, was held
(1883) by the Supreme Court to
be unconstitutional as to the sec
tions which provided punishment
for persons who should interfere
with the rights mentioned, for the
prohibition of the Amendment is
directed only against action by
States. ‘Until some State law has
been passed,’ said the Supreme
Court, ‘or some State action thru
its officers or agents has been
taken adverse to the rights of the
citizens sought to be protected by
the Fourteenth Amendment, no
legislation of the United States
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i
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under said Amendment, nor any
proceeding under such legislation,
can be called into activity’.”
The Constitution is not a docu
ment to be strained according to
whims of the moment or fanciful
dreamers.
You see that Mr. Kennedy not
only violates the sanctity of the
State sovereignty but he deliber
ately violates laws of the nation,
by the law-making body—Con
gress — although it now appears
that the Supreme Court of today
and the Executive presume to
make laws, or to disregard laws.
The latest dodge is to cite the
Inter State Commerce provision as
the basis of decisions really having
no relation to inter State or to
commerce. This arbitrary pre
sumption should be sternly re
buked by the press and the people,
if the Courts and Congress con
tinue to support the unlawful
course now being followed.
Why not challenge all these
perversions in the courts ?
It so happens that we have laws
wdrich forbid the use of the Nat
ional Guard to enforce Court or
ders.
I gladly absolve the Keiuiedys
from any purpose to defy the
law. They simply don’t know the
law and they ignorantly think
their whim is the law.
As I have frequently pointed
out, the so-called Fourteenth Am
endment to the Constitution of the
United States is not valid, never
having been ratified by the states.
Southern States, you may recall,
were under military government,
yet the puppet governments were
counted as Sovereign States for
the purpose of adopting the pro
posed Amendment.
Even if we assume that the
so-called Amendment was validly
adopted and not subject to chal
lenging letus see what the Sup
reme Court has said. Here I would
remind you that you hear the
clamor of those who prate about
the supremacy of the Supreme
Court, and the sanctity of its de
cisions. If not sanctity, then the
sacrosanct atmosphere in which
thes Court moves. Now, then, if
this Court be deserving of our full
respect and obedience or compli
ance, what shall we say of the
decrees and decisions of the Sup
reme Court of other years?
I may remind you that when
you ask a lawyer for an opinion on
the law he studies the Constitu
tion, the laws enacted by the Con
gress, and the decisions of the
Supreme Court. If the courts
twist the Constitution and the
statutory laws, as well as the
long-accepted decisions of the
Court, to conform to someone’s
fanciful notions or whims of the
moment, then no one knows or can
know the law, for we are victims
of autocratic and despotic rule,
pervasive and destructive of lib
erty and that assurance and con
fidence on which intelligent and
popular government is founded.
If the great court is so sacros
anct today shall we disregard,
with contempt the Supreme court’s
decisions of other years?
Taking parts of the Fourteenth
Amendment: “No State shall make
or enforce any law which shall
abridge the privileges or immuni
ties of citizens of the United
States.”
Perhaps President Kennedy or
Brother Bob, or some lawyer who
studies and respects the decisions
of the Supreme Court of other
years, should ponder a decision of
the great Court in 1883 declaring
unconstitutional the Civil Rights
Acts of March 1, 1875, referred to
above.
Some brilliant young neophyte
in Government service has had an
inspiration. He sagely councels
that such laws as are forbidden
under the decision above cited
may be based on the clause con
cerning the regulation of Inter-
State commerce.
If I may interpose an observa
tion: What is the supreme law
of the land? We hear much to
day about the sanctity of the
Court and its immutable laws,
virtually superceding the vaunt
ed laws of the Medes and the
Persians which could not be
changed. Well, the Constitution
does say a word or two in point,
as the learned lawyer says:
“The Constitution, and the laws
of the United States which shall
be made in pursuance thereof;
and all treaties made, or which
shall be made, under the auth
ority of the United States, shall
be the supreme Law of the
Land.”
While we are just roaming a-
bout I may quote something else,
ctill valid, unless the President
and Bro. Bob have amended, or
rescinded the ancient document:
“The United States shall protect
SENATOR
STRO
HURMOND
Reports
PEOPLE
CommOnism and Conformity
THE AGE of individualism,
when America forged its claim
to greatness largely because of
the independence and initiative
of the individual, is gradually
but significantly slipping from
the scene. Individualism and in
dependence have been replaced
in large part with commOnism
and conformity, as a result of a
determined effort to level all
men and nation-states to a
common plane in life.
INDIVIDUALISM is the be
lief in the importance of the
individual. Jesus Christ ordained
the pre-eminence of the indi
vidual in his teachings, and the
Founding Fathers of this coun
try wrote this idea into the Con
stitution, principally into the
Bill of Rights which set out
specific guarantees of protection
for the individual against the
power of the central govern
ment. The founders realized that
the individual would not last
long in the new world they had
settled, unless the ruling au
thorities were tied down, as Jef
ferson suggested, by the “chains
of the Constitution.”
EARLY in the 19th Century,
the wretched and depraved mind
of Karl Marx stole a few eco
nomic and social theories and
merged them together, to give
birth to a new “ism” called
commUnism. According to Marx,
his aim was to establish an ideal
world, in which each would “give
according to his ability and re
ceive according to his needs.” It
would, of course, be necessary
to first establish a world dic
tatorship to bring about this
worthy goal. Once established,
however, this would evolve into
an age called the millennium,
when governmental authority
would wither away and all the
commoners on e*rth would work
together without discipline or
authority, to share the wealth
of the world.
A DISPUTE then developed
within the ranks of commUnism
as to how this end should be
attained. Some demanded revo
lution; others wanted to adopt
the tactics of the Roman gen
eral Fabius Maximus, who sup
posedly conceived the military
tactic of gradualism in wearing
down the enemy. The gradual
ists, or fabians, as they have
become known, have been par
ticularly successful in common-
izing the British Empire during
this century, playing a signifi
cant part in the decline of this
once-great empire. Unfortunate
ly for America, the germ of
commOnism spread from Britain
to America, with particular
vigor, within the past few
decades.
THE IDEA of commOnism is
particularly noticeable today in
American government, with its
paternalistic programs of aid
and control. This paternalistic
attitude has encouraged Negro
leaders to make statements that
they are seeking “a compensa
tory preferential highway” and
that “the word equality has to
be broadened.” They are even
making such rash and bold
statements as: “America has to
change its entire posture. I think
it is an inevitable move toward
some kind of socialism.”
TODAY Americans will con
form to central dictation not
only because of the use of mass
means of propaganda techniques
and the habit which conformity
breeds, but also because of the
club of coercion which accom
panies oach “gimme” from the
group or government. Nowhere
is the air of conformity felt
stronger than in party and power
politics in Washington. At the
center of government, there is
little room for individualism or
independence, and there is much
powei* available to buy off or
club down too many acts of in
dependent action on the part of
the individual public servant.
THE DAY of the individualist
is passing, and unfortunately, it
is fading fast in the halls of
the Congress, where it ought to
last longest if independence is
to be preserved for every indi
vidual American. Unwarranted
criticism by many members of
Congress, of their own institu
tion, is adding to this downgrad
ing of the Legislative Branch.
Official Washington, influenced
by its own propaganda, is under
the false impression that the
American people desire com
mOnism, even with its features
of conformity and control, rather
than their right to be an indi
vidual and independent of un
necessary regulation and control.
BY AND LARGE, the Ameri
can people still agree with the
Jeffersonian idea “that govern
ment is best, which governs
least.”
Sincerely,
Blessed is the man to whom the Lord will not impute sin.
—Psalms 32:1-2
Paul, the Apostle, citing the
example of Abraham to the Ro
mans, noted that righteousness
was expected of Abraham be
cause he believed in God. It is
the same with us today. If we
profess to be Christians, if we
believe in God, then we are ex
pected to be virtuous and moral.
Many today seem to feel that
the modem world is filled with
temptations in greater number
and variety than in times past.
Perhaps this is true; yet tempta
tion is as old as the history ot
man. Jesus himself was tempted
during his life upon earth.
We expect too much if we ask
God to give us a life without
temptation. Instead, we should
ask for the grace of faith, for it
is through faith that we are able
to conquer temptation and seek
forgiveness for our human frail
ties. Such is the Christian way.
R«ad your BIBLK dally
and
GO TO CHURCH
SUNDAY
each (State) against invasion; and
on application of the Legislature,
or the Executive) when the Legis
lature cannot be convened, against
domestic violence.
NOTHING SAID HERE ABOUT
INSTALLING A TELEPHONE
IN JAIL FOR THE REV. KING!!
As to Interstate Commerce, the
intent of the law was to facilitate
the movement of goods from one
State to another. Recently this
has been amplified by an Act of
Congress, but the serving of meals
in a restaurant is so far from the
purpose of the Act as to be ridic
ulous. It also brings before me
clearly the menace of men in pow
er who invoke any law or resort
to any device that seems plausible
to them, though entirely foreign
to the purpose and intent of the
law.
I have reserved for the last the
well-remembered decisions of the
great court in which it adopted
and proclaimed the “Equal but
separate arrangement. Under that
ruling of the Court South Caro-
(Continued on Page 3)
WHAT’S WRONG WITH THE MEN
WHO RETIRE AT HOME AFTER 65?
t_J ERE is the intimate story of
11 the 63-year-old wife of a re
tired man. She is a devotee wife,
and an intelligent one. She has
told her story, and it is printed
nere, for the guidance of other
wives who must soon face up to
the unique experience of playing
hostess to a man in the house—
all day long.
Understandably, the wife does
not want her name used. And she
has stipulated further that should
her husband contact me and ask if
the story came from his wife I
am to tell him it came from a
dowager in Kenilworth, 111.
“My husband came home to
me by Caesarean, rather than by
natural birth,” she begins. “He
was scheduled to retire like the
other boys at 65, with party and
watch. But shortly after he passed
64 the company was sold, and the
new bosses wanted him to start
bringing in the kindling. He elect
ed to take his pension.”
The first week the husband was
home was full of phone calls, let
ters, confusion and fun. Then, aft-
ei everybody had said their say
about the genius who was now lost
to the business world, came the
domestic life — of a gray-haired
man and woman.
“Sex reared "its head, briefly,”
she continues. “All this freedom
and privacy, afternoon naps, and
such. It made a flurry, subsided.
Self-reassurance also had its mo
ments, with each ot us telling the
other that this was the life, that
this was wonderful, that we were
really going to live now.”
Then down to fundamentals:
“Forty-two years of office life
wouldn’t turn my husband loose.
He figured out that the way I was
stacking and washing dishes after
meals was about 40 per cent more
time-consuming than a plan he
devised. That a chute from the
upstairs bedroom to the basement
would get dirty linens to the
washer better than carrying them
down stairs, and that a pulley sys
tem would get them back to the
second floor.
“I had been doing things my
way through three babies and 39
years of marriage. My way suited
me. Still . . .”
Then there was the talk, talk,
talk, talk, talk. In a domicile
where there had been silence to
think and to listen to squirrels in
the attic there was now unending
conversation . . .
“Neighbors I had loved for
years didn’t look so sweet to him
... the garbage man wasn’t too
good, either ... the mailman was
always late . . . and why didn’t
the plumber come when he was
called? . . .
“And if you’re going to the su
permarket to shop then let’s shop,
get it done with and go home.
Why stand in the aisles talking
with these old dames?
“And who was that on the tele
phone? What did they want?
“And how come you’ve got to go
to the Woman’s Society meeting? ,
What does it get YOU? . .
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