The sun. [volume] (Newberry, S.C.) 1937-1972, May 05, 1951, Image 2
THE NEWBERRY SUN, NEWBERRY. S. C
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TRUMAN AND MACARTHUR TALKED AT WAKE ISLAND
. , . &«/ result tvas only an uneasy truce . . .
RED ARMY SPEARHEADS THE MENACE OF COMMUNISM
• •. would Mac Arthur's policies have brought total war? . • •
THE GREAT CONTROVERSY
History Shows That the Symptoms
Underlying MacArthur's Dismissal
Have Existed for Many Centuries
By W. P. SCHOENTGEN
WNU Managing Editor
There is a kind of universality about Douglas MacArthur that
communicates itself to many men, something of the same stuff that
leads nearly everyone to believe in his own heart that he can run a
newspaper and play Hamlet with a deathless genius.
Was MacArthur right or wrong in his belief in the strategic
priority of Asia, the bombing of
Manchuria, the ultilization of Chi
nese Nationalist forces?
Did he, in his public and private
rejection of administration and
United Nations policies in the Far
East, express a subconscious de
sire toi achieve “martyrdom” for
his principles?
Did President Truman take the
right action but at the wrong time
in relieving MacArthur of his mul
tiple command?
It doesn't make any difference
who you are — you undoubtedly
have your own strong, definite and
perhaps impassioned answer to
each of those questions. And ac
cording to your answers, you align
yourself on one side or the other
of the MacArthur controversy—the
great American schism of 1951.
It is a basic division, a schism
of the soul and spirit; and the rock
upon which the split has occurred
is a military man, a soldier, yea,
even a 71-year-old general.
Military Men's Drama
That in itself is not unusual. It
is, in point of fact, a fairly sound
historical tradition that great
epochs of man’s development are
likely to turn upon the personality
of a military leader, probably be
cause it is easy for the public to
locus its attention upon a man
who can be identified with the
drama of danger and physical ac
tion, and with the glamour of mili
tary triumphs.
General MacArthur follows vig
orously in that tradition. It has been
his peculiar destiny to help lead
this nation in smiting tyranny both
right and left within the past dec
ade, striking to the right at Jap
anese imperialism in World War II
and to the left at Communist efforts
at dotnination in Korea and the Far
East.
Thus he has become a political
symbol, having stood at the spear
head of America’s often inept and
fumbling but always intense de
sire for peace that patently will
not be had for the asking but which
may come if we fight hard enough
for it.
Whether the principles he has
advocated are right or wrong, it
is MacArthur the symbol, not Mac
Arthur the man, around which the
very real, very basic foreign pol
icy quarrel has gathered.
From that point of view, the
MacArthur controversy is an old
and elemental form of domestic
strife that has occurred and re
curred within this or that national
community ever since man has
ben able to formulate and defend
an opinion.
Without attempting to make any
invidious comparisons, a number
of historic parallels to the Mac
Arthur case become apparent from
a quick glance at the records.
There is a superficial resem
blance, for instance, between the
firing of MacArthur by President
Truman and Calvin Coolidge’s dis
missal of the late General “Billy”
Mitchell for defying orders. Mr.
Coolidge made it clear, however,
that he was in sympathy with the
cause of aviation which Mitchell
was personifying. But he also made
it plain that, sympathy or no sym
pathy, he could not overlook the
insubordination of which General
Mitchell was found guilty.
An Assist to Air Power
The violent closing of Billy
Mitchell’s career, we know now,
marked the turning point of the
controversy over the future of mili
tary aviation, and the pioneering
general did much to advance U.S.
air power to the mighty peak it
reached in time to help win World
War II.
Whether time and events will
vindicate General MacArthur's
ideas as fully as they have those
of General Mitchell is anybody’s
guess.
One of the abiding characteristics
of many powerful and successful
military leaders in the past has
been their capacity to capture the
imagination and sympathy of the
people and carry them along a
chosen course—to a point, at least.
This makes for power and au
thority. And the possession of broad
authority is like having a permit
to carry a pistol. Keep it in the
holster and depend upon its pres
ence there to control circum
stances, and chances are you won’t
get into trouble. The danger of
carrying a gun lies in the possibil
ity that sooner or later you might
start firing it indiscriminately and
a lot of people will get hurt, in
cluding yourself.
Julius Caesar, an overwhelm
ing military and political genius,
amassed for Rome and for himself
a great reservoir
of power which
he was able to
exercise pretty
much at will. But
there were those
who felt he had
too much power;
they mistrusted
it, feared that
Caesar might
mis-use it.
No single man
or group of men were strong
enough to fire or depose the ruler
by legal means. So Brutus and Cas
sius plotted, and on a day in March,
Caesar, powerful and unsuspecting,
walked up the steps of the Capitol
to meet the knives of his assassins.
Controversy, Then, Too
That stirred up a great civil con
troversy in Romo, too. Was Caesar
right in his principles and policies
concerning the Roman empire, or
were the men who deposed him by
liquidating him right? It might be
argued that Rome, under Caesar,
reached its peak of dynamic ex
pansion and that its decline began
after Caesar’s death in 44 B.C. But
regardless of the truth of that po
sition, the split over the aims and
policies of Julius Caesar marked
an epochal turning point in the his
tory of the Roman empire.
Scotland’s immortal Robert
Bruce was the storm center of a
raging controversy much of his life,
while he held to and fought for his
ideal of a free and independent na-
Julius Caeser
tion. He settled that issue himself,
however, by decisively defeating
the English forces under Edward
II at the battle of Bannockburn in
June, 1314, and assuring the con
tinuance of Scotland as an inde
pendent kingdom.
Every student of American his
tory knows of the quarrels and
differences of opinion that flared*
after President Abraham Lincoln
put General Grant in charge of the
Union armies. Some members of
Lincoln’s own cabinet not only re
fused to support but actively op
posed Grant’s appointment.
It was, in a sense, a MacArthur
situation in reverse.
Grant’s Problem
And when Grant took command
in March, 1864, he found he had to
fight not only the enemy but the
torpor and passivity of his own
generals in the
field. The mili
tary issue at
stake that time
was whether or
not Meade, Hook
er, McClellan and
others in the
string of Union
generals were
right in fighting
a defensive war,
avoiding battles
wherever possible,
more often to retreat than to fight.
Grant favored action and offen
sive contact with the Confederate
armies. Over the protestations of
his subordinates, he decided to
attack wherever possible and car
ry the war to the enemy.
The ultimate surrender of Gen
eral Lee and the Army of Northern
Virginia at Appomattox proved the
rightness of Gran’t strategy. But
Grant, who went on to become
President of the United States,
albeit not an especially popular
one, remained the center of a
maelstrom of violent opinions all
his life.
So the MacArthur story is by no
means a new one. Call his actions
and utterances in Korea insubor-
General Grant
and choosing
GENERAL MACARTHUR
be went bis own way
dination, or call them an honorable
defense of his own principles, they
have basic meaning for us as a
dramatic illustration of the grim
fact that the United States has to
choose between two basic and dif
ferent courses in this battle against
the evils of communism.
One way is going to be right,
the other wrong. We say that the
nation, in its collective mind, has
PRESIDENT TRUMAN
he lowered the boom
split over the issue of which is the
best way to deal with Communist
aggression in the Far East.
But it is not, it cannot be, a fatal
split The doubt that has been
lurking behind our thinking and
our attitude on the question of how
best to fight the monstrosity of
world communism has been
brought plainly into the open and
is clearly defined.
There is no longer any reason
for anyone—be he statesman, mil
itary man, farmer, storekeeper or
factory worker—to deny the exist
ence of that doubt. Now it can be
talked aoout and it can be elim
inated.
That is the great service that
President Truman and General
MacArthur have unwittingly per
formed for the nation and the free
world. They have managed to get
all the cards on the table.
The answer, still to be found, if
there sohaewhere.
• • •
MacArthur's Father
Had Troub^ Too
Gen. Douglas MacArthur’s father,
Gen. Arthur MacArthur, embroiled
himself in a bitter dispute with
civilian authorities 50 years ago
when he was military governor of
the Philippine Islands, which the
U.S. had just acquired from Spain.
William Howard Taft arrived in
the islands as head of a presidential
commission charged with estab
lishing a civilian government in the
Philippines.
Although President William Mc
Kinley was under heavy pressure in
Washington to establish a civilian
government as soon as possible,
Arthur Mac4rthur’s command took
the point of view that only the army
could do a proper job of restoring
order and controL
When Taft arrived, MacArttuu
coldly refused to see him.
BUDGET NOT FUNNY . . . British Chancellor of Exchequer Hugh
Gaitskell enjoys comics with his two daughters shortly before he in
troduced a “harsh and unpleasant budget” in Parliament. Britain
faces a basic tax increase of seven cents in the pound, meaning that
47 ^ cents from every dollar earned will go to the treasury. Gaitskell
says the budget is severe, but not crippling. He says he realizes it
won’t be popular with the people.
NETHERLANDS ROYALTY IN ARGENTINA . . , Prince Bernhard of
the Netherlands (right) visits the Casa Rosada residence of Argen
tina’s president, Juan Peron, In Buenos Aires. The subject of their
discussion was not made public. The prince of the Netherlands was
making a tour of Argentina. ' , ' <
PERILS OF THE ROAD ... A view of real pain upon the face of a
human was caught in this picture of a woman whose finger was stuck
in a hole on the bottom of a bus seat. Mrs. Lois Soderland, bound for
Fresno, Calif., was searching for the gadget that eases the seat back
into a semi-reclinging position. The finger entered a hole and she could
not release it. She was taken to emergency hospital in San Francisco,
where the seat was removed from her hand.
DAUGHTER PRACTICES UNDER FATHER . . . Mrs. Nina Rao
Cameron, daughter of Judge Paul P. Rao, is sworn in to practice be
fore the U. S. customs court. Left to right are jthe Honorable Charles
D. Lawrence, judge of the customs court administering oath; the
Honorable Paul P. Rao, and Mrs. Cameron, taking the oath. This is the
first instance In New York history that a daughter has practiced before
her own father.
• w -
V *.*. '-■» . .
MET SINGER FIRED . . . Tenor
Robert Merrill (right) was dis
charged from the Metropolitan
Opera for failure to live up to con
tract obligations. With him is
Dinah Shore at a Hollywood studio
where he is appearing in a movie.
‘INFLUENCE PEDDLER?’ . . .
Paul Dillon, St. Louis attorney,
was named as “backroom fixer” at
a senate investigation in Jackson,
Miss., studying scandals on federal
job buying In Mississippi.
GOP THEME SOUNDER . . .
Sounding the Republican party's
present theme of strategy against
the administration. Senator Robert
A. Taft says MacArthur’s dis
missal was a “tragic error.” Tru
man defends his move as a step to
defend civilian control from mili
tary control.
GETS JOB BACK . . . Dade Coun
ty (Fla.) Sheriff Jimmy Sullivan
reads telegram from Gov. Fuller
Warren which reinstates him as
sheriff following his indictment for
neglect of duty revealed by the
senate crime investigating commit
tee.
ALY’S NEW INTEREST? ... Re
ports from Cannes, France, reveal
that Boston socialite, Nancy Clark
Masseroni, is the constant com
panion of Prince Aly Khan, Rita
Hayworth’s husband. Nancy sings,
acts, models and flies.
The Midnight Statement
r WAS not until about 11:15 Tues
day night that President Tru
man actually decided to issue his
1 a.m. statement firing General
MacArthur.
The decision to make this mo
mentous step had already been
taken, but the timing was set for
Friday, not Tuesday midnight. And
the reason for the sudden noctur
nal press announcement was a tele
phone call from Secretary of the
Army Pace in Tokyo tipping off
Truman that MacArthur planned
to jump the gun and get out his
own statement first.
The President was still smarting
from an incident around March 24
when MacArthur had jumped the
gun on him, so naturally he was
leery. He had sent MacArthur a
policy statement for his perusal and
personal reaction—a policy which
the White House planned to an
nounce as a peace feeler to China.
But MacArthur, without notifying
Washington, Issued the statement
himself.
So when Secretary Paoe
called from Tokyo Tuesday
night intimating that MacAr
thur might rush Into print
again, the President called Sec
retary of State ACheson and
Deputy Undersecretary Dean
Rusk to the White House where
they, prepared the MacArthur
press release.
Prior to that, late on Monday
afternoon the joint chiefs of staff
held a highly secret session al
which there was unanimous senti
ment that MacArthur must go.
Bradley Gets Net -
Gen. Omar Bradley, chairman of
the joint chiefs of staff, and a most
mild-mannered man, was hottest
under the collar against MacArthur.
Adm. Forrest Sherman, chief of
naval operations, and reported by
some as favoring MacArthur’s
strategy against China, actually
threw his weight behind Bradley.
Though MacArthur’s tactics in
cluded a naval operation against
China, Admiral Sherman argued
that we can’t afford to get involved
in a war with China, and that if
you go into China just a little bit—
as in bombing bases—you have to
be ready to go in all the way.
Only military man who
dragged his feet on MacAr
thur’s ouster was Secretary of
Defense Marshall, who has
known MacArthur a long time,
is 70 years old against MacAr
thur’s 71, and who was in
France as a World War I cap
tain when MacArthur was a
brigadier general.
Ridgway Can Hold
One highly significant exchange
of information made between the
pentagon and Lieut. Gen Matthew
Ridgway in Tokyo was a cable
from Ridgway stating that no mat
ter what happened, his troops
could hold out for 60 days. Regard
less of what was thrown at him,
Ridgway informed the joint chiefs
of staff, he could hold for two
months.
This cable was in reply to White
House fears that following Mac
Arthur’s removal, there might be
a Chinese attack and a series of
American defeats for which Tru
man, having removed the supreme
commander, would get the blame.
Humble Harry
President Truman’s usual pep
pery remarks have not been in
evidence during the MacArthur
controversy—not even to his per
sonal advisers. The nearest he
came to pepper was at last week’s
cabinet meeting, just after ex
speaker Joe Martin released the
MacArthur letter.
“It’s time to show the Mac-
Arthurs, the Time-Life people and
the Scripps-Howard newspapers
who is running American foreign
policy,” he observed tartly.
Day after MacArthur was re
lieved, however, Truman re
ceived a call from ex-congress
man Maury Maverick of Texas,
who congratulated him.
“What you have done will
make sure that my grandchil
dren will be free and that
civilian government will con
tinue in the United States,”
Maverick said.
The President was neither cocky
nor apologetic. He looked a little
sad, as if he had made a terrifi
cally hard decision and knew that a
terrible storm was going to break
over his head.
“Thank you, Maury,” he replied.
And he wept just a little. “I do
my best. I have to follow the con>
stitution.”
Rayburn’s Ghost Troops
What Speaker Sam Rayburn had
in mind when he told congress that
“non-Chinese” troops were in Man-
churia, was not Russian troops, but
four divisions of Russian-trained
Japanese troops . . . there has long
been a small contingent of Russian
troops in Manchuria used for pur
poses of turning Russian equipment
over to the Chinese. But there have
never been any Russian combat
troops in Manchuria. Much more
dangerous are the Red divisions
massed around Siberia.
CLASSIFIED
department
BUSINESS A INV ^ST. OPPOR.
FOB SALE ,
Portable Skating Rink SO’xlOO. Maple
floor, 200 pr. champ skates. 12 pr.shoe
rental. Grinder, F. A. system. All 22 mo.
old, excellent condition. Write
2601 Warrior Rd., B’ham, Ala.
GEORGETOWN Restaurant for rent with
seven rooms on second and third floor
for rent as small hotel. Situated main
business district. Hotel part practically
equipped and ready to operate. Small
money outlay necessary for restaurant
iart. See Morris L. Abrams
alace Theater Georgetown. S. C.
£
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„ MACHINERY A SUPPLIES
FULL FASHION Machines, For sale. Ten
Reading 51 gauge, 24 section, also seven
HSL 45 gauge. 24 section, single unit. Can
:nt in quantities to suit purchaser.
be boug
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Morris Speisman Co.
Charlotte, N. C.
MISCELLANEOUS
A glOO-A-MONTH HOBBY AT HOMEI
soliciting.
no maU order, no meetir
enjoyable pastime. Detai
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ARMY PUP Tents complete with
poles and pegs. S4.95 each. Navy
mocks $4.95 each. JONES Snrplas Si
1016 Washington, Columbia, 8. C.
—
FULL Bake Shop Equipment. Priced
quick sale at $750.00 or best price offe
H. J. Bucher, Rente 1, Box li9. Lake (
Fla.
PERSONAL
REDUCING tables for sale from factory.
Write Niblaek System of Spot Redaetng,
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POULTRY. CHICKS & EQUIP.
BABY Chleks that Live and Grow—l
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Type New Hampshires, Barred
white Rock. Pfrmenter and Rhode
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Parley Milling Co.. Princeton. N.C. Pfc,,;
SEEDS, PLANTS, ET'
2 DOZEN Chrysanthemam plants, lai
nice, prepaid by mail, $1. Cut out this
and mall. R. C. Hutchinson, Pane ^
Florida.
MILLIONS: Sweet Potato Plant
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safe arrival guaranteed.
MARGRAVE BROS.Gleason.
SERVICES OFFERED
I WRITE Jingles, statements for cor
$1.00 for service. H. C. Collins.
South Omaha. Nebraska.
TO RENT OR LEASE
FOR RENT, lease or sale, in Ei
N.C., large warehouse with cold
facilities on R.R. Siding. Write
Bex SIS, Klnsten, North CaroUaa
For the future 0uy
U.S. Defense Bonds
first cHoicp
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Andy Bowen and Jack
Burke fought to a draw
in seven hours, 19 mins.,
in 1893.
James J. Braddock
won the heavyweight
title at the age of 30.
Ain’t It So
Borrowers are nearly always
ill-spenders; and it is with lent
money that all evil is mainly
done, and all unjust war pro
tracted.—RUSKIN.
If at first yon don't succeed,
try, try again. Then quit.
There's no use being a damn
fool about it.