Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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IQI ESTABLISHED 1865. ~~7NWBERKY S. C., WEDNEL-SD AY,MY2,19.PIE$.0AYA A TALK WITH MR. BRAWLEY. Views of Mr. Brawley as Inluenced by H is Veequt Interview with President Clove Iand-epablican eftloe-bolders will notbe Disturbed Until their TIme is Out-they will be Succeeded by Young Democrats, not Prominent in Either . Faction. [Special to News and Courier.1 WAsHINGTON, May ]6.-Represen tative Brawley has been here for several weeks looking after the interest of his constituents at the White House and in the various departments. He does not play politics with a brass band ac companiment, but he is an indefati gable wbrker, and his personal rela tions*with the President and the mem besbfIthe Cabinetaresuch as to render him an exceeding valuable member of the House. He is the natura! leader of the South Carolina delegation in the Houseand his influence will undoubt edly-be felt *hen the Administration 9rceads with the distribution of the V deral patronage in the State. Last evening I called upon Repre stntative Brawley at his apartments in the Metropolitan Club chambers and found him hard at work with a mass of official correspondence. His friendly attitude toward tbe Administration and his high standing in Congress is well understood at home, and he has to .pay the penalty of his popularity. His correspondence is probably more voluminups than that of any other member of the delegation. He en deavori to reply'to every communica tion be receives, and his only regret is that be cannot always send such a reply as his constituents hope for. He tries to be frank with them and avoids misleading them in the slightest de gree. I suggested to him that the readers of the News and Courier would like to hear some (f the details of his recent conference with the President, which was briefly referred to in these dis patches. He paused in his work, and in a manner that indicated that he was weighing his words very carefully answered the questions which I put, and which arm. suggested by his replies, as follows: MR. BRAWLEY'S INTERVIEW WITH THE PRESIDENT. "Yes, I have had .n interview with the President concerning affairs in South Carolina and a long and full con versation concerning meu and meas reW. It is subject in which he natur ally feels concern, but the pressure upon him has been so great that he has not been able to take it up for serious consideration. I do not think that it would be proper to repeat anything that was said by him, but it cannot he improper for me tosay that the Influ enee 6f the Administration will, in my opinion, be directed towards al63ia igas far as possible factional bitterness ar d -strengthening the Democcratic party. I think that he understands thbe dangers which~menace it and that no adt of his will give just excuse to those who seek to lead our people to look for relief from present evils to any other combi nations or organizations. MR. CLEVELAND'S DISPOSITION. "No, I did not refer to the action of the May Convention nor to the resolu tions denouncing him, nor did he, and, while I do not doubt that he will be . firm and unbending in maintaining 'those principles which were the subject of denunciation, I do not think that he cherishes any personal resentment to wards those who may have opposed bus nomination, and- will not.eneavor to nue the power of the Administration to punish or put down any men or set of men who have differed honestly with him on public opinions. He had profound faith in the good sense of the people, and believes' that however mnh -they have been led astray upon financial questions they will ultimately come toright conclusions. He thinks thiat-the financial troubles in which the .r-.iS~~ v is now involved by reason of Sthe unwise legislation on silver will serve to bring our people to sounder views. I therefore look to see him adopt a policy calculated to strengthen those who are in accord with him in the principles which he regard: as vital to the country at large." THE FEDERAL OFFICES. 'Can you give me any information as to who is likely to be appointed to the chief offices?" * "No. It is not likely that the ap pointments will be made for some time, as the policy of the Administra tion. seems to be fixed that all officers will be allowed to serve their terms un less some special cause for removal ex ists. There is some uncertairty as to whether the time shall be considered as to have commenced with the first entry inito office or from the date of confirmation. That is a matter not yet absolutely determined.". TRBY'S SLATE. "Do you think that the slate pro posed by Senator Irby and his associ stes will be accepted by the President?" "No, don't think so, but, as it was not referred to, I:have no authority to speak upon the subject." TILLMANITES. "Do you think that no Tillmnanites will be appointed?" "If you mean by that that.the line will be drawn against all who voted for Governor Tiliman and in favor of those who voted for Governor Shep pard in tho last ei mpaign I would say that in my opinion no such line will te drawn. Any poiicy which would tend to exclude from tihe chances of public office a majority of the white people of the State would in my judgment be unwise and niust. I do not think that any such test as that will or should be adopted. It would be very unwise for the Administration to take sides with either faction and thus perpetuate factional division and'permanently dis rupt the party." CAN THE BREACH BE.UEALED? "How can this be avoided, as every man of sufficient prominence to be con sidered must have taken one side or the other?" "That Is true, and of course it will be extremely difficult for the Administra tion to adopt any line which will not create heart burnings and dissatisfac tion. There are a large number of our most patriotic men who believe that the party is hopelessly divided. They .do not expect justiOe from the domi nant faction and are disposed to accept the situation as it is and make astraight out fight. I. have been so much absent from the State that I cannot tell how widespread this feeling is, but I know that it exists, and the course of s->me of the leaders of the dominant faction makes me thin.k that there is a fixed determination not to allow our people to come together. Their profit comes from agitation and the urging of ex treme mheasures, and the exciting of the passions of the people assures to them their continuance in leadership, and it may be imposqible for us under existing conditions to continue in the same party organization, but I would exhaust every possible effort at con ciliation before assenting to any policy which would disrupt the Democratic party in our State. For these reasons I think that it would be unwise for those of us who are in accord with the Administration here to ask it to adopt any policy of pros:ription, nor do I thiuk that -Mr. Cleveland would accept such advice it it is offered, for he is an eminently wiseand just man, and with all the facts before him as they have been presented by both sides, I think that we can confidently rely upon his doing what the fairminded people will feel to be the right thing. A CHANCE FOR YOUNG MEN. "I wish to disclaim any knowledge of his intention or any authority of what be is going to do, but iq my opinion he will probably select for the chief Federal offices in the State young men who have not been specially prominent as partisans in the late fac tional contests, and men who have not been so far connected with any former administrations as to be fully charge ablu with belonging to any cliques. He will probably expect such r.,en, while faithfully discharging the duties of their offices, to represeu-' the policy of the National Democratic party. They will indicate to the people of the State the class and character of men that are considered to be fit representa tives of the party. The Conservative D!mocrats of the State who wish to be in accord with the National Demo cratic party wvill thus have a rallying point. I doubt if anbody, even Mir. Cleveland himself, has any definite knowledge of the persons likely to be chosen."' COLLECTOR OF THE PORT. "When is it likely that the collector of the port and other Charleston officers will be appointed?" "The collector will probably not be appointed until the end of the term of the incumbent, which will be about the close of the year. I see that you stated last week that I was hard at work trying to have a cellector ap pointed. This is a mistake. I have done nothing in the premises, nor have I attempted to do anything, because it would be useless, as the President has already and lepeatedly announced that in all such cases the incumbents would be allowed to finish their terms unless some special charges were made. I would, of course, be glad to see a Dem ocrat substituted for the present col lector, but I could not in j.ustice make any charges against him except that he is a Republican. I think that it -would be very agreeable to the Admin istration, as it would be to all of us, that there should be a change in all of these offices about the 1st of July, the beginning of a new fiscal year, and it may be that something may be done to bring it about. THE CHARLESTON POSTOFFICE. "In regard to the postoffice nothing is being done that I know of. There are several applications on file, and in due time they will doubtless be consid ered. In connection with this subject I wish it to be understood that I have not allowed myself to become the ad vocate of any of the applicants for these Federal offices, and any reports to the contrary are unfounded. I think that everybody has the right to apply for these places, and to have his claim duly'considered, and so far as I am concerned, every body shall have a fair show, and succeed or fail by his own merits, and not by reason of my favor or disfavor. I don't intend that my enemies or any unfit persons shall get office if I can help it, but among my friends I don't wish to occupy the unpleasant position of choosing be tween them when there is no call of duty requiring it. "What are the prospects of an extra session of Congress?" "I think it will be called early in September." THE SHERMAN SILVER ACT. "Do you think that the Sherman silver law will be repealed?" "I thbink that the House will re'peal it, but I am doubtful as to the Senate, but the press.ure of public opinion may by thbat time be ir resistible. There is a great change of sentiment on that queston, particularly in the WVest and Worthwest. So far as I can observe there is not rnnch change in the South. for things move more slowly with us, but the folly of paying out gold (or its equivalent) to buy silver which is stored away in the vaults of t he treas ury is becoming so apparent to the bard-headed honest people of the cou u try that it cannot long endure, and, as I have already said, the hard times ahead of us, due in large measure to this pernicious legislation, will ha; cen the change of opinion. .LOOK OUT FOR A CRASi[ IN TH1E FALL. "We are very likely to have a very trying summer with the probabities of a crash in the fall, and I think that the people will realize that the finances and currency of a great c.un try like this should not be put at hiz ard by men who are ignorant of large affai.s and easily misled by interested speculators and demagoguts and fanat ics." TWO NEW POSTMASTERS. Representative Brawley visited the postoffice department to-day and secured the appointment of two fourth class postmasters, G. G. Strobel at Green Pond, and J. T. Rivers at Ran towles,. both in Colleton County. In these cases the incumbents were re moved upon charges and investigations by the postoffice authorities. Mr. Brawley requested the appoint ment of several other persons as post masters in his district in rases where the incumbents have held office sev eral years and where changes were considered to be desirable, but he was informed by Mr. Maxwell that the rule of the department is that no removals are to be made except for cause, and charges must in all cases be made against the incumbents in order to secure the changes desired. GEN. HAMPTON OFF FOR TIE PACIFIC COAST. WASHINGTON, May IG.-Gen. Wade Hampton, commissioner of railroads, Miss Daisy Hampton, Miss Herndon, Miss Long, Mr. W. M. Thompson and Private Secretary Thomas will leave on a late train this evening for San Fran cisco. Gen. Hampton will make an official inspection of the Pacific rail road. N. M. L. A WIFE .XURDERE[6 SAVEI). Gov. Tillman Commutes the Sentence of Levelle and He Goes to the Penitentiary [Special to News and Courier.1 COLUMBJA, May 17.-Governor Till man to-day commuted the sentence of. Napoleon Levelle to imprisonmeht for life in the penitentiary. The case is entirely familiar to the people of the State and how the wife murderer has from time to time had his life saved if not by some technical quibble, by the mysterious disappearance of somn important legal paper. After every imaginable excuse of the law had been raised the case came Ut) before Gover nor Tillman on a petition to commute his sentence to life imprisonment. It was suggested to the Governor that the man was insane, and then it became the unpleasant duty of Governor Til! man to have a careful esamination made and to act on that. He made a signal failure in that re spect, as the outhorities to whomi he referred the matter utterly failed to agree as to the condition of Levelle and and his responsibility for the crime. When Governor Tillman announced his decision he said: "My own inclina tions and feelings were to hang this man, because I do not sympathize with wife murderers and I have no sympa thy for any man who kills his wife for any cause. But I was confronted with the fact that all five members of the commission agree as to his brain being diseased now and at the time of the murder. In addition to the opinion of Dr. Babcock as to the man's lack of responsibility creates a grave' doubt and I feel compelled to give him the benefit of the doubt." Governor Tillman has honestly tried to do the be-st he could in the case, and would have liked very much to have seen Levelle hanged. Levelle will, be brought to the State Penitentiary, and there, so a lady correspondent said who wrote to Governor Tillman, "will die because he has to work, for he is the laziest man ever born." DIDN'r KNOW SHE WAS FRCEE. An Aged Neare-ss Sues for Ser ;ices ror Twen ty- four Years. [New York Times.] BOONVILLE, Mo., May 1.-Edie Hickam, an aged negress, is the p)lain tiff in perhaps the most remarkable case ever tried in this,county. She is an old ex-slave, aiid brought suit agains her master, Joseph Hiekam, of this county, for five dollars a month wages as a family domestic for twenty four years, during which time she claims to have been kept in ignorance of her emancipation. The suit was instituted here in ISS9, for $1,400), and resulted in a judgment in her favor for 900(. The defendant appealed to the Kansas City Court of Appeals, which remanded the case to the Circuit Court of this county which now renders a decision for the defend ant. A motion for a newv trial has been filed, and public sentiment is in favor ot the old negress, who has toiled for her master for a quarter of a century without renumeration. In all cases, where a mild but eflect ive aperient is needed, Ayer's Pills are the best. They improve the app.tite, restore healthy action, promote diges tion, and regulate every funelion. No pill is in greater demand, or n:ore BILL ARP'S LETTEt. Ue Gives Some Chapters of History on African Slavery-Facts In Regard to Etancipation and Sul-milverat E vents. [Bill Arp in Atianta Constitution.] The institution of .frican slavery is so intimately connected w ith the his tory of Georgia and has been so closely interwoven with her civiliation that a brief aceount of its origin and growth and sudden abolition should be record ed. Not for crinination or exeulnation, but that the truth of history may be virdicated. Facts--vold faets-are his tory, and they never blush to be nar rated. Until 183-1, only fifty years ago, Afican bondage prevalied, not only in many of the less civilized countries of Europe and South America, but in England, the foremost and most en lightened govertiment in the world. Early in this century the slave trade became odious to all philanthropists, but slavery itself was not. The bru tality with which the trade was con ducted and the "borrors of the middle passage," as it was called, had awak ened the pity of mankind, and by conimou consent t he tratlle in Africans and their transportation to other coun tries was prohibited under the severest penalties, both in Europe and the United States. But, still the institution of slavery continued where it had been planted. It not only continued, but was en couraged as a moral agency of civili zation until Wilberforce began the agi tation of its abolishment in England and her colonies in 18:5. But the plant of this great reform was of slow growth, and emancipation was not accomplished until long after Wilber force bad (lied. In 1843, the slaves of England and all her colonies were emancipated, and their owners were paid $300,000,000 for them out of the national treasury. The sentiment of the people of the United States against slavery was more pronounced than it. was in England, and the States began early to provide for immediate or gradual emancipation. Georgia was the first State to prohibit the slave trade with Africa, and she kept the prohibition inviolate while some of the Northern States carried it on long after their own slaves were emancipated. There was to them no profit in slavery, but there was fabu lous gains in the traftie. Hence they gradually disposed of their own by sending. them South. and in some instances the young of their slaves were given away. (Appleton's Cyclo pedia is authority for this). Bu! the feeling in the Slates was generally averse to slavery and that feeling was for a time stronger at the South than at the North. The ordi nance of 177 that excluded the insti tution from the North western territo ries was supported by Southern men. Pennsylvania provided for gradual emancipati xn, and as late as 1S40 her slaves were not all free, and in some cases were sold for debt. (See Apple ton.) Rhode island and Connecticut had a few left in 1840 ; New Jersey had 236 in 18.-0; New York emancipated in 1S27. That thme Southern States did not emancipate was owing to a variety of circumistances. 'rhe climate was suited to the negro and he seemed contented and happy. The masters had invested more of their money in them than had been done further North. The invention of the cotton gin had suddenly stimulated the cultivation of cotton, for which the negro was pecu liarly fitted, and the growth of rice, tobacco and sugar cane was equally in viting to his labor. But more than all these reasons was the fear that the slaves were in such fast increasing numbers as to put the conmonwealth in p)eril if they were freed. Tfhey were still afTected with the same race traits they had inherited from barbarian ancestors, and could not be con rolled .as freedmen or as citizens. Still,. there was an intelligent and influential number of our people who favored gradual emancipation. This sentiment wasslowly but surely spread ing. Joseph Henry Lumpkin, the chief justice of our supreme court, was out-spoken as a co-worker with the gradual emancipation policy in augurated and advocated by H{enry Clay, of Kentucky. This policy wvould certainly have been adopted by Georgia, but for the in tolerance and bitterness with which the New England abolitionists waged their unceasing wvar upon the South. Our people resented their threatened denomination and said: "If you let us alone we~ may do it, but you cannot drive us. We are penned up with these negrocs and know where our safety lies." William Lord Garrison, of Boston, founded the anti-slavery party in 18tl. Arthnr Toppin becanme its fourth pres ident in 1b8. They expended much money in magnifying and exaggerating the abuses of slavery. They declared that all jaws of the geveranent that recognized slavery were utterly null and void. As their party grew stronger they became more aggressive, and in 1S44 the free soil party openly avowed that their object was to cfTet adisso Itution of the union and to form a Northern republi. They said that a union wit h slavery in it was a league with hell and a covenant with death. They were the first secessionists and remained so unti the late civil war. The troops they furnished andl the money they so freely contributed were not for the maintenance of the union, but to onqner the Sout h and libeate 1e slaves. When Nathiel Hawthrone was asked in 1861 if he was not in 'avor of the war be replied, "Yes I iuppose so, but really I don't see what we have to fight about." It seemed to hn that he South had done just what New England desired her to do-that s to secede. This desperate haste and intensi .ied hostility on the part of New En ;land toward the South is difficult to 3xplain. It was only a few years since .hey had had emancipated the slaves hey had not sold. It was less than twenty years since England had eman :-ipated hers, and neither Georgia nor der sister State3 were ready for the :hange. Was it an earnest sympathy for the slaves or political hatred of their masters or both ? for as Judge Tour ree says in his "Fool's Errand:" "The South had controlled the government or fifty years, and New England was jealous-jealous to exasperation, and 5lavery was but the shibboleth that in tensified their animosity. They made ao war upon the slave trade, but rather winked at it and enjoyed its rich re -urns. "This is not an assertion but a act, if their own historians are to be jelieved. In 1820 Justice Story, the reat jurist, charged the grand juries of is New England circuit in the follow ng words: "We have but too many undeniable proofs from unquestionabl- sources hat the African slave trade is still :arried on among us with all the im placable ferocity and insatiable rapacity >f former times. Avarice has grown more subtle in its evasions of the law. It watches and siezes its prey with an ippetite quickened rather than sup pressed. Almerican citizens are steeped ip to their very mouths in this in quity." - W. W. Story, the gifted son, in writing the biography of his father says: "The fortunes of many men of prominence were secretly invested in ,his infamous traffic. Slavery itself Lad hardly disappeared in New En ,laud when the traffic took on new ife and was winked at. A man might ;till have position in society and claim ,onsideration as.a gentlemen, nay as a 'hristian, while his ships were Freighted with human cargoes and his !ommerce was in the blood and pain of his fellow creatures. This practice was abstractly inveighed against, but was secretly indulged in. Tfie chances >f great fortunes inflamed the cupidity >f men in my father's circuit. It is notorious that many large fortunes were the blood money of the slave trade, aud owed their existence to the wretched cargoes that survived the horrors of the middle passage. But this charge of my father to the grand juries of Massachusetts and Rhode Is land seemed only to arouse the passions Df those engaged in the traffic. The newspapers of the day publicly de nounced my father and one paper in Boston declared that any judge who would deliver such a charge ought to be hurled from the bench." A nd so the train went on unmolested. The New York Evening Post stated that no less than eighty-five vessels left the port of New York in 1859 and 1800, built, manned and equipped in New England for the African slave trade, and that they brought away not less than thirty thousand slaves to Brazil and the south. But still there were no prosecutions. The navies of the world seemed to be asleep or per. haps the traffic was still winked at by the merchant ships that traversed the seas. Whether it has ceased since southern slavery was abolished is not known, but a telegram to the Asso ciated Press tells of a cargo that was recently wrecked off Madagascar coast. This much has been recorded to show to the youths of this generation that neither Georgia nor the South was responsible for slavery nor the traffic in them across the seas, for from 1776 down to the present, there was but a single attempt made by asouthern man to introduce African slaves into a Southern port, and that attempt was a failure. The little yacht called the "Wanderer," was seized and con demned and her officers pursued with unrelenting vigor by a Southern man, General Henry RI. Jackson, who was then assistant attorney general of the United States. But, after all, slavery was really the provoking cause of the late un happy war between the States. Georgia seceded from the Union not because she desired to perpetuate slavery, but rather because she could not maintain her right's under the constitution. She desired an outlet in the territories, an outlet for the negro for their rapid in crease was alarming. She believed that it was perilous to emancipate and still more perilous to await results. Her white population who were not slave owners were rapidly emigrating to the wvest. The most thoughtful minds in Georgia and especially those advanced in years, saw and felt the peril of their situation-secession meant war and to renmain in the Union was to be impris oned. by state lines with an inferior race that might become a terror. A few slaves had been manumitted and sent to Liberia, but the result was bad, very bad. Ma1jor Waters, a wealthy planter of Gwinnett County, had by will mnanu mitted thirty-seven slaves and his executor delivered them in Savannah to the colonization society. They were well provided with clothing and each wi thi $100 in gold and sent to Liberia free of charge. Thirty of them died within twelve months-the remaining seven escaped from their exile and found p assage in a merchant vessel to Philadelphia. From there they made their return to Georgia through the friendly aid of Howell Cobb and Alex H. Stephens, who furnished them with the means of coming home. This case is fully reported in one of the earlier volumesof our supreme court reports, for the will of Major Waters was at tacked by his heirs. But the common people of the South, the yeomanry, the toilers, were no lovers of toe negro. They realized that he was in their way. The masters owned the best of the land and had the best stock and the best houses and tools and vehicles, while the toilers had to take what they could get-no wonder they were jealous of the institution. -And yet these men, poor and strug gling for a livelihood in the mountains of North Georgia or down in the piney woods, did not hesitate to shoulder their rifles and hurry to their country's call. "My country-right or wrong" was their motto. Only one-seventh of the tax-payers of the state were owners of slayes in 1860 and not more than one soldier in ten was interested in slavery. In fact, some counties in North Georgia'sent more soldiers to the field than there were slaves in the coun ty. Surely these men were not fighting for slavery or its perpetuation. They fought as their forefathers did who resisted a little tax on tea when not one in a thousand drank it. The common idea was that "them fellers up North had been kickin' at us a long time, and if old Joe Brown and Bob Toombs and Howell Cobb said it was time to cut loose from 'em and fight them it was all right and they were ready." But anti-slavery was not a predomi nant sentiment up North outside of New England. The cry of the west and of most of the North was "the Ur.ion it must be preserved." - General Grant, whom the North idolized and honored, was himself a slave owner and lived off of their hire in St. Louis until freedom came. Some of Mrs. Lincoln's kindred in Kentucky were slave owners and her brother served as a staff officer in the Confederate army. Mr. Lincoln himself declared that he only signed the emancipation proclamation as a war measure to suppress the rebellion as it was called and to save the Union. He repeatedly refused to take such a step though urged by the members of his cabinet to do so. General Fre mont, in August, 1861, issued a military order that emancipated the slaves of rebels in Missouri. Mr. Lincoln prompt ly revoked this order. In May, 1862, General Hunter issued a similar order declaring all slaves in Georgia, ?onth Carolina and Florida forever free. So soon as Mr. Lincoln heard of it he issued a proclamation declaring it void and in his letter to Horace Greely in August, 1862, he said: "My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it. If I could do it by freeing all the slaves I would do it, and if I could save it bf freeing some and leaving others alone I would do that." In the mindsof both Lincoln and Grant there was but little sentiment concerning slavery as an institution, but after emancipation they very na turally accepted all the honor that the North and England showered upon them and entered heartily into plans for the safe adjustment of the matters that this sudden enfranchisement in volved. Such, my young friends, were the causes and consequences of the institu tion of slavery in Georgia. For half a century it had proved a blessing to both rades-a blessing to the negro be cause it had brought him from a sav age stste into that of semi-civilization and had elevated his posterity and given them a chance to live as human beings and to worship God as Chris tians-a blessing to the white race in clearing up the forests and advancing agriculture and in building our rail roads. But as the years rolled on it seemed to be manifested that the in stitution had run its course and the time was near at hand when it would cease to be a blessing to either race. Before the late war, its doom was inevitable, for even had secession suc ceeded and slavery continued it could not have been maintained against the convictions of the unfriendly North and the nations that sympathized with her. Why this wonderful change in the status of 4,000,000 of slaves had to be baptised in blood and in tears to make it a reality is known only to that Provi dence who doeth all things well. We might as well ask why Cain was per mitted to kill Abel, or why Napoleon was permitted to ravage Europe and destroy millions of lives, and.after all accomplish no good that we can see. But the negro was safe during all the struggle. Whether he stayed or fled he was in no danger. He seemed to have no deep concern about his freedom or a continuation of his bondage. Thou sands of them followed their young masters in the war-many of them were captured, but would not stay. "Gwine back to Dixie" was their song. Never was such mutual affection shown between master and servant; never such proof that in the main the master was kind .and the servant loyal. Dur ing all these bloody years when our men were in the field and wives and mothers and daughters were unprot ected at home not a single act of vio lence was heard of from th~e Potomac to the Rio Grande. As General Jack son so beautifully said: "They deserve a monument that should reach the stars, and on it I would inscribe, 'To the loyalty of the slaves of the Con federate States during the years 1862-' What monument will be deserved by their children is the unsolved problem. They are still on probat ion. IN FAVOR OF THE DISPENSARY. rhe Chester Liquor Cases Decided Against the Liquor Dealers by Our Supreme Court. fColumbia Journal, 17th.] The Supreme Court rendered its de 2ision in the Chester whiskey case At 7 'clock last night, rather an unusual bour. It is against the whiskey men. in so rar as it relates to the right of the Ches ter liquor me:A to demand a license for a full year. It does not pass upon the constitutionality of the Dispensary act at all. The complaint of the relators is familiar to the readers of the Journal, as well as the point raised by the At torney General, denying the right of the whiskey men to use the State's name without its consent. Consideration of the denial by the State of the right of the relators to the use of its name was waived by the court altogether. The complaint of the relator was re viewed at some length, and the court declares that it'will only pass upon the complaint of the relator as it bears upon their right to have a license is sued by the town council of CheQter for a year. After taking the position that the en lorsement of the legislative officers ?roveQ the passage of the bill, the de ision says, with regard to the failure >f the journals of the two houses to gree: "However unpleasant it may be to revise previous decisions of the court, till, after full and mature considera tion, we feel it to be a duty we owe the State that the case of the State vs Platt should be, .and is, hereby over ruled; and as the State vs. Hagood was really.decided upon the authority of Platt's case, it follows necessarily that the case of Hagood must fall when the Foundation on which it rests is taken away. "We announce that when an Act has Deen duly.signed by. the presiding offi :ers of the General Assembly, in open session of the Senate-House, approved by the Governor of the State, and duly eposited in the office of the Secretary )f State, it is suffleient evidence, noth ing to the contrary appearing upon its face, that it passed the General Assem bly, and that it is not competent either by the journal of the two houses or ither of then, or by any other evi ence, to impeach such an Act. And this being so, it follows that the court is not at liberty to inquire into what the jodrnabi of te -two houses may show as to the successive steps which may have been taken in the passage of the original bill. "It will be observed that this conclu sion by no means negatives the power of the court to inquire into those pre requisites fixed by the constitution, and of which pre-regnisites the journals of the two houses ai-e required to furnish the evidences, such, for instance, as the organization of the two houses, the presence of a quorum, the votes of two thirds of the members by.ayes and noes to be entered on the journals in certain ases." The court says it is quito clear that there is nothing unconstitutional in forbidding the granting of licenses to ell liquor except ina the manner pre scribed by the Act. But whether the act contains other features not affect ing the right of relators to the licenses claimed by them is a question that can not properly arise ina these cases and cannot therefore be considered, for, as we have said above, it would be extra judicial to do so. "lIt is the judgment of this court that the prayer of the petitioners be denied and the petition for mandamus be dis missed," wHAT TH E CHARLESTON LIQUOR DEAL ERS HAVE TO SAY. LNews and Courier, 18th.] The decision of the Supreme Court in the Chester case was the all important topic of conversation among the liquor men yesterday. To many of them it came as a great surprise, while others sought protection and what gratifica tion they could secure behind that time worn and much-abuseed custom of laiming to know just how it was going to turn out all along. There was no concealing the fact, however, that the decision came as a disappointment to everyone. The rumors to the eff'ect that the Court's questions during the trial pointed to a decision adverse to the law had been so numerous and appa rently well founded that they had suc eeded in buoying up everyone's hopes. Many of the liquor dealers in the city frankly confessed that they thought the question would be settled in their favor. The dealers, however, are not daunt ed by the decision in this case, and more than one of them made the sig nificant remark that the question in volved was not finally disposed of. Ex actly what this means is an open ques tion. lIt is a probable reference to the fact that the decision does not go into the full merits of the constitutionality of the law, but confines itself to a discussion and settlement of the points specifically raised in the Ches ter case. It will be remembered that the attor neys of the Liquor Dealers' Associa tion decided that there was enough doubt as to the validity of the law to warrant a test case being made at the proper time-at least that is the way the opinton rendered by them has been generally construed. While it was not put into words, the impression is that the dealers meant to imply that this would still be done, notwithstending the decision of the Supreme Court pub lihed yesterday morning. It was conceded on all sides, how ever, that this will end the litigation on the subject until after July 1. In the meantime the liquor dealers will begin at once to look out for theirZ4 own business interests by disposing of their stocks as rapidly as possible. Many of them will begin at once to look around for other employmentand to seek other investments for their money, while it was freely predicted by some persons claiming to have good authority for their statement that not a few of the prominent liquor men in the city would begin to make prepara tions looking towards an early remov al of their business to other States. How much truth there is in this cannot now be said. Everybody now fully appreciates the condition of affairs which is now actu ally staring the City of Charleston and the liquor men in the face. When the Evans bill goes into effect on the 1st of July, about one thousand men from one cause or another are going to be thrown out of work. This is the esti mate which is made by one of the lead ing liquor dealers of the city. What Is to become of them? It is but reasonable to suppose that all of them cannot find other employment here, and will move to other places. Men with capital can, of course, make other businesses for themselves, but the large majority of the one thousand men referred to are dependent upon their salaries for their own 'and in inany cases their families' support. What is to become of these persons is the prob lem which interests the liquor frater nity most just now. The dealers have scarcely had time to pull themselves together just yet, however, and they are not prepared to discuss the matter as fully and freely as they will be in a few days. As a general rule they are, men wvho are accustomed and able to take care of themselvess pretty well, and it is probable that they will do so now, adverse legislation to the contra ry notwithstanding. WOMEN ON DRESS REFORM. Object Lessons Upon a Comblation of Uti ity and Beauty. CHICAGO, May 16.-The~ Women's Congress to-day was divided into sev eral different meetings. Theone onthe subject of dress reform attracted the most attention. Mrs. May Wright Sewall mounted the platform In a "dress reform" costume. It consisted of a closely,tting dark blue dress with _full.skirts 4bont eighe e &"*Ui the ground, Below the-dress and en casing a serviceable pair of walking shoes were high blue gaiters. Mrs. Avery, secretary of the Dress Reform Association, appeared in an attire which reminded one of the dress of the subjects of the Sultan. The skirt of blue flannel fell a trifle below the knees, where the garment divided and was caught up at the knee, leaving the ankles half unfettered. The waist was a loose blouse, with a suspicion of a belt inside. Mrs. Henrietta Russell gave an object I lesson on the way to make dress reform beautiful. She wore an adaptation of Greek drapery. Mrs. Hannah Karan, a Syrian lady, displayed the bloomer costume of her native land. i In the other halls were considered the civilandsocialevolution of women, women in politics, education, religion and industry. Meetings were held of the National Committee of Young Women's Christian Association, the National Council of Women of the United States and Women's Alliance. In Hall 7 the annual congress of the Eostern Star, a branch of Masonry, to which the women relatives of Master Masons are alone eligible for member ship, was called to order by the Most Worthy Grand Matron, Mrs. Lary C. Snedding. Sabbath Joys Outside the Fair. ' [From the Chicago Tribune.] Around on Sixty-third street over the door of a broad wooden entrance to a dirty canvas appears the sign in large letters: "Dime Musee." On the inside was witnessed the most high handed piece of highway robbery to befound In the city of Chicago. Two women -- and three or four men were as busy as they could be roping in strangers arrd going through them. The process was a deliberate hold-up, "stand and de liver," and if the victim refused to stand he was made to do so by having himself forcibly attached to a shock ing machine, and filled op with elee tricity until his mind was in such a bewildered condition that he didn't know where he was or what was going on. The plan of working this game was to have a tall, burly chap go into the street, pick out his subjects and steer them into the tent. At the door they were met by a blonde female, who took them in charge and ran them through the battery mill to a seeret room at the rear end of the tent, where another female pretended to tell them their fortune. All the time the big steerer kept hold of the arm of the un fortunate so that in case he should re sist the flattery of the two women he might be suppressed. During a brief visit to this den a dozen or more specta tors witnessed three perfomances and saw the victims kicked out. Strongly Endorsed. The advertising of Hood's Sarsapa rilla appeals to the sober, common sense of thinking people, because it is true; and it is always fully substanti ated by endorsements which in the financial world would be accepted without a moment's hesitation. They tell the story-HOOD'S CURES. HooD's Pills cure liver ills, jaundice, binounes, sick headache, constipa