McCormick messenger. (McCormick, S.C.) 1902-current, October 06, 1938, Image 2
McCORMICK MESSENGER, McCORMICK, S. C.. THURSDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1938
Weekly News Review
California, Home of Pensions,
Tries Another Plan This Year
By Joseph W« La Bine
Politics
Choicest haven lor U. S. old peo
ple is sunny California, which an
nually beckons retiring farmers who
want escape from midwestern win
ders. Before Depression, many
farmers leased or sold their home
steads and went to California expect
ing to enjoy old age on this in
come. Not expected were drouth
and low prices which wiped out this
revenue, making California a para
dox in whose Utopian climate men
were going hungry.
Since Utopian climates may pro
duce Utopian ideas, 1934 found Up
ton Sinclair barely missing guber
natorial election with an elaborate
pension plan called EPIC (End Pov
erty in California). Later came Dr.
Francis E. 'fownsend whose old age
revolving pension of $200 a month
went into eclipse last year when
business got better, has since come
beck with new vigor.
Townsendism’s chief onetime sup
porter was 54-year-old Sheridan
Downey, who wrote a book called
# *Why I Believe in the Townsend
SHERIDAN DOWNEY
The implications are terrific.
Plan.” But a month ago Sheridan
Downey won Democratic senatorial
nomination on a new plan that gives
California’s orthodox financiers a
bad case of jitters, that has
far greater implications than either
EPIC or Townsendism.
The Man: Soft-voiced Sheridan
Downey attended the University of
Wyoming, entered politics at 24 by
winning the county attorneyship at
Laramie while his wife worked for
women’s suffrage. Now living in
San Francisco’s exclusive, suburban
Atherton, Pensioneer Downey gar
nered enough votes to beat Sen. Wil
liam Gibbs McAdoo in the primary
last month.
The Plan: “$30-every-Thursday”
springs from a seed transplanted
last year from far-away Austria.
Original sponsor was one Robert
Noble, whose radio lectures urged
$25 every Monday for each Califor
nian over 50. Later sponsor was Hol
lywood Attorney Lawrence Allen
who changed payday from Monday
to Thursday, boosted payments from
$25 to $30. To each, every Thurs
day, would go 30 state warrants
valued at $1 apiece. On the back
of each warrant would be spaces
for 52 two-cent state stamps to be
purdiased in cash. Once each week,
Californians would dig out all war
rants in their possession, affixing
a stamp to each. Thus at year’s end
each warrant would have $1.04 in
two-cent stamps, would be traded
by the state for $1 in cash. Extra
four cents would cover costs.
Though *‘$30 - every - Thursday”
dares not infringe on the U. S. right
to coin money, pension warrants
would nevertheless be valid for in
tra-state taxes and debts (except
gasoline tax and pension stamps).
Private business need not accept
warrants, but 50 per cent of all state
purchases must be paid with them.
Biggest stumbling block is that
pension warrants would largely
eliminate California’s use of U. S.
legal tender, yet the state must dig
up about $690,000,000 in Uncle Sam’s
cash on January 1, 1940, to redeem
warrants which would be issued
next year to at least 500,000 pen-
sioneers. To make matters worse,
1939’s state revenue from stamp
sales would be only $322,750,000,
pince only a small part of the year’s
warrants will be completely
stamped. Example: A warrant is
sued the last Thursday in 1939 would
carry only two cents in stamps at
year’s end.
But this technicality does not wor
ry the 800,000 signers on whose pe
tition California will decide next
November. Required are 1,300,000
votes, since a majority ballot gives
approval. Automatically, Pension
eer Roy G. Owens of Los Angeles
would be named administrator at
$7,800 a year (payable in warrants).
Probable immediate result of easy
money would be rising prices and in
flation, a possibility the amendment
would solve by increasing pensions.
Where such a vicious circle might
end, pension opponents are trying
to figure out.
By last week, as California politi
cians were arguing hotly over “$30-
every-Thursday,” the idea began
spreading throughout the U. S. In
Ohio, where two rival groups
planned to introduce an initiative pe
tition in November’s election, chief
battle was whether $30 shall be paid
on Wednesday or Thursday.
Foreign
Since he became German chan
cellor in 1933, Adolf Hitler has held
an unknown quantity in his mailed
fist, has scared the world with
threats that may only be bluffs. A
master of psychology, he renounced
Versailles when France and Brit
ain were worried about Italy’s in-
. vasion of Ethiopia. In 1936 his
Rhineland coup was staged under
similar circumstances. By last
spring, when he marched into Aus
tria, the bluff had been so success
ful that none arose to challenge him.
But two months ago when Reichs-
fuehrer Hitler began bluffing his
way into annexation of Czechoslo
vakia’s Sudeten frontierland, Brit
ain and France were ready to bluff
in turn. Franco-British bluff was a
promise to defend Czechoslovakia.
Germany’s return bluff was defi
ance, delivered at September’s Nazi
congress in Nuremberg. Then,
weary of whistling to keep up their
courage, Paris and London offered
peace via capitulation. Terms: (1)
Berlin’s annexation of Sudeten
areas 75 per cent German; (2) pleb
iscite in Sudeten areas from 50 to 75
per cent German; (3) German
promise to guarantee Czechoslovak
ia’s independence.
Fortnight ago, when British
Prime Minister Neville Chamber-
lain delivered these terms at Godes-
berg, democracies called it a “sell
out.” But to Adolf Hitler even this
was not enough. He wanted more
land, moreover refused to guaran
tee Czechoslovakia’s future. His
deadline for Czech agreement: Oc
tober 1.
If Der Fuehrer had bluffed too
far, if Democracies had scored a
point and made Germans wonder
about their chancellor’s wisdom, it
was no stroke of genius on Neville
Chamberlain’s part. Upshot of
Godesberg was a vindication of the
British prime minister and swift
turning of world sentiment against
Germany. But greater upshots
were Czechoslovakia’s amazingly
fast mobilization, France’s decision
to fight, and London’s offer to fol
low suit.
To London, where only a week
before he had helped draft the first
proposal, went French Premier Ed
ouard Daladier. Still anxious to
keep peace, Europe’s last two great
democracies offered a new agree
ment. Terms: Transfer without
plebiscite of areas over 50 per cent
German; (2) exchange of popula
tions in other areas; (3) interna
tional guarantee of Czechoslovakia’s
independence.
But Adolf Hitler was still ready
to bluff. Facing rising anti-war sen
timent, forced to show his hand, he
summoned countrymen to Berlin’s
vast Sportspalast, told them his
Godesberg terms were final, that
Germany’s bluff has been backed
all along by real strength.
Excerpts: “I can tell you now
that I have spent billions for arma
ments . . . We have created an un
paralleled air force and tank force.
I want to declare regarding the Su
deten problem, that my patience is
exhausted . . . The Sudeten Ger
mans will now take the liberty de
nied them for 20 years.”
But at the very moment Der
Fuehrer spoke, a world moving
swiftly to war knew the eventual
REICHSFUEHRER HITLER
Would No. 1 bluffer be outbluffed?
lineup of European power would
place Germany at disadvantage.
Prague, virtually shut off from
the world since her mobilization,
heard that Russia’s lumbering, un
tested military giant was poised to
bring aid. Thoroughly scared,
France called almost every reserv
ist to the colors, had 1,500,000 troops
along her Maginot line, advised Pa
risians to evacuate. Also scared,
Britain called Parliament, inspect
ed ARP (air raid precautions) equip
ment, finally ordered partial mobi
lization. With October 1 but a few
hours away, Europe wondered
whether her No. 1 bluffer would be
outbluffed by rank amateurs.
Business
Simpler than ill-fated NRA, the
wage-hour law which goes into effecl
October 24 decrees minimum wages
of 25 cents per hour, maximum work
week of 44 hours for industries deal
ing in interstate commerce. But to
U. S. employers seeking the law’s
application to their business, wage-
hour regulation has become complex
through its simplicity.
Since NRA’s greatest weakness
was its iron-clad system of regula
tion, the new act repents, places
compliance squarely on the shoul
der of industry. Though Adminis
trator Elmer F. Andrews will issue
opinions guiding employers in de
termining their status, he has also
pointed out that wage-hour regula
tions will offer no “pat definition”
of interstate commerce.
Thus, last week, firms engaged
partly in interstate commerce, part
ly in intrastate commerce, were at
their wit’s end. At Chicago, ,the
National Hardwood Lumber associa
tion devoted much of its convention
time to wondering if sawmill and
yard superintendents were subject
ADMINISTRATOR ANDREWS
Less bluster . . . less coercion
to the law’s provisions, if computa
tion of hours begins when a logger
starts to the scene of operations or
when he starts actual work.
Special industrial wage standards
committees will eventually be es
tablished for most trades, but lack
of funds prevents formation of more
than three or four committees this
year. Already requested is a de
ficiency appropriation to expand this
work.
Meanwhile, each employer’s inde
pendent decision on his compliance
requirements looms important.
Should a low-paying, long week
manufacturer decide his business
was mainly intrastate, therefore not
requiring compliance, his employ
ees might later prove otherwise and
collect back wages.
But, counteracting this iriton-
venience, employers know that Ad
ministrator Andrews’ tendency to
proceed cautiously will help avoid
NRA’s bluster and coercion, would
probably result in reducing the act
to a workable, successful basis.
White House
“If you will forgive me for saying so,
the United States has been a veritable
fortress of silence.”
Thus scolded by Beverly Baxter,
member of the English parliament,
U. S. radio listeners were still con
tent to remain aloof from Europe’s
boiling cauldron (See FOREIGN).
Though Franklin Roosevelt’s do
mestic policies might find 50-50 ac
ceptance and refusal by his constitu
ents, most citizens were agreed that
his treatment of Europe’s crisis was
satisfactory, that his Secretary of
State Cordell Hull was doing an ad
mirable job.
But as the Old World veered into
what was almost certain war, Pres
ident Roosevelt thought it was time
for the fortress of silence to speak.
Alone in his study from 10 o’clock
to midnight, he drafted a message
to Reichsfuehrer Adolf Hitler and
Czech President Eduard Benes,
then jerked sleepy correspondents
from their beds.
Excerpts: “The fabric of peace on
the continent of Europe, if not
throughout the rest of the world, is
in immediate danger . . . The Unit
ed States has no political entangle
ments . . . But in the event of a
general war (the American people)
face the fact that no nation can
escape some measure of conse
quences . . .
“It is my conviction that all peo
ple under the threat of. war today
pray that peace may be made be
fore rather than after war ... On
behalf of 130 millions of Americans
and for the sake of humanity every
where I most earnestly appeal to you
not to break off negotiations looking
to a peaceful, fair and constructive
settlement ... So long as negotia
tions continue, difficulties may be
reconciled. Once they are broken
off, reason is banished and force as
serts itself. And force produces no
solution for the future good , of hu
manity.”
Next day, a German spokesman
said the President’s message “was
sent to the wrong address. Prague
is the proper address.”
Miscellany
In 1918, Private Bert Fenning of
the famous “Lost Battalion” lost his
arm in the Argonne, became a hero.
Twenty years later, day before the
“Lost Battalion” assembled to com
memorate its feat, Private Fenning
became a hero again, drowned try.
ing to rescue a swimmer in Nev*
Ywk’s Long Island sound.
BruckarPs Washington Digest >
Co-Operation of Business Sought
By Wage-Hour Law Administrator
Andrews Pictures Industry of Country as Mainly Decent
Will Depend on Citizens, Not Inspectors, to Make
Law Work; Warns Against Chiselers.
By WILLIAM BRUCKART
WNU Service, National Press Bldg., Washington, D. C.
WASHINGTON.—Mr. Elmer F.
Andrews hasn’t been in Washington
long enough yet to become either
widely praised or cordially hated,
but he has started on his job as ad
ministrator of the new wage and
hour law, and so it will not be long
until the country knows him. He
has a tough job; one of the toughest,
indeed, since Gen. Hugh Johnson
tried to run NRA. Thus, it seems
proper to review and examine some
of Mr. Andrews pronouncements
since he came into thd adminis
tration.
His main theory of proceeding
with a new and wholly untried policy
of law is to gain co-operation of busi
ness, the business which the law is
to effect. He pictures the industry of
the country as mainly decent, as
willing to do the right thing, and to
that extent cegainly he is entitled to
commendation. For, all too often in
the last five years, all business has
been grouped by first one New Deal-*
er and then another, as being
crookedr Mr. Andrews feels appar
ently that business is honest until
its records show it to be dishonest,
and then to apply the lash to the in
dividuals, and not the whole indus
try, as wrongdoers.
“We are going to depend upon the
citizens of the United States, not an
army of inspectors from Washing
ton, to make this law work,” Mr.
Andrews said in a recent speech.
The administrator further es
poused the policy of giving the states
the job of enforcement within their
jurisdictions as far as that can be
done. To this, he added that the
law enables a worker to sue for dou
ble the amount due if any employer
fails to pay the minimum wage, ex
plaining that this provision takes
one enforcement phase out of the
hands of the federal government and
creates watchmen of every worker.
Since the law, with its minimum of
25 cents an hour becomes effective
October 24, (where interstate ship
ments of products are concerned)
Mr. Andrews obviously believes that
individual workers will get pretty
well acquainted with their rights be
fore the effective date.
Asks for Co-Operation
To Minimize Crookedness
Mr. Andrews warned against chis
elers. He took the position in an
interview that chiseling was to be
expected and added that “chiselers
will get rich and fair employers will
go broke in the short run” of things,
but he seems to believe that there
can and will be sufficient co-opera
tion to insure the minimum of crook
edness, undercutting and cheapness.
At least, it is hoped the condition
will work out that way. Although I
never have believed that a federal
wage and hour law would prove sat
isfactory, it is entitled to a fair
chance to show whether it can or
can not be worthwhile as national
policy. And Mr. Andrews is surely
entitled to the co-operation for which
he has asked unless he develops like
so many other New Dealers to whom
extraordinary power suddenly has
been entrusted.
From a quarter of a century of
observation, I am inclined to the be
lief that the great majority of busi
ness concerns will “come clean” in
their relations with the new federal
office. Obviously, some will not, but
the bulk will try to abide by the law
as they understand it. So, I think
it is not from the bulk of business
interests that Mr. Andrews will get
his load of trouble. There will be
cheap skates who try to take ad
vantage of any and every situation
to gain an advantage on their com
petitors. That will be one kind of
trouble that can be traced home
rather quickly. Then, there will be
another kind of trouble that will not
be so easily untangled. It will come
from “reports” of alleged violations
—some from the “watchmen,”
some from the chiselers who will
geek to cause trouble for or suspi
cion of violation by, competitors.
There will be some labor racketeers
who will try to force union organiza
tion by threats of “reports” of viola
tions which reports obviously would
be damaging even though they may
not be true. All of these things are
due to come, and it is under this
test that we can best judge Mr. An
drews as a public official.
Doubts Value of ‘Watchmen*
In Enforcement of Law
As to the sources of information
upon which the staff of the admin
istrator may subsequently act, there
is some reason for doubt. I men
tioned some of them above. My
doubt as to the value of a “watch
man” in enforcement is based upon
what we all saw during the early
days of prohibition. “Stool pig
eons,” they were called then. And
stool pigeons operated everywhere;
some were just plain busybodies,
and others were fanatics. The re
sult was that gradually a disrespect
for law grew up, and this disre
spect was blamable to a considera
ble extent upon the fact the early
provisions of the law encouraged
“squealing” and “squealing” more
times than not is used as a means of
vengeance, of “getting even” with
someone who is disliked.
It has been many years since busi
ness, generally, was said to have a
policy of “the public be damned.”
There can be no doubt that business
conscience has changed immeasura
bly since those days. It is apparent,
for example, that two of the really
great sins of employers, namely, op
pression of labor and defrauding of
labor, have largely passed out of ex
istence. Competitors seem .to be
watching each other in that regard
and union labor officials have lent a
hand. An employer no longer is re
ceived among decent people once it
is learned that he has cheated his
workers of their wages.
Now, Mr. Andrews says that one
of the things he hopes to accomplish
is to “clean out dark corners.” That
is to say, to finish the job of helping
industry get rid of that low level of
humanity which, by virtue of its
momentary power as an employer,
oppresses labor or refuses to pay
wages earned. Surely, the co-opera
tion of employers and workers alike
is required in this effort. Honest
employers have much to gain by
having the “dark corners” cleaned
out and disinfected with a good
grade of roach powder. But again,
it is being pointed out in many con
versations, the administrator must
be on guard as to the‘sources of his
information. Irreparable harm can
come from missteps in filing charges
of violation because of the trend in
public consciousness towards gener
al fairness—of which the wage and
hour labor is an evidence.
Job May Make Andrews
Either a Hero or Villain
Summed up, then, it seems to me
that Mr. Andrews has a job in which
he can turn out to be either a hero
or a villain. A very great deal will
depend upon the type of individuals
with which he surrounds himself in
administrative work.
An illustration of what I am trying
to say is to be found in the setup of
the national labor relations board. I
have watched that outfit through
many of the cases it has handled
and I simply can not believe it in
tends to do otherwise than play the
game of the C. I. O. and John L.
Lewis as against the American Fed
eration of Labor. Time after time,
the A. F. of L. has charged discrimi
nation and, to an outsider, most of
the claims and protests seem to
have been justified. The board’s
staff is full of radicals and quacks
and individuals whose government
salaries are larger than they ever
before drew in their lives. *
The question of federal supervi
sion of wages and hours takes the
federal government quite closely
into the lives of millions of workers,
just as many other new activities of
the government under President
Roosevelt has done. One of these
instances has just come to fruition
and is worthy of reporting because
it shows the fallacy of a national
government interfering everywhere.
This story relates to the effort of
the farm security administration,
(which was once the resettlement
administration that was founded by
the former Braintruster Rexford
Tugwell) to reform the lives of some
of the residents of the Appalachian
mountains. These people were
moved out to a model town to clear
the Shenandoah National park. They
were to have nicer homes and enjoy
greater opportunities in life. The
trek started three years ago.
Bought Liquor Instead
Of Paying Grocery Bill
Only lately, however, it has come
to public notice that the governmen
tal agency in charge had evicted
one of the families—moved them out
on the sidewalk, so to speak. “Ida
Valley,” the community’s name,
was shocked. They were all “hiil
billy” families, and they could not
understand such treatment.
Well, the crime the man commits
ted was that he had used his WPA
check to buy liquor instead of pay
ing his grocery bill. He had been
warned, of course. But the warn
ings went unheeded, and finally, the
government, like a private landlord,
moved him and his family outside.
Obviously, no person is going to
condone the failure of this man to
pay his debts. But there is some
thing more to the incident. What I
am wondering is why a government,
anybody’s government, should at
tempt to “make over” a person who
does not want to be reformed in his
living conditions. This family had
lived, its ancestors had lived in the
Appalachians for years. It had its
habits, its traditions. It got along
pretty well and from what I have
seen in many trips through those
mountains, they do not care much
about the “more abundant life.”
They want to be left alone, and I
think that is a pretty sound philoso
phy of life—just to be let alone as
far as government is concerned and
as long no harm is done.
© Western Newspaper Union.
Rug From Old Coat
And Scraps of Felt
By RUTH WYETH SPEARS
'T'HE directions for making the
rug in my book—SEWING, for
the Home Decorator, have
brought many letters from read
ers describing rugs that are new
to me and very interestng. The
reader who shares with us this
idea for using pieces of heavy
woolen and scraps of felt, tacked
her rug to the side of the house
and took a snapshot of it which
she sent me.
The finished rug is 34 by 23
inches. Half of it is shown here
at the upper left. The foundation
(1) is made of the back width of
a very heavy old coat. An allow
ance was made for a hem to add
weight to the edge. The founda
tion may be pieced if a large sec
tion of heavy cloth is not avail
able or felt purchased by the yard
may be used for it.
Next, circles of felt in two col
ors, cut from old hats and dis
carded school pennants, are sewn
together with heavy black thread
as at A. These are then sewn
in place as at B beginning at
the center of the foundation. The
large circles in the three center
rows are two inches in diameter.
Those in the next two rows are
2% inches. All the small circles
are one inch.
You can make slipcovers, all
types of curtains and many other
things for the house with the help
of Book 1—SEWING for the Home
Decorator. v Just follow the pic
tures. Step by step you learn to
make the lovely things you have
been wanting for your home. Book
2—Gifts, Novelties and Embroid
ery—illustrates 90 stitches; also
dozens of things you, can make in
your spare time to use or to sell.
Books are 25 cents each. If you
order both books leaflet on crazy-
patch quilts will be included free.
Address: Mrs. Spears, 210 S. Des-
plaines St., Chicago, 111.
NERVOUS?
Do you feel so nervous you want
Are you cross and irritableT
those dearest to you?
If your nerves are on edge and you feel
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For over 60 years one woman has told an
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Why not give it a chance to help YOU?
Over one million women have written in
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Compound.
Obedient First
He who obeys with modesty ap
pears worthy of being some day
a commander.—Cicero. -
CONSTIPATED?
Don’t Let fins, Nerve Pres
sure Keep You Miserable.
When you are constipated two thinas
happen. FIRST: Accumulated wastes swell
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bringing on sour stomach, acid indigestion,
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Firm Teaching
Experience teaches slowly, and
at the cost of mistakes.—Froude.
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^ Chattanooga, Tonn.
•Your Town
•Your Stores
Our community includes the farm homes
surrounding the town. The town stores
are there for the accommodation and to
serve the people of our farm homes. The
merchants who advertise “specials” are
merchants who are sure they can meet all
competition in both quality and prices.